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In the 21st century, the Indo-Pacific region has become the new centre of the world. The concept of the 'Indo-Pacific', though still under construction, is a potentially 'pivotal' site, where various institutions and intellectuals of statecraft are seeking common ground on which to anchor new regional coalitions, alliances. and allies to better serve their respective national agendas. This book explores the 'Indo-Pacific' as an ambiguous and hotly contested regional security construction. It critically examines the major drivers behind the revival of classical geopolitical concepts and their deployment through different national lenses. The book also analyses the presence of India and the U.S in the Indo-Pacific, and the manner in which China has reacted to their positions in the Indo-Pacific to date. It suggests that national constructions of the Indo-Pacific region are more informed by domestic political realities, anti-Chinese bigotries, distinctive properties of 21st century U.S hegemony, and narrow nation-statist sentiments rather than genuine pan-regional aspirations. The Rise and Return of the Indo-Pacific argues that the spouting of contested depictions of the Indo-Pacific region depend on the fixed geo-strategic lenses of nation-states, but what is also important is the re-emergence of older ideas - a classical conceptual revival - based on early to mid-20th century geopolitical ideas in many of these countries. The book deliberately raises the issue of the sea and constructions of 'nature', as these symbols are indispensable parts of many of these Indo-Pacific regional narratives. Despite the existence of diverse nation-statist, pan- and sub-regional discourses, the narratives of the most powerful states still dominate 21st century Indo-Pacific statecraft. The term 'Indo-Pacific' has the potential of unsettling various existing bilateral and multilateral geopolitical equations within the Indian Ocean region. Despite substantial heterogeneity in Indo-Pacific regional imaginations, the most dominant 'stories' and 'maps' are crafted and disseminated by the most dominant nation -in this case, the U.S- as it grapples with new ways of retaining its hegemony into the 21st century.

Common pools of genetic resources and related traditional and modern knowledge : an overview / Gerd Winter -- Common pools of traditional knowledge : the story of the Kukula traditional health practitioners of Bushbuckridge, Kruger to Canyons (K2C) Biosphere Reserve, South Africa / Gino Cocchiaro and Britta Rutert -- Common pools of traditional knowledge and related genetic resources : a case study of San-Hoodia / Evanson Chege Kamau -- Reinventing traditional medicine : Pacari and its struggle towards health, environmental protection and benefit sharing / John Bernhard Kleba -- Guardians of the seed : the role of Andean farmers in the caring and sharing of agrobiodiversity / Mario Tapia and Brendan Tobin -- Genetic resources common pools in Brazil / Juliana Santilli -- Developing a common pools strategy for genetic resources for food and agriculture : a case study of Malaysia / Gurdial Singh Nijar -- Common pools of traditional Chinese medical knowledge in China / Tianbao Qin -- Common pools in aquaculture : exploring patent law, ABS and sui generis options / Morten Walløe Tvedt -- Practices of exchanging and utilizing genetic resources for food and agriculture and the access and benefit-sharing regime / Sélim Louafi and Marie Schloen -- Global scientific research commons under the Nagoya protocol : governing pools of microbial genetic resources / Tom Dedeurwaerdere, Arianna Broggiato and Dimitra Manou -- Networks of ex-situ collections in genetic resources / Christine Godt -- Biological databases for marine organisms : what they contain and how they can be used in ABS contexts / Gorch Detlef Bevis Fedder -- Knowledge commons, intellectual property and the ABS regime / Gerd Winter -- ABS, justice pools and the Nagoya protocol / Peter-Tobias Stoll -- The World Health Organization's pandemic influenza preparedness framework as a public health resources pool / Marie Wilke -- The multilateral system of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture : lessons and space for further development / Evanson Chege Kamau -- Exploring bases for building common pools in Eastern Africa / Evanson Chege Kamau -- Common pools for marine genetic resources : a possible instrument for a future multilateral agreement addressing marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction / Thomas Greiber

The South African politician, president and philanthropist Nelson Mandela once said: "If you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head. If you talk to him in his own language, that goes to his heart" ([1]). It is a widely held view that the knowledge of a foreign language plays an important role in young people's lives and their future career pathways. If an employee knows one or two foreign languages, then it increases his chances of being promoted and receiving a more attractive and lucrative job. Today in Russia there are a lot of opportunities to study different foreign languages (English, Spanish, French, German, Chinese, etc.). Private language schools and state universities provide multiple foreign language programs where young people can improve their second language skills and further apply them for specific business purposes. This research investigates the role of Russian university students' instrumental motivation in the foreign language acquisition as a part of their professional self-realization. Motivation or "a motive force" is a state of cognitive and emotional arousal, a state which leads to a conscious decision to act and gives rise to a period of sustained intellectual and/or physical effort ([2]). Students with an instrumental motivation want to learn a foreign language for practical reasons such as passing exams, furthering their careers or getting social and economic reward through L2 learning. Special motivation questionnaires and surveys were designed and conducted to estimate the instrumental motivation level of Russian students in three higher education institutions: RUDN University, Moscow State Pedagogical University (Moscow); and Chelyabinsk State Pedagogical University (Chelyabinsk). University students' learning behaviors and learning outcomes were used as predictor and criterion variables in a series of quantitative and qualitative analyses. The findings introduce the correlation between university students' professional self-realization and their foreign language acquisition. The study also reinforces young individuals' instrumental motivation and attitudes in learning foreign languages for their business purposes in the modern world. Some recommendations are developed for foreign language teachers on how to manage the level of their students' motivation for better L2 acquisition results.

