Suchergebnisse

Le 1er novembre 1700 s'éteint le roi Charles II d'Espagne. À la surprise générale, il désigne comme héritier le jeune Philippe, petit-fils de Louis XIV. Cette décision va entraîner un conflit à l'échelle mondiale et redessiner, pour deux siècles, l'équilibre des pouvoirs en Europe. La guerre de Succession d'Espagne (1701-1714) voit la France subir une série de désastres sans précédent, avant de réaliser un ultime sursaut qui permet à Louis XIV d'arracher une paix de compromis. L'issue du conflit consacre l'affirmation de la Grande-Bretagne et de la Maison d'Autriche, tandis que l'Écosse ou la Catalogne perdent leur autonomie. Clément Oury étudie la direction des opérations depuis Versailles ou La Haye, comme le quotidien des soldats et des populations, et propose ainsi la première synthèse en français sur ce conflit majeur de l'histoire européenne

The history of Peace Parks started after WWII and they are nowadays spread all over the world. The most ancient were established in Europe and North America, but the most important focus are now Sub-Saharian Africa and the former Ottoman Empire territories. For South Africa this tool became an important way to carry on the African Reinassance and the idea of a united aim of development and spread wellness after decades of Apartheid and centuries of colonization. In the Balkans, above all about the project of a Balkans Peace Park between Albania, Kosovo and Montenegro, the lack of a"Balkan Reinassance" and the ethnical, religious and political differences between each country in the former Yugoslavia intersect the project of a Peace Park with several "fil rouges" that make the context become more and more complex.

THE HELSINKI FINAL ACT HAS BEEN REGARDED AS THE BIBLE OF THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND CO-OPERATION IN EUROPE (OSCE) SINCE ITS ADOPTION 20 YEARS AGO. THE HELSINKI FINAL ACT HAS ALSO TURNED OUT TO BE AN IMPORTANT INSTRUMENT FOR NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (NGOS). THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES THE RELATIONSHIP THAT HAS EVOLVED OVER THE YEARS BETWEEN NGOS AND THE OSCE AND DISCUSSES RECENT EVENTS WHICH HAVE MADE ONGOING AND INFORMED DIALOGUE BETWEEN THE OSCE AND NGOS EASIER. SOME OF THE CONCERNS ON WHICH BOTH THE OSCE AND THE NGOS HAVE BASED THEIR DISCUSSIONS INCLUDE DISARMAMENT, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT. THE ARTICLE ALSO DISCUSSES THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NGOS AND THE OSCE AND PREDICTS THAT THERE IS ROOM FOR EXPANDING INVOLVEMENT OF NGOS ACROSS THE ENTIRE SPECTRUM OF OSCE CONCERNS AND ACTIVITIES.

Dostoevsky's spirit is broken by a difficult childhood, years of imprisonment and forced military service in the difficult conditions of remote Russia, and the shackles of married life with the "sick, hysterical widow ". Wandering through dreamy Europe made him aware of the attachment to the Russian homeland and revealed love and allusion of peace; he falls in love with Ana by dictating the text of the "Gambler ", which will provide them with bread and shelter in the days of losing the gambling luck and questionable existence. In his wandering through Europe as the "land of holy wonders", Dostoevsky informs us through the confessions of the gambler Alexei about the temptations of the "world" addicted to the gambling table. The significance of divisive passions is questioned: those towards women, love and even more, gambling, destructive, demonic. In 27 days while he was presenting Ana with the thoughts of the main character of the "Gambler ", and she was recording them in a transcript, the writer was going through his own agony. The novel will see the light of day, but unlike Alexei, a character waiting for a new tomorrow to decide on ending a life driven by an unhealthy addictive habit, Dostoevsky, after the novel ends, experiences catharsis and sails into economic security by taking royalties for this and subsequent novels. As when after a stormy night at sea, a sunny morning dawns, a hint of love, happiness and the desired family peace is prayed to the author. Ana will focus the writer, a gambler, on family life and caring for children, and abduct him from addiction by sailing with him to the next "storm". The basic theme of the novel – the obsession with gambling – is the experience of Dostoevsky, a writer with "a heart in which God and Satan fight, and the pledge is human life." In the days when in the hustle and bustle of modern life, COVID-19, complete human alienation and escalation of violence we turn to the spiritual, looking for a way out in the metaphysical, surreal, healing and nurturing, andrational and explainable does not offer a final answer, someone seeks a way out of addiction and someone in a classic, something familiar and valuable. Or in metaphysics that goes beyond the physical and the knowable, in an attempt to reach the higher, the spiritual. The return to the great connoisseur of the human psyche, Dostoevsky, in a return to the interest in man, the inspiration of the human and the humane, but also the space behind knowable and the "metaphysical drama". The idea of the French writer Albarez that for Dostoevsky, "in contrast to most other novelists, man is primarily not a biological, social, economic, psychological, but a metaphysical being", becomes understandable. ; U danima kada se u užurbanosti suvremenog života, žrtava COVIDA 19, posvemašnje ljudske otuđenosti i eskalacije nasilja, okrećemo duhovnom tražeći izlaz u metafizičkom, nadrealnom, ljekovitom i njegujućem, a racionalno i objašnjivo ne nudi konačni odgovor, netko izlaz traži u sredstvu ovisnosti, a netko u klasici, nečem poznatom i vrijednom. Ili metafizici koja ide dalje od fizičkog i spoznatljivog, u pokušaju dosizanja višeg, spiritualnog. Povratak velikom poznavaocu ljudske psihe, Dostojevskom, povratak je interesu za čovjeka, inspiraciji ljudskim i humanim, ali i prostoru iza spoznatljivog i "metafizičkoj drami". U skitnjama Europom, Dostojevski nas, kroz ispovijest kockara Alekseja izvještava o iskušenjima "svite" ovisne o kockarskom stolu. Propituje se značaj razdorne strasti: i one prema ženi, ljubavne, a još više, kockarske, rušilačke, demonske. Misao francuskog pisca Albaresa da je za Dostojevskog, "u opreci prema većini ostalih romanopisaca, čovjek primarno ne biološko, socijalno, ekonomsko, psihološko, nego metafizičko biće", postaje razumljivom.

