Suchergebnisse

EUROPINIONS konzentriert sich auf die Art und Zusammensetzung der EU-Einstellungen der Bürger. Das vergleichende Projekt untersucht die Ursachen für diese Einstellungen, ihre Entwicklung im Laufe der Zeit und ihre Auswirkungen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Rolle der Medien als wichtiger Vorläufer des Wandels. Das vorliegende Datenfile umfasst die Panelerhebung. Das Design der Panelerhebung ist eine Multi-Wellen-Mehrländerstudie. Die Studie umfasst zehn EU-Mitgliedstaaten, in denen mindestens drei und höchstens sieben Erhebungswellen durchgeführt wurden. Die Länder sind in drei Teilprojekte unterteilt, die sich in der Anzahl der Erhebungswellen und dem Inhalt des jeweiligen Fragebogens unterscheiden. Alle Erhebungswellen wurden mittels Computer Assisted Web Interviewing (CAWI) durchgeführt. Die Feldarbeit wurde von Kantar TNS in Amsterdam koordiniert und umfasste Kantar-Tochtergesellschaften in jedem Land. In jedem Land wurde eine Stichprobe aus den jeweiligen Datenbanken gezogen. Diese Datenbanken stützen sich auf verschiedene Rekrutierungsstrategien, darunter Telefon-, Face-to-Face- und Online-Rekrutierung. Bei der Auswahl der Stichproben aus den Datenbanken wurden Quoten (für Alter, Geschlecht, Region und Bildung) festgelegt.

EUROPINIONS konzentriert sich auf die Art und Zusammensetzung der EU-Einstellungen der Bürger. Das vergleichende Projekt untersucht die Ursachen für diese Einstellungen, ihre Entwicklung im Laufe der Zeit und ihre Auswirkungen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Rolle der Medien als zentraler Faktor für den Wandel. Das vorliegende Datenfile umfasst die Medienstudie 2019. Ziel der Medienstudie 2019 ist es, die seit den Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament (EP) 1999 durchgeführte Kartierung der Medienberichterstattung fortzusetzen. Die Studie bietet eine Inhaltsanalyse der Nachrichten über die Europäische Union (EU) und die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament in einer Stichprobe von zehn EU-Ländern, die ausgewählt wurden, um die Vergleichbarkeit mit früheren Studien zu maximieren. Die Kontinuität mit den Medienstudien, die zu den EP-Wahlen 1999, 2004, 2009 und 2014 durchgeführt wurden, war in Bezug auf die Datenquellen und die Methodik von entscheidender Bedeutung, soweit die Finanzierung dies zuließ. Die Inhaltsanalyse wurde an einer Stichprobe von nationalen Nachrichtenmedien in zehn verschiedenen Ländern durchgeführt.

Darstellung der Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament in den Medien.

Themen: Zeitungen: Seitennummer, auf der der Artikel beginnt; Art des Zeitungsartikels (z.B. Reportage, Interview, Dokumentation, Karikatur usw.); Beginn des Artikels auf der oberen Hälfte oder auf der unteren Hälfte der Seite; Fernsehen: Länge des TV-Beitrags; Hauptthema des Beitrags; tatsächlicher und gewünschter Hauptverantwortlicher im Hauptthema des Beitrags (politischer Akteur innerhalb und außerhalb der nationalen Regierung, nicht politischer Akteur, EU oder EU-bezogener Akteur); Handlungsort des Beitrags; hauptsächlich betroffenes geographisches Gebiet; Hauptakteur (Personen, Gruppen, Organisationen); explizite Bewertung des Hauptakteurs; Geschlecht des Hauptakteurs; Häufigkeit, wie oft der Hauptakteur direkt zitiert wurde; Bewertung der EU; zwei oder mehr Seiten eines Problems erwähnt; Konflikte oder Meinungsverschiedenheiten erwähnt; persönlicher Angriff zwischen Akteuren.

Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament und Wahlkampagne: Beitrag behandelt die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament bzw. die Wahlkampagne; Meinungsumfrageergebnisse erwähnt; Erwähnung von Akteuren als ´Gewinner´ oder ´Verlierer´; Erwähnung von Präsentationsart und Stil des Akteurs; Beitrag erwähnt einen strategischen Schritt mit einer bestimmten Motivation; Verwendung von Metaphern aus der Sprache des Sports bzw. von Kriegen; Wahlkampagne zu den Europawahlen wird als langweilig oder spannend bezeichnet; Beitrag erwähnt die Wahlbeteiligung an den Europawahlen im Land; Beitrag erwähnt Interesse der Menschen an der Wahlkampagne oder an den Wahlen; Beitrag erwähnt Aspekte im Zusammenhang mit der Rolle der Medien in der Wahlkampagne (nur in 2004); Beitrag erwähnt Interviews von Personen auf der Straße (vox populi).

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Coder-ID; Name des Mediums; Erscheinungsdatum; Land.

This study examines the supply of political information programming across thirteen European broadcast systems over three decades. The cross-national and cross-temporal design traces the composition and development of political information environments with regard to the amount and placement of news and current affairs programs on the largest public and private television channels. It finds that the televisual information environments of Israel and Norway offer the most advantageous opportunity structure for informed citizenship because of their high levels of airtime and a diverse scheduling strategy. The study contributes to political communication research by establishing "political information environments" as a theoretically and empirically grounded concept that informs and supplements the comparison of "media systems." If developed further, it could provide an information-rich, easy-to-measure macro-unit for future comparative research.

This study examines the supply of political information programming across thirteen European broadcast systems over three decades. The cross-national and cross-temporal design traces the composition and development of political information environments with regard to the amount and placement of news and current affairs programs on the largest public and private television channels. It finds that the televisual information environments of Israel and Norway offer the most advantageous opportunity structure for informed citizenship because of their high levels of airtime and a diverse scheduling strategy. The study contributes to political communication research by establishing "political information environments" as a theoretically and empirically grounded concept that informs and supplements the comparison of "media systems." If developed further, it could provide an information-rich, easy-to-measure macro-unit for future comparative research. ; Ciencias de la Comunicaci?n II

In this article, we analyze political parties' campaign communication during the 2009 European Parliamentary election in 11 countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, The Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the UK). We study which types of issues Euroskeptic fringe and Euroskeptic mainstream parties put on their campaign agendas and the kind and extent of EU opposition they voice. Further, we seek to understand whether Euroskeptic and non-Euroskeptic parties co-orient themselves toward each other within their national party systems with regard to their campaigns. To understand the role of Euroskeptic parties in the 2009 European Parliamentary elections, we draw on a systematic content analysis of parties' posters and televised campaign spots. Our results show that it is Euroskeptic parties at the edges of the political spectrum who discuss polity questions of EU integration and who most openly criticize the union. Principled opposition against the project of EU integration, however, can only be observed in the UK. Finally, we find indicators for co-orientation effects regarding the tone of EU mobilization: In national political environments where Euroskeptic parties strongly criticize the EU, pro-European parties at the same time publicly advance pro-EU positions. ; Ciencias de la Comunicaci?n II

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries ( N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent.

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent.

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent.

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent. ; publishedVersion ; © The Author(s) 2018. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/)