บทความวิจัยนี้มีจุดมุ่งหมายที่จะศึกษาความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างการจัดการศึกษาแบบใหม่ของรัฐบาลอาณานิคมฝรั่งเศสในกัมพูชากับการแสดงออกถึงสำนึกทางวัฒนธรรมของพระสงฆ์เขมรในช่วงทศวรรษ 1930 โดยเสนอมุมมองที่แตกต่างออกไปเพิ่มเติมจากการศึกษาที่ผ่านมาที่มักให้ความสำคัญกับรัฐบาลอาณานิคมฝรั่งเศสในฐานะผู้มีบทบาทในการสร้างสำนึกถึงความเป็นชาติเขมร ผู้วิจัยต้องการชี้ให้เห็นว่าในขณะที่สำนึกถึงความเป็นชาติของชาวเขมรสัมพันธ์กับกระบวนการทำให้ทันสมัยของฝรั่งเศสในกัมพูชา โดยเฉพาะการปฏิรูปการศึกษา แต่รากฐานทางความคิดของชาวเขมรคงความสืบเนื่องในการให้ความสำคัญต่อพุทธศาสนา ภาษา และวรรณกรรมโดยมีกลุ่มพระสงฆ์เป็นผู้ธำรงรักษาความสืบเนื่องนั้น ผลการศึกษาชี้ให้เห็นว่าฝรั่งเศสดำเนินนโยบายจัดระบบการศึกษาแบบใหม่แก่ชาวเขมรเพื่อตอบสนองต่อความต้องการแรงงานที่มีการศึกษา แต่ด้วยธรรมเนียมที่สืบทอดมาตั้งแต่สมัยโบราณ ประกอบกับภาระทางเศรษฐกิจและความขัดแย้งกับชาวเวียดนามและชาวจีนทำให้ชาวเขมรเลือกส่งบุตรหลานเข้าเรียนที่วัดโดยมีพระสงฆ์เป็นผู้ดำเนินการสอน ทำให้ฝรั่งเศสหันมาจัดการเรียนการสอนในโรงเรียนวัดพร้อมกับปฏิรูปการศึกษาแก่คณะสงฆ์เพื่อลดอิทธิพลของสยามและสร้างกลุ่มพระสงฆ์ที่มีความรู้ความสามารถสำหรับการสอนโรงเรียนวัดแบบใหม่ในแบบที่ฝรั่งเศสต้องการและควบคุมได้ แต่การจัดการศึกษาแบบใหม่ส่งผลที่ฝรั่งเศสไม่ได้คาดคิด กล่าวคือทำให้พระสงฆ์ก้าวเข้ามามีบทบาทในฐานะผู้เคลื่อนไหวด้านชาตินิยมควบคู่กับกลุ่มปัญญาชน ประเด็นที่น่าสนใจคือการเคลื่อนไหวของพระสงฆ์ไม่ได้เกิดขึ้นจากแนวคิดทางการเมือง แต่เกิดจากความต้องการธำรงรักษารากฐานทางวัฒนธรรมของเขมร จึงแสดงให้เห็นว่าสำนึกถึงความเป็นชาติของชาวเขมรนั้น ไม่ได้เกิดจากการผลักดันของฝรั่งเศสแต่เพียงอย่างเดียว หากแต่ยังเกิดจากความสืบเนื่องของการเพาะบ่มสำนึกถึงความเป็นชาติที่เชื่อมโยงกับอัตลักษณ์ทางวัฒนธรรมซึ่งพระสงฆ์มีบทบาทสำคัญในการถ่ายทอดและเผยแพร่ความรู้สึกดังกล่าวต่อสังคม และสัมพันธ์กับการปฏิรูปการศึกษาของฝรั่งเศสที่ผลักดันให้พระสงฆ์กลุ่มหนึ่งเป็นผู้ที่มีความก้าวหน้าทางความคิดแต่มีจิตสำนึกในการธำรงรักษาภาษา-วรรณกรรมที่แสดงออกถึง "ความเป็นเขมร" The aim of this research is to examine the relationship between French new education system in Cambodia and the manifestation of Khmer Sangha's cultural consciousness during the 1930s by presenting an additional and different perspective from existing works that prioritize French colonial government's role in developing Khmer national consciousness. The researcher wants to point out that while the development of Khmer national consciousness was related to French's modernization process in Cambodia, education reforms in particular, there was a continuity in the fundamental belief of the Khmer on the importance of Buddhist religion, language and literature, with the Khmer sangha as a main proprietor of such continuity. Study's results indicate that the French organized modern system of education for the Khmer to serve the need for educated manpower. However, because of the adherence to traditional practice as well as economic burden and resentment toward the Vietnamese and the Chinese, the Khmer preferred to send their offspring to Buddhist temple schools taught by the sangha. This compelled the French to reform both temple schools and the sangha's education in order to lessen Siamese influence and to create a new group of educated sangha who would be teaching in the reformed temple schools under French's control and in a way that the French wanted. The scheme, however, produced results that the French did not quite anticipate, for it was responsible for the sangha's involvement in the khmer nationalist movement together with other intellectuals. The interesting issue here is that sangha's movement arose less out of political concept than the need to preserve Khmer cultural roots, thus suggesting that the rise of Khmer national consciousness was not propagated totally by the French. Rather, it connected with continued awareness within Khmer society of its own cultural identity. The sangha's important role in the dissemination of such cultural awareness was related to French education reforms which produced a new group of modern sangha with progressive thought but also with commitment toward the preservation of language and literature that defined "khmerness".

