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[full article is in Spanish]EnglishThis article seeks to contribute to the understanding of polycentric systems in socio-territorial contexts, and its link with modern governance, in which multiple social actors interact at different scales and levels. The concept of polycentrism, its dimensions, predominant approaches and assumptions on which its use is based in the socio-territorial analysis is discussed. The text highlights two of the most influential approaches in the theoretical–methodological development of polycentric systems: the European, key in territorial and regional development; and the American, focused on the analysis of institutional development and socio-ecosystem governance. Assumptions of the polycentric systems are highlighted in order to solve integrally socio-territorial problems from multilevel, multiscale and multiactor interactions. Finally, its relation with modern governance is analyzed and it is concluded that it is important to continue the study of polycentric systems.SpanishEste es un artículo que busca contribuir a la comprensión de los
sistemas policéntricos en contextos socio-territoriales, y su vínculo con la
gobernanza moderna, en la que múltiples actores sociales interactúan a
distintas escalas y en distintos niveles. Se discute el concepto de policentrismo,
sus dimensiones, enfoques predominantes y supuestos sobre los
que se funda su uso en el análisis socio-territorial. El texto subraya dos
de los enfoques más infl uyentes en el desarrollo teórico–metodológico de
los sistemas policéntricos: el europeo, clave en el desarrollo territorial y
regional; y el estadounidense, centrado en el análisis del desarrollo institucional
y la gobernanza de los socio-ecosistemas. También se destacan
los supuestos de los sistemas policéntricos a fin de resolver integralmente
problemas socio-territoriales a partir de interacciones multinivel, multiescala
y multiactor. Finalmente se analiza su relación con la gobernanza
moderna y se concluye que es importante continuar el estudio de los sistemas
policéntricos.FrenchCet article à caractère théorique cherche à contribuer à la compréhension
des systèmes polycentriques dans des contextes socio-territoriaux
et de leurs liens avec la gouvernance moderne, au sein de laquelle
de multiples acteurs sociaux entrent en interaction à diff érentes échelles
et à divers niveaux. Ainsi, il discute le concept de polycentrisme, ses dimensions,
ses approches dominantes et les suppositions sur lesquelles
il fonde son usage pour une analyse socio-territoriale. Le texte souligne
deux des approches les plus infl uentes dans le développement théorico-
méthodologique des systèmes polycentriques : l'Européenne, qui est
une clef pour appréhender le développement territorial et régional et celle
des États-Unis centrée sur l'analyse du développement institutionnel et
de la gouvernance socio-écosystémiques. De plus sont mises en évidence
les suppositions générales des systèmes polycentriques dans le but de
souligner de manière intégrale des problèmes socio-territoriaux à partir
des interactions multiniveau, multiéchelle et multiacteur. Finalement la
relation avec la gouvernance moderne est analysée et permet de conclure
autour de l'importance de continuer l'étude des systèmes polycentriques
et de leurs liens avec la gouvernance en tant qu'approche novatrice face à
la complexité actuelle des relations socio-territoriales.

