Cover -- Table of Contents -- 1 The ISSP and International Research: An Introduction -- 2 Indicators of Social Inequality in Canada: Women, Aboriginal Peoples, and Visible Minorities -- 3 International Images of Social Inequality: A Ten-Country Comparison -- 4 Getting Ahead Around the World -- 5 Canadian Public Perceptions of Inequality: Directions and Policy Implications -- 6 Language, Region, Race, Gender, and Income: Perceptions of Inequalities in Quebec and English Canada -- 7 Gender and Inequality -- Appendix: Data Frequencies -- List of Contributors.
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The last thirty years have radically changed the nature of local resource management in rural communities throughout Poland (as well as in some other Central and Eastern European countries). New metamorphosis, policy, and funding mechanisms related to Poland's political transformation and accession to the European Union have radically changed the character of institutions and tools available in rural development. Local communities have evolved along with improved education levels, decline in agricultural employment rates, and increased migrations to cities and Western Europe. This article presents the social conditions for the good governance processes in a selected region of Poland. Based on their extended quantitative and qualitative research, the authors discuss a number of phenomena such as the low effectiveness of collective actions, dense networks of informal relations, and the lack of trust in public service institutions despite the deregulation of certain powers. The ethnographic study reveals that while their overall picture may seem quite uniform, local rural communities in Poland tend to differ depending on the economic structure, history, and cultural identity of their inhabitants. Finally, the article analyses difficulties in the implementation of the good governance mechanisms within the country's local rural communities.
In this paper, we investigate the relationship between economic development, investments, savings, insecurity and social conditions in Colombian departments. Using a dynamic heterogeneous panel analysis, we study the effects of insecurity and social conditions on economic development through an estimation of panel data cointegration techniques. The models applied in this study suggest a long-term relationship among economic development, investments, savings, social conditions and insecurity. Investments, savings and human development index have a positive and significant coefficient, which indicates that these variables produce incentives for economic development, whereas GINI and homicides have a negative relationship, demonstrating that these variables undermine economic development. All findings are important in the design of strategies and policies that strengthen income distribution equality, a key factor that determines growth and development through adequate government expenditures that encourage savings and investment decisions with the aim to improve welfare and the standard of living. ; peerReviewed
Recent research has focused on the legacies of civil war violence on political preferences, finding that wartime victimization decreases support for the perpetrator or its political identity in the long run. However, we know little about the conditions under which this effect takes place. Historical accounts from civil wars suggest that the long-term effect of violence is not homogenous, nor consistent across areas within a single conflict. Addressing this gap, this article explores the effects of wartime victimization on long-term political preferences at the local level, looking at the conditioning effect of the local social context. In particular, I argue that the effect of wartime violence depends on the existence of local networks that create and maintain memories of the violence and capitalize on them for future mobilization. This argument is tested in the context of the Spanish Civil War. I build a novel dataset using archival data, historical secondary sources, and already existing datasets, covering 2,100 municipalities across Spain. In line with the argument, it is found that Francoist wartime victimization during the civil war is linked to an increase in leftist vote share after democracy was restored four decades later, but mainly in those municipalities where clandestine, left-leaning political networks were active after the conflict.
Recent research has focused on the legacies of civil war violence on political preferences, finding that wartime victimization decreases support for the perpetrator or its political identity in the long run. However, we know little about the conditions under which this effect takes place. Historical accounts from civil wars suggest that the long-term effect of violence is not homogenous, nor consistent across areas within a single conflict. Addressing this gap, this article explores the effects of wartime victimization on long-term political preferences at the local level, looking at the conditioning effect of the local social context. In particular, I argue that the effect of wartime violence depends on the existence of local networks that create and maintain memories of the violence and capitalize on them for future mobilization. This argument is tested in the context of the Spanish Civil War. I build a novel dataset using archival data, historical secondary sources, and already existing datasets, covering 2,100 municipalities across Spain. In line with the argument, it is found that Francoist wartime victimization during the civil war is linked to an increase in leftist vote share after democracy was restored four decades later, but mainly in those municipalities where clandestine, left-leaning political networks were active after the conflict.
Im Gegensatz zu Hobb'schen Argumentationen ist die Bereitstellung von Governance nicht notwendigerweise an starke Staatlichkeit gebunden: Empirische Belege zeigen, dass verschiedene (nicht-staatliche) Akteure Governance- Leistungen trotz zumindest begrenzter Staatlichkeit bereitstellen – entgegen vieler Stimmen in zeitgenössischen Diskursen zu schwacher und gescheiterter Staatlichkeit. Der Aufsatz geht der Frage nach, wie die Fälle erklärt werden können, wo Governance erfolgreich bereitgestellt wird obwohl der Staat entweder keine Governance-Leistungen erbringt oder erbringen kann. Im Rahmen des Transfers von Forschungsergebnissen der Politischen Soziologie in die Analyse von "Governance ohne Staat" geht der Aufsatz von der Annahme aus, dass Art und Weise wie Gesellschaften sich organisieren maßgeblich von deren sozialstruktureller Bedingtheit abhängen. Diese spezifiziert der Aufsatz mithilfe des Sozialkapitaltheorie. Auf dem Weg zu einer Politischen Soziologie der "Governance ohne Staat", stellt der Aufsatz die Beziehung zwischen Sozialkapital, vor allem in seiner Ausprägung als interpersonelles Vertrauen, und sozialer Handlungskoordination als Grundlage von Governance her. In diesem Kontext wird die Bereitstellung von Governance als Spiel kollektiven Handelns verstanden ("Governance Game"), in dem das Verhalten sozial-eingebetteter (kollektiver) Akteure (und insbesondere ihre Kooperationsentscheidungen) maßgeblich von dem Umfang ihres Sozialkapitals abhängen. Das zentrale Argument des Aufsatzes ist, dass spezifische Typen von Sozialkapital bestimmte Modi der sozialen Handlungskoordination in Räumen begrenzter Staatlichkeit ermöglichen und entsprechend erklären. Im Rahmen eines explorativen Zugangs werden konzeptuelle und theoretische Begründungen vorgebracht, die bei der Erklärung der Varianz und der Prozesse von Governance außerhalb der OECD-Welt neue Perspektiven eröffnen. ; Unlike what Hobbesian theories argue, the provision of governance is not necessarily undermined by a lack of statehood. Empirical ...
The role of Latin Amer intellectuals in creating PO in their countries is often misunderstood & sometimes written off as an evil force. The aim is therefore to examine this group. Focus is on the status of intellectuals in Latin America, subjective & objective perceptions of them, & as part of the cultural elite & as a separate group. The relation of the intellectuals to other classes & their class identification is then discussed. It is seen that in all Latin Amer countries, the intellectuals are strongly ensconced in the Mc's & Uc's & share their values. Suggestions for US actions are offered with a view to better COMM with Latin America: (1) to recognize that autonomous leadership is not generated by taking over leadership or shuffling leaders around; (2) to submit more of our actions & reactions to the canons of rationality, patience & respect for others that we urge on Latin Amer intellectuals; & (3) to stop offering to help Latin Amer's study themselves but ask them to join us studying sensitive areas of concern to both of us. The text is illustrated with several tables. A. Peskin.