Jones, Barry Owen (1932– ). Australian politician, writer and lawyer, born in Geelong. Educated at Melbourne University, he was a public servant, high school teacher, television and radio performer, university lecturer and lawyer before serving as a Labor MP in the Victorian Parliament 1972–77 and the Australian House of Representatives 1977–98. He took a leading role in reviving the Australian film industry, abolishing the death penalty in Australia, and was the first politician to raise public awareness of global warming, the 'post-industrial' society, the IT revolution, biotechnology, the rise of 'the Third Age' and the need to preserve Antarctica as a wilderness. In the Hawke Government, he was Minister for Science 1983–90, Prices and Consumer Affairs 1987, Small Business 1987–90 and Customs 1988–90. He became a member of the Executive Board of UNESCO, Paris 1991–95 and National President of the Australian Labor Party 1992–2000, 2005–06. He was Deputy Chairman of the Constitutional Convention 1998. His books include Decades of Decision 1860– (1965), Joseph II (1968), Age of Apocalypse (1975), and he edited The Penalty is Death (1968). Sleepers, Wake!: Technology and the Future of Work was published by Oxford University Press in 1982, became a bestseller and has been translated into Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Swedish and braille. The fourth edition was published in 1995. Knowledge Courage Leadership, a collection of speeches and essays, appeared in 2016. He received a DSc for his services to science in 1988 and a DLitt in 1993 for his work on information theory. Elected FTSE (1992), FAHA (1993), FAA (1996) and FASSA (2003), he is the only person to have become a Fellow of four of Australia's five learned Academies. Awarded an AO in 1993, named as one of Australia's 100 'living national treasures' in 1998, he was elected a Visiting Fellow Commoner of Trinity College, Cambridge in 1999. His autobiography, A Thinking Reed, was published in 2006 and The Shock of Recognition, about music and literature, in 2016. In 2014 he received an AC for services 'as a leading intellectual in Australian public life.

Jones, Barry Owen (1932– ). Australian politician, writer and lawyer, born in Geelong. Educated at Melbourne University, he was a public servant, high school teacher, television and radio performer, university lecturer and lawyer before serving as a Labor MP in the Victorian Parliament 1972–77 and the Australian House of Representatives 1977–98. He took a leading role in reviving the Australian film industry, abolishing the death penalty in Australia, and was the first politician to raise public awareness of global warming, the 'post-industrial' society, the IT revolution, biotechnology, the rise of 'the Third Age' and the need to preserve Antarctica as a wilderness. In the Hawke Government, he was Minister for Science 1983–90, Prices and Consumer Affairs 1987, Small Business 1987–90 and Customs 1988–90. He became a member of the Executive Board of UNESCO, Paris 1991–95 and National President of the Australian Labor Party 1992–2000, 2005–06. He was Deputy Chairman of the Constitutional Convention 1998. His books include Decades of Decision 1860– (1965), Joseph II (1968), Age of Apocalypse (1975), and he edited The Penalty is Death (1968). Sleepers, Wake!: Technology and the Future of Work was published by Oxford University Press in 1982, became a bestseller and has been translated into Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Swedish and braille. The fourth edition was published in 1995. Knowledge Courage Leadership, a collection of speeches and essays, appeared in 2016. He received a DSc for his services to science in 1988 and a DLitt in 1993 for his work on information theory. Elected FTSE (1992), FAHA (1993), FAA (1996) and FASSA (2003), he is the only person to have been elected to all four Australian learned Academies. Awarded an AO in 1993, named as one of Australia's 100 'living national treasures' in 1998, he was elected a Visiting Fellow Commoner of Trinity College, Cambridge in 1999. His autobiography, A Thinking Reed, was published in 2006 and The Shock of Recognition, about music and literature, in 2016. In 2014 he received an AC for services 'as a leading intellectual in Australian public life'.

This edition of PER consists of eight contributions; six articles and two notes. In the first article,Angelo Dubeanalyses the interaction amongst African States that eventually led to the development of universal jurisdiction regulations within their individual legal systems to determine if one can say that there is indeed an African signature in those legal rules.Anél Ferreira-Snymandeals with the rapid development of space technology and space flight which has rendered article IV of the Outer Space Treaty dealing with the military use of outer space outdated and in dire need of change.Moses Phooko'sarticle investigates whether the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal has jurisdiction to deal with cases involving allegations of human rights violations. Analogous to the situation of Chinese people in South Africa who chose to be defined as "Black People" in terms of theEmployment Equity Act55 of 1998 as well as theBroad Based Economic Empowerment Act53 of 2003,Enyinna Nwaucheexamines the possibility that people living under a system of customary law may change their legal system by choosing another one. The last two articles, written in two parts byAndre Louw, deals with theEmployment Equity Act55 of 1998. In thefirst part, he critically examines the organising principle of the affirmative provisions of this Act and assesses if it is in line with the constitutional requirements for a legitimate affirmative action programme or measure. In thesecond part, he critically evaluates the Constitutional Court judgment inSouth African Police Service v Solidarity obo Barnard2014 6 SA 123 (CC), and highlights what he thinks the biggest areas of disappointment of this judgment are within the context of South Africa's equality jurisprudence. In the first of two notes,Zsa-Zsa Boggenpoelanalyses the Constitutional Court's use of the common law remedy ofmandament van spolieinNgqukumba v Minister of Safety and Security2014 5 SA 112 (CC). In the second note and last contribution of this edition,Petronell Krugerdiscusses the case ofWestern Cape Forum for Intellectual Disability v Government of the Republic of South Africa2011 5 SA 87 (WCC), which dealt with the challenges faced by persons with disabilities relating to access to education in South Africa.