Mit der ökonomischen Globalisierung geht auch eine Internationalisierung des Konfliktfelds der Arbeitsregulierung einher. Sie findet ihren Ausdruck in der Debatte um internationale Arbeits- und Sozialstandards, die sowohl Menschenrechtsverletzungen als auch den Deregulierungsdruck einer Abwärtsspirale, eines 'race to the bottom', Einhalt bieten sollen. In den Mittelpunkt der kontroversen Diskussion ist die Forderung nach Sozialklauseln gerückt - Klauseln in Handelsverträgen, die Handelsvorteile an die Einhaltung von Arbeitnehmerrechten binden. Befürworter sehen vor allem in ihrem Sanktionspotenzial ein wirksames Mittel der Durchsetzung internationaler Arbeits- und Sozialstandards. In unserem Artikel setzen wir uns kritisch mit den verbreiteten Wirkungsannahmen zu Sozialklauseln auseinander. Wir beziehen uns dabei auf die Ergebnisse eines empirischen Forschungsprojekts zum North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, einem der beiden NAFTA-Nebenabkommen. Es ist dies das erste multilaterale, zwischen Mexiko, den USA und Kanada - also höchst heterogenen Staaten - vereinbarte Abkommen dieser Art. Unsere Ergebnisse stärken letztlich Zweifel an den verbreiteten Begründungen für Sozialklauseln. Wir zeigen auf, dass diese überwiegend ökonomistisch verkürzt sind, die soziale und politische Logik nationaler Arbeitsbeziehungen und auch die Machtassymetrien auf internationaler Ebene vernachlässigen. Problematisch ist auch das einfache Ursache-Wirkungs-Modell internationaler Arbeitsregulierung, das der sozialen Dynamik in einem widersprüchlichen Mehrebenenprozess von transnational governance zwar zugrunde gelegt, letztlich aber nicht gerecht wird. Was somit als effektives Verfahren angesehen wird, könnte sich in der Praxis als Hemmschuh internationaler Arbeitsregulierung erweisen. Es bleibt die Aufgabe politologischer und auch soziologischer Forschung, Erfahrungen existierender Ansätze internationaler Arbeitsregulierung auszuwerten und differenziertere Modelle und Konzepte zu entwickeln. ; Along with economic globalisation there is a visible trend towards a internationalisation of labor regulation as indicated by the debate about international social and labor standards designed and implemented to prevent human rights abuses as well as a 'race to the bottom' of deregulation. One of the central issues in this debate is that of social clauses - clauses in trade agreements that link trade preferences to compliance with international labor standards. Advocates of the concept stress especially the importance of sanctions as an effective means of enforcement of labor standards. In our article, we discuss critically the assumptions regarding the effectiveness of social clauses. Our argument is supported by the results of an empirical research project on the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, one of the two NAFTA-side agreements. It is the first multilateral agreement of that kind negotiated between the U.S.A., Canada and Mexico - i.e. between very heterogeneous states. Our findings further a sceptical view on the effectiveness of social clauses: The concept suffers from an economistic bias and ignores the social and political logic of domestic labor relations as well as power asymmetries in international relations. Most important, it assumes a simple cause-effect model of international labor regulation that does not takes into account the social dynamic of the contradictory and multilevel process of transnational governance. What is seen as a suitable instrument could, finally, turn out to be a bar for effective international labor regulation. Indeed, it remains a challenge for the political and sociological debate to evaluate the experience from existing forms of international labor regulation and to develop more differentiated models and concepts.

After short slowdown of the US offensive liberal world order formation strategy during the Trump administration, President Biden declared that democrats would pursue offensive strategy of establishing liberal world order. J. Biden's declarations and recommendations prepared by most prestigious think tanks testify to the fact that the United States are ready to start a new decisive great power competition to achieve and consolidate predominance and omnipower status, to stake everything to achieve irreversible results and overplay China and Russia. To fulfill this ambitious task, democrats suggest policy that combines military and diplomatic instruments. The hypothesis is the following: great power competition is not a new phenomenon in world politics, however contemporary stage of international development can be defined as "new multilevel governable competition" when the United States will try to determine/program world development, development and policies of various countries and organizations. One of the important characteristics of contemporary period is not only new quality and greater scale of competition between three great powers. It is also new quality and density of international milieu: medium range and small countries have got more important status and use new conditions for getting privileges maneuvering among US, China, Russia and some other influential players. The primary aim of the American programming strategy is to restrict as much as possible maneuvering space for China and Russia, preventing formation of "Eurasian center", to influence the choice of other countries in favor of the West/US. The international situation seems to be rather favorable for the United States, but the danger of overexertion and overextension in fulfilling ambitious task of global offensive and programming governance remains. The "nerve" of the present situation is whether Russia and China can stand against American policy, neutralize its effect. It is not quite clear how other growing powers and medium range countries will act. Coming decades will be decisive for the formation of contemporary world order.

