Suchergebnisse

Since the end of the USSR, post-Soviet Jewry has evolved into an ethnically and culturally diverse Russian speaking community. This process is taking place against the gradual inflation of a collective identity among Russian-speaking Jews that survived the first post-Soviet decade. The infrastructure for this new entity is provided by new local (or ethno-civic) groups of East European Ashkenazi Jewry with specific communal, subcultural, and ethno-political identities ("Ukrainian," "Moldavian," or "Russian" Jews, e.g.). These communities demonstrate a changing balance of identification between their countries of residence and the "transnational Russian-Jewish community", and they absorb a significant number of persons of non-Jewish and ethnically heterogeneous origins as well. This book discusses identity, community modes, migration dynamics, socioeconomic status, attitudes toward Israel, social and political environments, and other parameters framing these trends using the results of a comprehensive sociological study of the extended Jewish population conducted in 2019-2020 by this author in the five former-Soviet Union countries (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, and Kazakhstan)

Why do people seeking asylum often break immigration laws? Refuge Beyond Reach shows how rich democracies deliberately and systematically shut down most legal paths to safety. An architecture of repulsion in the air, at sea, and on land keeps most refugees far away from places where they can ask for sanctuary.

Recently, various Central and Eastern European countries have experienced a regression of democratic quality, often resulting in the emergence of competitive (semi‐)authoritarian regimes with an illiberal governing ideology. This has often been accompanied by a closing political space for civil society groups. Based on a survey of more than 400 Polish, Hungarian, Czech, and Slovenian interest organizations, we explore, in the context of backsliding, the conditions under which organized interests shift their lobbying activities to alternative, i.e., EU or regional levels. Our statistical analyses indicate that it is rather exclusive policy‐making in general than a lack of individual group access to domestic policy networks that motivate organizations to engage in multilevel lobbying. However, it appears that organizational self‐empowerment and inter‐group cooperation are the "name of the game." Even under the adverse conditions of democratic backsliding, organizations that are accumulating expertise, professionalizing their operations, and cooperating with other organizations not only can sustain access to (illiberal) national governments but also branch out their operations to the European and regional levels.

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Vorwort -- Einleitung -- Theoretische und methodische Grundlagen -- Flucht und Vertreibung der Deutschen als historisches Ereignis -- Diskurse über Flucht und Vertreibung im Kalten Krieg -- Diskurse über Flucht und Vertreibung nach 1989 -- Regionalhistorische Museen -- Museumsprojekte mit europäischem Anspruch im Vergleich -- Stiftung Flucht, Vertreibung, Versöhnung -- Museum des Zweiten Weltkrieges in Danzig -- Haus der Europäischen Geschichte -- Vergleich und Zusammenfassung -- Zusammenfassung und abschließende Betrachtungen -- Anhang -- Abstract -- Abkürzungs- und Zeitungsverzeichnis -- Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis -- Ortsregister -- Personen-, Gruppen- und Institutionenregister

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This report on a study in progress examines some thus far uninvestigated aspects of Europe's post-1989 transformation and, specifically, developments related to greatly increased Westbound work-related migration of East Europeans. It is informed by three arguments. First, that East European, especially low-skilled, migrants' income-seeking sojourns in the West sustain or even reenergize some of the entrenched mindsets and coping practices formed under the previous regime and known as the homo sovieticus or beat-the-system/ bend-the-law syndrome as the effective strategy of economic action in the new situation. Second, that as East European (im)migrants negotiate the circumstances they encounter abroad in the pursuit of the purposes by engaging receiver-society native residents and institutions, their old-regime practices and orientations become integrated over time into the local cultural and social relational patterns in the West European countries where they settle. And third, that as East European income-seeking migrants travelling to the West return to their home-country localities, they transplant there their hands-on experience of the daily operation of capitalism acquired through its everyday "participant observation" during their Western sojourns. As they do this, they re-implant in their home-country local societies the old-regime homo sovieticus coping strategy now enhanced as effective tools in negotiating the capitalist system.

In den letzten Jahren hat die Anzahl von fachlich hoch qualifizierten Migranten weltweit stark zugenommen, wie verschiedene empirische Studien belegen. Die Wanderungen erfolgen dabei überwiegend von Ost nach West, obwohl gleichzeitig Rückwanderungen in die rasch wachsenden osteuropäischen Ökonomien zunehmen. Unter der Annahme, dass das Humankapital eine wichtige Determinante für das Wirtschaftswachstum darstellt, könnte die Migration von hoch qualifizierten und begabten Personen die Entwicklungskluft zwischen Ost und West vergrößern. In der vorliegenden Studie wird diese Annahme empirisch überprüft und der Frage nachgegangen, ob und inwiefern die Migration von hoch Qualifizierten das Wirtschaftswachstum in den osteuropäischen Entsendestaaten auf kurz- und langfristiger Ebene beeinträchtigt. Theoretische Grundlage bildet das Konzept des "innovativen Kapitals" von D. Kancs und P. Ciaian aus deren Veröffentlichung: "Blue Cards, Blue Prospects?" in den International Migration Papers No. 91 (2008). (ICI)

Les calculs de stocks et, surtout, de flux de carbone sont devenus en quelques années un enjeu majeur de la politique environnementale internationale, dans l'optique d'une réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre. La forêt joue un rôle central dans cette comptabilité, puisqu'elle contient, dans nombre de pays, la majeure partie du stock de carbone et qu'elle peut jouer un rôle non négligeable dans la limitation des émissions nettes de carbone. Nous avons mis au point une méthodologie de calcul de ces stocks et flux nationaux, basée, pour la biomasse, sur les données de l'Inventaire forestier national (IFN) et, pour les sols, sur la partie française du Réseau européen de suivi des dommages forestiers et sur le réseau RENECOFOR (Dupouey et al., 1999 ; Arrouays et al., 1999 ; Pignard et al., 2000). Les premiers résultats indiquent un stock total forestier de 2 000 MtC (millions de tonnes de carbone), 43 % de celui-ci dans la biomasse (tiges, racines et feuilles) et 57 % dans la litière et les sols (jusqu'à 30 cm de profondeur). La biomasse forestière a fixé environ 10,5 MtC par an pendant la période 1980-1990, en raison de l'accroissement des surfaces forestières et, surtout, en raison d'une augmentation rapide du stock de bois sur pied par unité de surface. Cette augmentation est liée au fait que les prélèvements actuels sont nettement inférieurs à la productivité (à peine plus de 60 % des 81 Mm3/an produits ; Ministère de l'Agriculture et de la Pêche, 2000). Cette fixation nette de carbone représente 10 % de nos émissions brutes de carbone fossile (100 MtC environ). La biomasse forestière joue donc actuellement un rôle positif significatif dans la limitation de nos émissions nettes de carbone. Ces calculs de stocks et de flux sont cependant encore entachés de fortes incertitudes, en raison de multiples problèmes méthodologiques dont nous présentons une courte synthèse ici.

This book offers a detailed investigation of the influence of public opinion and national identity on the foreign policies of France, Britain and the Netherlands in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The quarter-century of upheaval and warfare in Europe between the outbreak of the French Revolution and fall of Napoleon saw important developments in understandings of nation, public, and popular sovereignty, which spilled over into how people viewed their governments?and how governments viewed their people. By investigating the ideas and impulses behind Dutch, French and British foreign policy in a comparative context across a range of royal, revolutionary and republican regimes, this book offers new insights into the importance of public opinion and national identities to international relations at the end of the long eighteenth century