China's industrial policy for high-technology industries combines key features of the policies adopted elsewhere in East Asia: judicious opening to foreign investors and support for local firms. However, unlike the developing economies of East Asia, China is a transition economy that already had a relatively well-developed, if somewhat dated, technology base of its own before its opening to outside investors at the end of the 1970s. Although the initial technology level of individual firms was low, a network of universities and government research institutes provided a strong foundation for future developments. Like the other high-growth economies of East Asia, China has attracted foreign investment to rapidly expand its industries. But China has been able to leverage the enormous attractiveness of its domestic market to obtain technology transfers from its foreign investors on a scale that was unattainable in the regions other countries. Today, revamped state-owned firms and a host of newly-minted private ones are steadily building local competitive advantage. China's effort to move beyond dependence on foreign know-how to develop its own intellectual property (IP) in the electronics industry has been moving forward on several fronts, including optical storage, digital television, semiconductor design, and cellular telephony. The indigenous development of IP is a point of national pride, secures China a measure of technological independence and may serve a role in reducing burdensome royalty payments by local producers of high-tech goods. This paper analyzes the experience of this Chinese high-technology policy in the optical storage industry. It begins with a brief overview of industrial policy for the electronics sector in East Asia, then discusses the relevant policies for two successive generations of optical storage: Video CD and DVD. Examples of similar policies in other industries are given, and a final section recaps and analyzes the optical storage case. The research for this paper was conducted over a period of years using publicly available sources on the Internet and various news databases as part of the author's ongoing research on the evolution of the electronics industry in East Asia.

Since its introduction to Korea from Japan at the beginning of the seventeenth century tobacco became very popular with an amazing rapidity among Koreans Along with widespread cultivation of tobacco smoking also became very popular among Koreans regardless of their classes ages and sexes On the other hand other imported crops from America via Europe in the same period like sweet potato potato corn and tomato did not enjoy such popularity in Korea A long time after their introduction Koreans began to cultivate these crops Why did Koreans responded enthusiastically to the newly-imported tobacco? What kind of factors contributed to the rapid transmission of tobacco in Korea? This study examined the causes of rapid diffusion of the smoking population in three aspects First was economic aspect The farming of tobacco yielded a profit by selling it to Chinese The climate and the soil of Korea fit for farming of tobacco So the farm land of tobacco expanded gradually since 18th century Second was medical aspect At first many Koreans believed that smoking was helpful to digestion expectoration protecting coldness and exterminating parasites Afterwards they believed smoking could encourage vitality and protect diseases There was no reason of smoking cessation for the people's health in that the hazards of smoking were not well known to the commonage in those days though a few intellectuals acknowledge its harm Third was sociocultural aspect We could trace the smoking culture of Chosun dynasty through arts poems and essays The making of smoking culture made stable reproduction of smokers generation by generation Especially the smoking culture secured juvenile's smoking Considering three aspects above we knows that what reason the Decree of Ban of Smoking(獵곭깱餓�) in Korea was not strict in comparison to that of China(Qing Dynasty) in which the violators were executed The regulation of smoking by the government failed except controlling in sociocultural aspect The government reinforced controlling of smoking culture in counteraction to the threat of collapse of the hierarchy of Chosun dynasty in 18th century. ; open

AbstractAlthough most Uyghurs in Xinjiang maintain strong Uyghur national identities, not every social group subscribes to the separatist ideologies of the late eighties and nineties. The elderly generation of Uyghurs grew up during the chaotic, unstable years of the Warlord Period. Most are grateful for recent improvements in standards of living and do not want to 'rock the boat'. Middle-aged Uyghurs suffered persecution during the Cultural Revolution and fear a return of Maoist ideology. Furthermore, they have homes and families to protect. The younger generation, however, has grown up amid the relative freedom of post-1980 conciliatory minority policy. It has known the 1989 pro-democracy movement in China, the collapse of Eastern Europe and the USSR, the subsequent formation of the CIS, and the burgeoning of Islamic fundamentalist movements world-wide. These significant events have provided inspiration for a Uyghur youth that is ever more militant in its aspirations to independence. Unlike their elders, they have both less to fear and less to lose. This paper presents a number of portraits of Uyghur youth, based on fieldwork conducted in Xinjiang during 1995 and 1996. ·öhrat represents the young urban male intellectual, whose aim is to achieve goals for Uyghurs by encouraging the youth to penetrate the Han education system. Ghayrät represents the young petty entrepreneur who hopes to take advantage of domestic turmoil or international conflict to seize the chance to secede from China. Azatgül represents the politicised teenager who listens to radio broadcasts emanating from émigré Uyghur sources in Qazaqstan and claims that Xinjiang separatists are being funded by Muslim countries in a bid for independence. Then there is the next generation: as the grievances of Uyghur parents against Han immigrants in turn rub off on their children, the latter are growing up with an ingrained dislike of the Han Chinese. Are Uyghurs in a transition period? Once the cautious older generation passes away and the young grow up to raise their own children, will Uyghurs finally unite in nationalist spirit?