Energy policy has been considered as a "special case of Europeanization," due to its tardy and patchy development as a domain of EU activity as well as its important but highly contested external dimension. Divergent energy pathways across Member States and the sensitivity of this policy domain have militated against a unified European Energy Policy. And yet, since the mid-2000s cooperation in this policy area has picked up speed, leading to the adoption of the Energy Union, presented by the European Commission as the most ambitious energy initiative since the European Coal and Steel Community. This dynamism has attracted growing scholarly attention, seeking to determine whether, why and how European Energy Policy has consolidated against all odds during a particularly critical moment for European integration. The underlying question that emerges in this context is whether the Energy Union represents a step forward towards a more homogenous and joined-up energy policy or, rather a strategy to manage heterogeneity through greater flexibility and differentiated integration. Given the multilevel and multisectoral character­ istics of energy policy, answering these questions requires a three-fold analysis of (1) the degree of centralization of European Energy Policy (vertical integration), (2) the coher­ ence between energy sub-sectors (cross-sectoral integration), and (3) the territorial ex­ tension of the energy acquis beyond the EU Member States (horizontal integration). Tak­ en together, the Energy Union has catalyzed integration on the three dimensions. First, EU institutions are formally involved in almost every aspect of energy policy, including sensitive areas such as ensuring energy supplies. Second, the Energy Union, with its new governance regulation, brings under one policy framework energy sub-sectors that had developed in silos. And finally, energy policy is the only sector that has generated a multi­ lateral process dedicated to the integration of non-members into the EU energy market. However, this ...

11 9 ; S ; [EN] We propose a multi-objective approach for portfolio selection, which allows investors to consider not only return and downside risk criteria but also to include environmental, social and governance (ESG) scores in the investment decision-making process. Owing to the uncertain environment of portfolio selection, the return and ESG score of each asset are considered as independent L-R power fuzzy variables. To make the model more realistic, we take budget, floor ceiling and cardinality constraints into account. In order to select the optimal portfolio along the efficient frontier, we apply the Sortino ratio in a credibilistic environment. The subsequent empirical application uses a data set from Bloomberg's ESG Data in combination with US Dow Jones Industrial Average data. The experimental results show that the proposed model offers promising results for socially responsible investors seeking ethical and sustainability goals beyond the return-risk trade-off and its ability to beat the benchmark García García, F.; Gonzalez-Bueno, J.; Oliver-Muncharaz, J.; Riley, N. (2019). Selecting socially responsible portfolios: A fuzzy multicriteria approach. Sustainability. 11(9). https://doi.org/10.3390/su11092496 Ballestero, E., Pérez-Gladish, B., & Garcia-Bernabeu, A. (2014). The Ethical Financial Question and the MCDM Framework. International Series in Operations Research & Management Science, 3-22. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-11836-9_1 Zopounidis, C., & Doumpos, M. (2002). Multicriteria classification and sorting methods: A literature review. European Journal of Operational Research, 138(2), 229-246. doi:10.1016/s0377-2217(01)00243-0 ARRIBAS, I., GARCÍA, F., GUIJARRO, F., OLIVER, J., & TAMOŠIŪNIENĖ, R. (2016). MASS APPRAISAL OF RESIDENTIAL REAL ESTATE USING MULTILEVEL MODELLING. International Journal of Strategic Property Management, 20(1), 77-87. doi:10.3846/1648715x.2015.1134702 García, F., Guijarro, F., Oliver, J., & Tamošiūnienė, R. (2018). HYBRID FUZZY NEURAL NETWORK TO PREDICT PRICE ...