Barry Shaw, ed., Brisbane: Corridors of PowerMichael Rose, For the Record: 160 Years of Aboriginal Print JournalismJohn Ramsland, With Just But Relentless Discipline: A Social History of Corrective Services in New South WalesTony Austin, Never Trust a Government Man: Northern Territory Aboriginal Policy, 1911–1939Margaret Glass, Charles Cameron Kingston: Federation FathersJohn Murdoch, Sir Joe: A Political Biography of Sir Joseph CookPeter Golding, Black Jack McEwen: Political GladiatorJudith Brett, Political LivesNancy Viviani, The Indochinese in Australia: From Burnt Boats to BarbecuesEdmund S. K. Fung and Chen Jie, Changing Perceptions: The Attitudes of the PRC Chinese Towards Australia and China, 1989–1996Curtis Andressen and Keichi Kumagai, Escape From Affluence: Japanese Students in AustraliaJohn Uhr and Keith Mackay, eds, Evaluating Policy Advice: Learning From Commonwealth ExperienceGlyn Davis, A Government of Routines: Executive Coordination in an Australian StatePeter Beilharz, Imagining the Antipodes: Culture, Theory and the Visual in the Work of Bernard SmithChris Healy, From the Ruins of Colonialism: History as Social MemoryJohn Rickard, Australia: A Cultural HistoryHelen Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia's ConstitutionGerard J. DeGroot, Blighty: British Society in the Era of the Great WarWalter Gratzer, ed., A Bedside Nature: Genius and Eccentricity 1869–1953Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery, eds, A Military History of IrelandWilliam G. Naphy, ed. and trans., Documents on the Continental ReformationAndrew Bonnell, Gregory Munro and Martin Travers, eds., Power, Conscience and Opposition: Essays in German History in Honour of John A. MosesAlex Saranin, Child of the KulaksDon Peretz and Gideon Doron, The Government and Politics of IsraelPaul White and William Logan, eds, Remaking the Middle EastIan Cowman, Dominion or Decline: Anglo‐American Naval Relations in the Pacific 1937–1941Robert Buzzanco, Masters of War: Military Dissent and Politics in the Vietnam EraJames H. Lebovic, Forgone Conclusions: US Weapons Acquisition in the Post‐Cold War TransitionRamesh Thakur and Carlyle Thayer, eds, A Crisis of Expectations: UN Peacekeeping in the 1990sErik Cohen, Thai Tourism, Hill Tribes and Open‐ended ProstitutionRolf Torstendahl and Irmline Veit‐Brause, eds, History‐Making: The Intellectual and Social Formation of a DisciplineP. D. A. Harvey, Mappa Mundi: The Hereford World MapSheila Tobias, Faces of Feminism: An Activist's Reflections on the Women's Movement

2018年3月22日,川普簽署對中國「301條款」備忘錄,拉開美-中貿易戰之序幕,並對中國展開一系列之提升輸往中國關稅之措施。美-中貿易戰並非是單純的貿易摩擦爭議問題,是具有「結構性」的意涵,這種「結構性」的問題除了美-中貿易逆差之外,尚包括:長期盜竊美國高科技技術與智慧財產權、強迫投資國家技術轉讓、政府補貼國營企業,與政府操縱人民幣匯率。中國大陸這種計畫式經濟,或是國家主導式經濟發展模式,讓川普以「不公平貿易」的說法抓住了美-中貿易問題的著力點,也讓川普上台後採取「美國優先」和「公平貿易」口號,作為解決貿易赤字方針,並將中國視為重點打擊對象。 ; On March 22, 2018, Trump signed a "Section 301" memorandum on China, kicking off the US-China trade war. The move also led to a series of measures to raise tariffs on exports to China. The US-China trade war is not just a dispute over trade frictions, but a "structural" one. In addition to the US-China trade deficit, this "structural" problem includes chronic theft of US high-tech and intellectual property rights, forcing the transfer of foreign technology to Chinese companies, China government's subsidization to state-owned enterprises and China's manipulation of the RMB. China's planned, or state-led, model of economic development has allowed Trump to seize the US-China trade issue with the term "unfair trade." It also allowed Trump to adopt "America first" and "fair trade" slogans as his approach to addressing the trade deficit, and to treat China as a key target.

The aim of this study is to examine the great and continuous interest that the first Korean Neo-Confucians, who were scholar-officials, took in the "Learning for the Sovereigns" and the Neo-Confucianism focused on the paradigm of the Great Learning, as well as in one of the ideas of the text: "straightening one's heart" (chòngsim). A method that brings together philosophical, historical and biographical approaches has been chosen, in order to underline the human dimension of Confucianism studied from the angle of its representatives, the Neo-Confucians. It starts by establishing a general synthesis. The characteristics of the Chinese Neo-Confucianism that had been adopted in Korea are reviewed, as well as the reasons for the appropriation of this thought in Korea, in a context marked by political reformism and the philosophical influence of Buddhist speculations on the heart. A diachronic investigation of the scholar-officials' interest in the Great Learning and the idea of chòngism revealed that this notion played a significant role in the definition of a Korean Confucian identity and also in the conception of a collegial political power. Following this, a case study is carried out on Yulgok Yi I, the very figure of the Neo-Confucian scholar-official, to better illustrate and deepen the general survey. The necessity to take into account the contemporary context, biography and singular personality of the author is stressed for a better understanding of the political issue at stake in his exegesis on the Neo-Confucianism focused on the Great Learning and the chòngsim. The study is an attempt to show that the notion of "straightening one's heart" is a good illustration of the political and practical orientation that was an essential feature of Korean Neo-Confucians; they wanted to highlight the interaction between a prince and his ministers, as well as a true authenticity for these men that were in charge of the responsibility to become the intellectual, social and political elite of the country. ; Cette étude s'est attachée à mettre en lumière l'intérêt marqué et continu des premiers néo-confucéens coréens, des lettrés-fonctionnaires, pour l'« Apprendre pour le souverain » et le néo-confucianisme centrés sur le paradigme de la Grande Etude, ainsi que pour la notion issue de ce texte : « rendre droit son cœur » (chòngsim). La démarche choisie a été de concilier des approches philosophique, historique et biographique, afin de rendre compte de la dimension humaine du néo-confucianisme étudié par le biais de ses représentants, les néo-confucéens. Ce travail a consisté tout d'abord à établir une synthèse générale. Les traits du néo-confucianisme chinois adopté en Corée ont alors été rappelés, ainsi que les raisons de l'appropriation de cette pensée dans un contexte coréen marqué, au plan politique, par un désir réformiste et, au plan philosophique, par les spéculations bouddhiques portant sur le cœur. Une étude diachronique de l'intérêt pour la Grande Etude et la notion de chòngsim chez les lettrés-fonctionnaires a révélé que cette notion jouait un rôle clé dans la définition d'une identité coréenne de confucéen, ainsi que dans la conception d'un pouvoir politique collégial. Puis, une étude de cas a été menée sur Yulgok Yi I, le lettré-fonctionnaire néo-confucéen par excellence, afin d'illustrer et d'approfondir cette synthèse générale. La nécessité de prendre en considération le contexte contemporain, la biographie et la personnalité singulière de l'auteur, afin de comprendre l'enjeu politique de son exégèse du néo-confucianisme centré sur la Grande Etude et le chòngsim a ainsi été mise en évidence. Ce travail a tenté de montrer que la notion de « rendre droit son cœur » illustrait parfaitement l'orientation profondément politique et pratique des premiers néo-confucéens coréens, qui ont souhaité mettre en valeur l'interaction entre un prince et ses ministres, ainsi qu'une réelle authenticité chez ces hommes chargés de la lourde responsabilité d'être une élite intellectuelle, sociale et politique.

Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949) was a journalist and politician of the first half of the twentieth century, the leading theoretician of the Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang 國民黨. Since his death in 1949, he has been a very controversial figure in China. His thought will have long been either left out or sharply criticized in mainland China, during the Maoist era, through the term "Dai Jitao-ism" (戴季陶 主義Dai Jitao zhuyi) to refer to his misinterpretation of Sun Yat-sen's thought and the "Three Principles of the People". This Master thesis focuses primarily on Dai Jitao's experience, on analyzing his experiences as a Chinese student who returned from Japan and became a journalist and a revolutionary political theorist, in order to provide a possible interpretation of modernity from the perspective of China from the early 1910s to the late 1920s. This work takes the form of a biographical and intellectual study of Dai Jitao's character, in which we reconstruct the gradual evolution of his thought between 1910, when he began his career as a journalist, and 1928, the year marked by the publication of his famous work of Riben Lun 日本論(Essay on Japan). This thesis presents a selection of passages, translated and analyzed, from articles and essays published by Dai Jitao between 1910 and 1928, mainly extracted from the compilation work of Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan and Sang Bing of 1990), then from the Foundations of Sun-yatsenism published in 1925 by Dai himself, devoted to the theorization of Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary project, erected as an heir to Confucius, and from the 2014 edition of the Riben Lun about the theorization of Japanese