Issues, stakeholder networks and policy problem definitions may be defined at the local level. But subnational arenas are often influenced or even structured by national patterns. Taking into account several policy levels has methodological implications for comparative frameworks that are barely dealt with in the literature. We argue that studies comparing subnational policies have to address the impact of national characteristics. The central issue of this paper can be sum up as follows: How identify national framework influences when comparing subnational policies? We first present two main approaches that combine subnational and national levels in comparative frameworks. The first one is characterized by the domination of national level. Subnational cases are used to grasp implementation issues or to refine national patterns. In the second one, mainly inspired by the urban governance literature, the characterization of the subnational entities prevails. Taking into account these two ways of comparing subnational policies, we then present a third-way to combine these perspectives, through the observation of actors evolving in a multilevel environment. ; Si des enjeux, des configurations d'acteurs, ou la définition de certains problems peuvent être propres au niveau local, ceux-ci sont fréquemment influencés par des paramètres définis à d'autres niveaux de gouvernement. En particulier, il est nécessaire que les dispositifs de recherche centrés sur la comparaison de politiques infranationales abordent directement la question de l'intégration et de l'impact du cadre national. Comment faire la part du national dans les comparaisons de politiques infranationales ? À partir d'un ensemble de travaux de sociologie de l'action publique, cet article montre que dominent deux manières d'articuler national et infranational. Certains travaux privilégient le niveau national, et prennent en compte ce qui se joue à d'autres niveaux pour observer des déclinaisons ou des réappropriations de politiques mises en place au niveau ...

Contracting non-governmental organizations (NGOs) for health service provision is gaining increasing importance in low- and middle-income countries. However, the role of the wider context in influencing the effectiveness of contracting is not well studied and is of relevance given that contracting has produced mixed results so far. This paper applies a policy analysis approach to examine the influence of policy and political factors on contracting origin, design and implementation. Evidence is drawn from a country case study of Pakistan involving extensive NGO contracting for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) prevention services supported by international donor agencies. A multilevel study was conducted using 84 in-depth interviews, 22 semi-structured interviews, document review and direct observation to examine the national policy design, provincial management of contracting and local contract implementation. There were three main findings. First, contracting origin and implementation was an inherently political process affected by the wider policy context. Although in Pakistan a combination of situational events successfully managed to introduce extensive and sophisticated contracting, it ran into difficulties during implementation due to ownership and capacity issues within government. Second, wide-scale contracting was mis-matched with the capacity of local NGOs, which resulted in sub-optimal contract implementation challenging the reliance on market simulation through contracting. Third, we found that contracting can have unintended knock-on effects on both providers and purchasers. As a result of public sector contracts, NGOs became more distanced from their grounded attributes. Effects on government purchasers were more unpredictable, with greater identification with contracting in supportive governance contexts and further distancing in unsupportive contexts. A careful approach is needed in government contracting of NGOs, taking into account acceptance of contracting NGOs, local NGO capacities and potential distancing of NGOs from their traditional attributes under contracts. Political factors and knock-on effects are likely to be heightened in the sudden and aggressive use of contracting in unprepared settings.

Issues, stakeholder networks and policy problem definitions may be defined at the local level. But subnational arenas are often influenced or even structured by national patterns. Taking into account several policy levels has methodological implications for comparative frameworks that are barely dealt with in the literature. We argue that studies comparing subnational policies have to address the impact of national characteristics. The central issue of this paper can be sum up as follows: How identify national framework influences when comparing subnational policies? We first present two main approaches that combine subnational and national levels in comparative frameworks. The first one is characterized by the domination of national level. Subnational cases are used to grasp implementation issues or to refine national patterns. In the second one, mainly inspired by the urban governance literature, the characterization of the subnational entities prevails. Taking into account these two ways of comparing subnational policies, we then present a third-way to combine these perspectives, through the observation of actors evolving in a multilevel environment. ; Si des enjeux, des configurations d'acteurs, ou la définition de certains problems peuvent être propres au niveau local, ceux-ci sont fréquemment influencés par des paramètres définis à d'autres niveaux de gouvernement. En particulier, il est nécessaire que les dispositifs de recherche centrés sur la comparaison de politiques infranationales abordent directement la question de l'intégration et de l'impact du cadre national. Comment faire la part du national dans les comparaisons de politiques infranationales ? À partir d'un ensemble de travaux de sociologie de l'action publique, cet article montre que dominent deux manières d'articuler national et infranational. Certains travaux privilégient le niveau national, et prennent en compte ce qui se joue à d'autres niveaux pour observer des déclinaisons ou des réappropriations de politiques mises en place au niveau ...

Issues, stakeholder networks and policy problem definitions may be defined at the local level. But subnational arenas are often influenced or even structured by national patterns. Taking into account several policy levels has methodological implications for comparative frameworks that are barely dealt with in the literature. We argue that studies comparing subnational policies have to address the impact of national characteristics. The central issue of this paper can be sum up as follows: How identify national framework influences when comparing subnational policies? We first present two main approaches that combine subnational and national levels in comparative frameworks. The first one is characterized by the domination of national level. Subnational cases are used to grasp implementation issues or to refine national patterns. In the second one, mainly inspired by the urban governance literature, the characterization of the subnational entities prevails. Taking into account these two ways of comparing subnational policies, we then present a third-way to combine these perspectives, through the observation of actors evolving in a multilevel environment. ; Si des enjeux, des configurations d'acteurs, ou la définition de certains problems peuvent être propres au niveau local, ceux-ci sont fréquemment influencés par des paramètres définis à d'autres niveaux de gouvernement. En particulier, il est nécessaire que les dispositifs de recherche centrés sur la comparaison de politiques infranationales abordent directement la question de l'intégration et de l'impact du cadre national. Comment faire la part du national dans les comparaisons de politiques infranationales ? À partir d'un ensemble de travaux de sociologie de l'action publique, cet article montre que dominent deux manières d'articuler national et infranational. Certains travaux privilégient le niveau national, et prennent en compte ce qui se joue à d'autres niveaux pour observer des déclinaisons ou des réappropriations de politiques mises en place au niveau ...

Global Production Chains and the Creating of a Labor Right without Borders. -- Abstract: This essay is devoted to the study of construction process of new forms of global governance in the work world that is taking place as a consequence of regulatory instruments interaction of different types and origins, all of them aimed at guaranteeing a fundamental nucleus of fair labor conditions in the global economic space. The hypothesis on which it is based is the consideration of this process as the origin of an unprecedented Transnational Labor Law with a hybrid base and multilevel regulation, as a result of the conviction social, political, trade union and even business- on need for a legal globalization that accompanies and complements economic globalization.The fundamental characteristics of this new law would be, in first instance, the use of power exercised by multinational companies over their global production chains as a fundamental instrument for transnational imposition of their contents and, in second instance, the use of public intervention mechanisms to channel the exercise of this power towards the achievement of their objectives, giving rise to synergies between both and to public-private co- regulation methods. ; Fil: Sanguineti Raymond, Wilfredo. Universidad de Salamanca. Facultad de Derecho. Departamento de Derecho del Trabajo y Trabajo Social. Salamanca, España ; Tema: El Derecho del Trabajo en la Actualidad / Adrián O Goldin, coord. -- Sección Doctrina.-- "El presente artículo constituye una versión actualizada de la ponencia general del XXIX Congreso Anual de la Asociación Española de Derecho del Trabajo y de la Seguridad Social sobre "El futuro del trabajo: cien años de la OIT", celebrado en Salamanca los días 30 y 31 de mayo de 2019.". -- Resumen: El presente ensayo está dedicado al estudio del proceso de construcción de nuevas formas de gobernanza global del mundo del trabajo que se está llevando a cabo como consecuencia de la interacción de instrumentos reguladores de diferentes tipos y orígenes, todos ellos destinados a garantizar un núcleo fundamental de condiciones laborales justas en el espacio económico global. La hipótesis que le sirve de base es la de la consideración de este proceso como el embrión de un inédito derecho laboral transnacional de base híbrida y regulación multinivel, fruto de la convicción -social, política, sindical e incluso empresarial- en torno a la necesidad de una globalización jurídica que acompañe y complemente la globalización económica. Las características fundamentales de este nuevo derecho serían, por un lado, el uso del poder que ejercen las empresas multinacionales sobre sus cadenas de producción mundiales como instrumento fundamental para la imposición transnacional de sus contenidos y, por otro, la utilización de mecanismos de intervención pública para canalizar el ejercicio de este poder hacia el logro de sus objetivos, dando lugar a sinergias entre ambos y a fórmulas de corregulación público-privada.