morals, thought and politics. This thesis is organized into three chronological chapters. The first chapter, titled "Contextual Introduction : the Formation of Dai Jitao's Thought before the Xinhai Revolution (1905-1914)", is dedicated to introducing the figure and contextualizing the formation of his thought in his youth. The second chapter, entitled "Dai Jitao's thought and his adherence to the revolutionary project of the Kuomintang during the civil war (1913-1925)", is meant to re-establish a chronology of Dai Jitao's different ideological positions starting from his meeting with Sun Yat-sen in 1913. In the final chapter, "Dai Jitao's Evolution of Thought in the Face of Fascist Nationalism and Japanese Expansionism (1913-1928)", we explore the factors that led to his episode of "disillusionment" when Japan went on the offensive, as well as how Dai Jitao recovered from the death of Sun Yat-sen, the end of his dream of pan-Asianism, in order to respond to the threats of the Western colonial powers and the Japanese imperialists. By attempting to clarify Dai Jitao's ideological development from the beginning of his career as a journalist chronicler in 1910, to his culmination as the Kuomintang's leading theoretician and politician, when he published his most notable work Riben Lun in 1928, we identify his political positions and actions. We also try to identify the strong moments of his life that caused him several political reversals. Dai Jitao, admiring the spirit of resistance of the Japanese political and intellectual sphere of Meiji, seeks to recreate a similar essence to stimulate the Chinese people and provoke in them a feeling of unity and belonging to the same Chinese nation. This is the guocui 國粹, the national essence that Dai Jitao takes from the Japanese essence (known as kokusui), to carry out the mission of the Kuomintang, which he had recognized in the modernist Confucian thought of Sun Yat-sen and whose analysis we begin in this thesis. ; Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949), journaliste et homme politique de la première moitié du XXe siècle, est le principal théoricien du Parti nationaliste, le Guomindang 國民黨. Dès sa mort en 1949, il est un personnage très controversé en Chine. Sa pensée aura longtemps été soit laissée de côté, soit vivement critiquée en Chine continentale, pendant l'ère maoïste, à travers le terme de « Dai Jitao-isme » (戴季 陶主義 Dai Jitao zhuyi) pour désigner son interprétation erronée de la pensée de Sun Yat-sen et des «Trois principes du peuple ». Ce mémoire se focalise surtout sur l'expérience de Dai Jitao, sur l'analyse de son vécu en tant qu'étudiant chinois revenu du Japon, devenu journaliste et théoricien politique révolutionnaire, afin de fournir une interprétation possible de la modernité du point de vue de la Chine, du début des années 1910 à la fin des années 1920. Ce travail se présente sous la forme d'une étude biographique et intellectuelle du personnage de Dai Jitao, dans laquelle nous restituons l'évolution progressive de sa pensée entre 1910, lorsqu'il commence sa carrière de journaliste, et 1928, année marquée par la publication de son célèbre ouvrage du Riben Lun 日本論 (Essai sur le Japon). Ce mémoire présente une sélection de passages, traduits et analysés, d'articles et d'essais publiés par Dai Jitao entre 1910 et1928, principalement extraites du travail de compilation du Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan et Sang Bing de 1990), puis des Fondements du Sun-yatsenisme publié en 1925 par Dai lui-même, consacré à la théorisation du projet révolutionnaire de Sun Yat-sen, érigé comme héritier de Confucius, et de l'édition de 2014 du Riben Lun à propos de la théorisation des mœurs, de la pensée et de la politique du Japon. Nous avons réparti ce mémoire en trois volets chronologiques. Le premier chapitre, intitulé « introduction contextuelle : la formation de la pensée de Dai Jitao avant la révolution Xinhai (1905-1914) », est dédié à la présentation du personnage et à une mise en contexte de la formation de sa pensée dans sa jeunesse. Dans le deuxième chapitre, intitulé, « la pensée de Dai Jitao et son adhésion au projet révolutionnaire du Guomindang pendant la guerre civile (1913-1925) », nous rétablissons une chronologie des différentes positions idéologiques de Dai Jitao à partir de sa rencontre de Sun Yat-sen en 1913. Dans le dernier chapitre, « évolution de la pensée de Dai Jitao face au nationalisme fascisant et l'expansionnisme du Japon (1913-1928) », nous explorons les facteurs ayant provoqué son épisode de « désillusions », lorsque le Japon passe à l'offensive, ainsi que la façon dont Dai Jitao se remet de la mort de Sun Yat-sen, de la fin de son rêve de pan-asiatisme, pour réagir face aux menaces des puissances coloniales occidentales et des impérialistes japonais. En tentant de clarifier le développement idéologique de Dai Jitao du début de sa carrière de journaliste chroniqueur en 1910, à son point culminant en tant que principal théoricien et politicien du Guomindang, lorsqu'il publie son ouvrage le plus notable du Riben Lun en 1928, nous cernons ses positions politiques et ses actes. Nous tentons aussi de cerner les moments forts de sa vie ayant provoqué en lui plusieurs revirements politiques. Dai Jitao, admiratif de l'esprit de résistance de la sphère politique et intellectuelle japonaise de Meiji, cherche à recréer une essence similaire pour stimuler le peuple chinois et provoquer en lui un sentiment d'unité et d'appartenance à une même nation chinoise. Il s'agit du guocui 國粹, l'essence nationale que Dai Jitao reprend à l'essence japonaise (dite kokusui), pour mener à bien la mission du Guomindang, qu'il avait reconnu dans la pensée confucéenne moderniste de Sun Yat-sen et dont nous amorçons l'analyse dans ce mémoire.

Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949) was a journalist and politician of the first half of the twentieth century, the leading theoretician of the Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang 國民黨. Since his death in 1949, he has been a very controversial figure in China. His thought will have long been either left out or sharply criticized in mainland China, during the Maoist era, through the term "Dai Jitao-ism" (戴季陶 主義Dai Jitao zhuyi) to refer to his misinterpretation of Sun Yat-sen's thought and the "Three Principles of the People". This Master thesis focuses primarily on Dai Jitao's experience, on analyzing his experiences as a Chinese student who returned from Japan and became a journalist and a revolutionary political theorist, in order to provide a possible interpretation of modernity from the perspective of China from the early 1910s to the late 1920s. This work takes the form of a biographical and intellectual study of Dai Jitao's character, in which we reconstruct the gradual evolution of his thought between 1910, when he began his career as a journalist, and 1928, the year marked by the publication of his famous work of Riben Lun 日本論(Essay on Japan). This thesis presents a selection of passages, translated and analyzed, from articles and essays published by Dai Jitao between 1910 and 1928, mainly extracted from the compilation work of Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan and Sang Bing of 1990), then from the Foundations of Sun-yatsenism published in 1925 by Dai himself, devoted to the theorization of Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary project, erected as an heir to Confucius, and from the 2014 edition of the Riben Lun about the theorization of Japanese morals, thought and politics. This thesis is organized into three chronological chapters. The first chapter, titled "Contextual Introduction : the Formation of Dai Jitao's Thought before the Xinhai Revolution (1905-1914)", is dedicated to introducing the figure and contextualizing the formation of his thought in his youth. The second chapter, entitled "Dai Jitao's thought and his adherence to the revolutionary project of the Kuomintang during the civil war (1913-1925)", is meant to re-establish a chronology of Dai Jitao's different ideological positions starting from his meeting with Sun Yat-sen in 1913. In the final chapter, "Dai Jitao's Evolution of Thought in the Face of Fascist Nationalism and Japanese Expansionism (1913-1928)", we explore the factors that led to his episode of "disillusionment" when Japan went on the offensive, as well as how Dai Jitao recovered from the death of Sun Yat-sen, the end of his dream of pan-Asianism, in order to respond to the threats of the Western colonial powers and the Japanese imperialists. By attempting to clarify Dai Jitao's ideological development from the beginning of his career as a journalist chronicler in 1910, to his culmination as the Kuomintang's leading theoretician and politician, when he published his most notable work Riben Lun in 1928, we identify his political positions and actions. We also try to identify the strong moments of his life that caused him several political reversals. Dai Jitao, admiring the spirit of resistance of the Japanese political and intellectual sphere of Meiji, seeks to recreate a similar essence to stimulate the Chinese people and provoke in them a feeling of unity and belonging to the same Chinese nation. This is the guocui 國粹, the national essence that Dai Jitao takes from the Japanese essence (known as kokusui), to carry out the mission of the Kuomintang, which he had recognized in the modernist Confucian thought of Sun Yat-sen and whose analysis we begin in this thesis. ; Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949), journaliste et homme politique de la première moitié du XXe siècle, est le principal théoricien du Parti nationaliste, le Guomindang 國民黨. Dès sa mort en 1949, il est un personnage très controversé en Chine. Sa pensée aura longtemps été soit laissée de côté, soit vivement critiquée en Chine continentale, pendant l'ère maoïste, à travers le terme de « Dai Jitao-isme » (戴季 陶主義 Dai Jitao zhuyi) pour désigner son interprétation erronée de la pensée de Sun Yat-sen et des «Trois principes du peuple ». Ce mémoire se focalise surtout sur l'expérience de Dai Jitao, sur l'analyse de son vécu en tant qu'étudiant chinois revenu du Japon, devenu journaliste et théoricien politique révolutionnaire, afin de fournir une interprétation possible de la modernité du point de vue de la Chine, du début des années 1910 à la fin des années 1920. Ce travail se présente sous la forme d'une étude biographique et intellectuelle du personnage de Dai Jitao, dans laquelle nous restituons l'évolution progressive de sa pensée entre 1910, lorsqu'il commence sa carrière de journaliste, et 1928, année marquée par la publication de son célèbre ouvrage du Riben Lun 日本論 (Essai sur le Japon). Ce mémoire présente une sélection de passages, traduits et analysés, d'articles et d'essais publiés par Dai Jitao entre 1910 et1928, principalement extraites du travail de compilation du Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan et Sang Bing de 1990), puis des Fondements du Sun-yatsenisme publié en 1925 par Dai lui-même, consacré à la théorisation du projet révolutionnaire de Sun Yat-sen, érigé comme héritier de Confucius, et de l'édition de 2014 du Riben Lun à propos de la théorisation des mœurs, de la pensée et de la politique du Japon. Nous avons réparti ce mémoire en trois volets chronologiques. Le premier chapitre, intitulé « introduction contextuelle : la formation de la pensée de Dai Jitao avant la révolution Xinhai (1905-1914) », est dédié à la présentation du personnage et à une mise en contexte de la formation de sa pensée dans sa jeunesse. Dans le deuxième chapitre, intitulé, « la pensée de Dai Jitao et son adhésion au projet révolutionnaire du Guomindang pendant la guerre civile (1913-1925) », nous rétablissons une chronologie des différentes positions idéologiques de Dai Jitao à partir de sa rencontre de Sun Yat-sen en 1913. Dans le dernier chapitre, « évolution de la pensée de Dai Jitao face au nationalisme fascisant et l'expansionnisme du Japon (1913-1928) », nous explorons les facteurs ayant provoqué son épisode de « désillusions », lorsque le Japon passe à l'offensive, ainsi que la façon dont Dai Jitao se remet de la mort de Sun Yat-sen, de la fin de son rêve de pan-asiatisme, pour réagir face aux menaces des puissances coloniales occidentales et des impérialistes japonais. En tentant de clarifier le développement idéologique de Dai Jitao du début de sa carrière de journaliste chroniqueur en 1910, à son point culminant en tant que principal théoricien et politicien du Guomindang, lorsqu'il publie son ouvrage le plus notable du Riben Lun en 1928, nous cernons ses positions politiques et ses actes. Nous tentons aussi de cerner les moments forts de sa vie ayant provoqué en lui plusieurs revirements politiques. Dai Jitao, admiratif de l'esprit de résistance de la sphère politique et intellectuelle japonaise de Meiji, cherche à recréer une essence similaire pour stimuler le peuple chinois et provoquer en lui un sentiment d'unité et d'appartenance à une même nation chinoise. Il s'agit du guocui 國粹, l'essence nationale que Dai Jitao reprend à l'essence japonaise (dite kokusui), pour mener à bien la mission du Guomindang, qu'il avait reconnu dans la pensée confucéenne moderniste de Sun Yat-sen et dont nous amorçons l'analyse dans ce mémoire.