Cities are continuously evolving formations. Change occurs mostly incrementally, but sometimes more radical shifts transform the urban fabric. Considering the complexity of urban development processes, this paper asks for the conditions of collective action which enable an urban policy change deviating from established planning and political perceptions and interpretations, routines and actual balances of power. To capture the structuring conditions, the paper employs Emirbayer and Goodwin's theoretical approach (1996), which conceptualizes cultural, social-structural and social-psychological contexts of action. The paper translates their framework into a network-theoretical methodology which provides an analytical template for the exploration of two empirical case studies. The paper outlines a multilevel analysis and discusses the qualitative network reconstruction and a frame analysis. Interpreting the find-ings of the political implementation processes of two waterfront redevelopments, it can be assumed that strategic networks of interdependent but loosely coupled actors aspired to overcome hegemonic network domains. The analysis reveals two types of networks, which show an exclusive and an inclusive logic of action respectively. Apart from this general distinction, both cases indicate certain supportive conditions which helped to consolidate the new urban development schemes. Regarding the methodology, it can be concluded that the integrated analysis of actor configurations, cultural frames and social-psychological conditions allowed for an encompassing analysis and helped to discern a variety of constraining and enabling conditions on human agency in urban politics.

"Providing short, clear and accessible explanations of the main areas of EU law, Understanding European Union Law is both an ideal introduction for students new to EU law and an essential addition to revision for the more accomplished. This eighth edition has been fully revised and updated with the latest legislative changes and includes an in-depth discussion of 'Brexit' and its implications for EU-UK relations. The book provides readers with a clear understanding of structures and rationale behind EU law, explaining how and why the law has developed as it has. In addition to discussing the core areas of EU law such as its sources, the role and powers of the EU's Institutions, the enforcement of EU law and the law of the internal market, this edition also includes a new chapter on three 'non-economic' areas of EU law: fundamental human rights, equality (non-discrimination) and the environment. This student-friendly text is both broad in scope and highly accessible. It will inspire students towards further study and show that understanding EU law can be an enjoyable and rewarding experience. As well as being essential reading for Law students, Understanding European Union Law is also suitable for students on other courses where basic knowledge of EU law is required or useful, such as business studies, political science, international relations or European studies programmes. Karen Davies, LLB, LLM, Cert Ed, Fellow of the Higher Education Authority, has written and lectured on European Union Law for over 20 years and retains an honorary teaching position at Swansea University, Wales. Maarten van Munster, LLM, is a senior lecturer in European Union Law and Human Rights Law and a researcher at the Multilevel Regulation research group of the Global Governance Centre of Expertise at the Hague University of Applied Sciences in the Netherlands. Isabel Düsterhöft, LLM, MA, is a senior lecturer in international and European Union law and policy at The Hague University of Applied Sciences in the Netherlands, and a visiting lecturer at the University of Hamburg and Leuphana University in Germany"--

On November 30th, 2020, the New Leipzig Charter 2020 (NCL 2020) was approved at the Informal Meeting of EU Ministers responsible for Urban Development. This document aims to safeguard and reinforce the quality of life of European cities and towns, for which it assumes as a basic principle the search for the common good using the transformative power of cities. In summary, the NCL 2020 is committed to the motto of a "more just, green and productive" city which requires resources, good leadership and solid urban governance, including support of all administrative levels and of all stakeholders involved in urban development. It affirms that it is necessary to support these transformations through integrated, place based, multilevel and participatory approaches. Finally, it recognizes the important role of Cohesion Policy in supporting sustainable and integrated urban development in Europe, as well as the importance of the EU Urban Agenda established in the 2016 Amsterdam Pact. ; El día 30 de noviembre de 2020 se celebró la Reunión Informal de Ministros de la UE responsables de Desarrollo Urbano, en la que se aprobó la Nueva Carta de Leipzig 2020 (NCL 2020). Este documento tiene como objetivo salvaguardar y reforzar la calidad de vida de las ciudades y pueblos europeos, para lo cual asume como principio básico la búsqueda del bien común usando el poder transformativo de las ciudades. De forma resumida, la NCL 2020 apuesta por el lema de una ciudad "más justa, verde y productiva" ("just, green, productive"), para lo cual se requieren recursos, un buen liderazgo y una sólida gobernanza urbana, incluyendo el apoyo de todos los niveles administrativos y de todos los agentes implicados en el desarrollo urbano. Se refirma que es necesario el apoyo a estas transformaciones mediante enfoques que tengan carácter integrado, espacializado ("place based"), multinivel y participatorio. Finalmente, se reconoce el importante papel de la Política de Cohesión en el apoyo al desarrollo urbano sostenible e integrado en Europa, así como de la Agenda Urbana de la UE establecida en el Pacto de Amsterdam de 2016.

Abstract

Objectives
Work and research with nanomaterials (NMs) has primarily focused on innovation, toxicity, governance, safety management tools, and public perceptions. The aim of this study was to identify academia and industry occupational safety and health (OSH) managers' perceptions and handling of NMs, in relation to safety culture.


Methods
Semistructured interviews were carried out with OSH managers at six academic institutions and six industrial companies. The interview statements were coded into five topics regarding NMs: risk comprehension, information gathering, actions, communication, and compliance. The statements were then coded according to a five-step safety culture maturity model reflecting increasing occupational safety maturity from passive, to reactive, active, proactive, and exemplary occupational safety.


Results
The safety culture maturity of the academic institutions were primarily active and proactive, whereas the industry group were primarily active and reactive. None of the statements were rated as exemplary, with the majority reflecting an active safety culture. The topics varied from a passive approach of having no focus on NMs and regarding risks as a part of the job, to applying proactive measures in the design, production, application, and waste management phases. Communication and introduction to OSH issues regarding NMs as well as compliance provided challenges in both academia and industry, given the increasing cultural and linguistic diversity of students/staff and employees. Workplace leaders played a crucial role in establishing a legitimate approach to working safely with NMs, however, the currently available OSH information for NMs were described as insufficient, impractical, and inaccessible. There was an embedded problem in solely relying on safety data sheets, which were often not nanospecific, as this may have led to underprotection.


Conclusions
There is a need for more structured, up-to-date, easily accessible, and user-friendly tools and information regarding toxicity and threshold limit values, relevant OSH promotion information, legislation, and other rules. The study underscores the need for politicians and engineers to collaborate with communication experts and both natural and social scientists in effectively framing information on NMs. Such a collaboration should allow for flexible deployment of multilevel and integrated safety culture initiatives to support sustainable nanotechnology and operational excellence.

This cumulative dissertation aims to understand the role of water operators' partnerships (WOPs) in improving urban water supply in developing countries. Through two cases in Vietnam, safe access to water is explored in relation to the place-specific adaptation of decentralized and non-networked infrastructures, as well as the expansion of large-scale (centralized) infrastructures. The case of Hanoi uses the theoretical and conceptual frameworks of urban political ecology and splintering urbanism to understand multilevel water governance and suburbanization trends. The second case compares performance changes of the local water utility in Da Nang, before and after a cooperation with the Dutch organization, VEI (formerly known as Vitens Evides International)—the world's leading non-profit promoter and implementer of WOPs. In this example, supporting institutions include the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the United States Agenda for International Development (USAID), and the World Bank. Given the internationalization of strategies toward sustainable development, the research focuses on mechanisms of cooperation that support sustainable water management transitions and resilient urban water supply systems. The research assumes that WOPs sustainably contribute to the improvement of urban water supply in developing countries through the transfer of technical and operational knowledge, and the financial support of local water utilities. Both cases deliver relevant insights regarding: i) the continuity of utility performance improvements, ii) sustainable water management transitions, and iii) the effects of WOPs on poverty reduction. This work further demonstrates that by supporting urban infrastructure development, WOPs can make an important contribution to Vietnam's integration in the world economy. The findings emphasize the need to adopt a new understanding of transnational urbanism in order to raise accountability of international actors over the management of local resources. An agenda for future research suggests deepening into the debate of privatization of public water utilities. Given the relatively recent adoption of the United Nations' Resolution A/RES/64/202 on the human right to water, it is necessary to explore the legal frameworks which encourage that international cooperation mechanisms favor cost-effective solutions for affordable and inclusive access to safe water.