This chapter identifies how electronic public service delivery has diffused in various public sector organizations in Europe. Three, in practice intertwined, sources of influence are identified: opportunity (the seemingly inevitable and autonomous impact of technologies), inscription of normative structures (the materialization of abstract ideas and rhetoric in specific types of information and communication technologies) and enthusiasms (the sometimes overstated beliefs, held by various stakeholders, that technology is the answer to all kinds of questions). The way these sources of influences work out in practice is demonstrated by discussing the diffusion of a specific type of electronic government, that is personalized electronic service delivery, in ten Dutch municipalities. The chapter is ended with reflections and directions for future research.

This article proposes to treat literature as a template of the collective imagination. The basis for discussion is Polish prose from 1986–2016, with the main thesis being that Polish culture has reached the limits of geographical imagination. This is the result of Poland withdrawing from the larger structures to which it once belonged or to which it aspired (its diminishing presence in the European Union, the disappearance of Central Europe, delayed efforts to pursue the Scandinavian model of the state and civic culture, the destruction of relations with Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine). Weakening or breaking ties with neighboring countries has led to isolation from all four sides. In order to get out of this impasse, it is necessary to develop new narratives that would link Poland with the neighboring cultures and would once again put our country back on the European map. ; Artykuł stanowi propozycję potraktowania literatury jako matrycy wyobraźni zbiorowej. Podstawą omówienia jest proza polska okresu 1986–2016, a teza główna mówi, że kultura polska dotarła do krańców wyobraźni geograficznej. Jest to rezultatem wyprowadzki z dotychczasowych większych całości, do których Polska należała bądź do których dążyła (osłabienie obecności w Unii Europejskiej, zniknięcie Europy Środkowej, zahamowanie procesu orientowania się na skandynawski model państwa i kultury obywatelskiej, kryzys w stosunkach z Litwą, Białorusią i Ukrainą). Osłabianie bądź zrywanie więzi z państwami sąsiedzkimi prowadzi do czterostronnej izolacji – czyli wspomnianych krańców wyobraźni geograficznej. Wyjście z impasu byłoby możliwe pod warunkiem wypracowania nowych narracji łączących Polskę z kulturami sąsiedzkimi i osadzających nasz kraj na europejskiej mapie.

Fauna Europaea provides a public web-service with an index of scientific names of all living European land and freshwater animals, their geographical distribution at country level (up to the Urals, excluding the Caucasus region), and some additional information. The Fauna Europaea project covers about 230,000 taxonomic names, including 130,000 accepted species and 14,000 accepted subspecies, which is much more than the originally projected number of 100,000 species. This represents a huge effort by more than 400 contributing specialists throughout Europe and is a unique (standard) reference suitable for many users in science, government, industry, nature conservation and education. For Neuropterida, data from three Insect orders (Raphidioptera, Megaloptera, Neuroptera), comprising 15 families and 397 species, are included.

"The paper is based on a keynote talk held at the international conference "Opening data services in the social sciences", Belgrade, Serbia, 20/21 March 2013. The author wishes to thank the SERSCIDA project1. Empirical social sciences strongly contribute towards a better understanding of
societies, especially of those societies that undergo rapid social changes. Empirical analyses are fed into the steering processes that are shaping a Europe of Nations. But data are also essential for the support of social and economic developments in national contexts. I was asked to reflect on three questions in my talk, namely:Why should we share our data? How can data sharing be organized?
And what are the challenges ahead?" [author's abstract]

'This article examines the evolution of Scottish National Party (SNP) attitudes, policy, and rhetoric toward European integration between 1961 and 1972. Initially lukewarm, even positive, toward the proposed British membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), the party became increasingly hostile to EEC membership and adopted an aggressive anti-EEC position. By the early 1970s, the SNP was the leading anti-EEC political actor in Scotland, and it was the SNP's efforts that helped turn an ignored British foreign policy issue into a Scottish domestic political issue that had wider implications for Scotland's relationship with the United Kingdom and Europe, as well as for the ongoing Europeanization of Scottish politics and society.' (author's abstract)|

This paper looks at the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), where economies have been most dramatically hit by the global crisis and its impact is likely to be most long-lasting, especially among poor and vulnerable groups. Using poverty as the main axis, it looks at aspects of economic and social development in countries at similar poverty levels to identify the degree of fiscal space in each, as well as the different policy choices made. The paper argues that despite such economic fundamentals as increasing external debt, worsening current account imbalances, and demands for a balanced budget, governments have policy choices to make about how to protect different groups, especially the most vulnerable-including women.

Central Europe is part of the continent with its historical and cultural identity and a unique geopolitical role (geopolitical wedge between Germany and Russia). Central Europe includes the Ukrainian and Belarusian lands, which for centuries have been the subject of rivalry between Poland and Russia and the area of influence of powers neighboring this region. Depending on the results of this rivalry, the status of Ukrainian-Belarusian territories varied between the "great borderland" and the periphery of various powers, most often the Republic of Poland or the Russian Empire. However, their role was different for both countries. For the Commonwealth, they constituted a necessary resource for maintaining its subjectivity, sovereignty and, consequently, independence. However, for Russia they were a route to master Central Europe and to influence Western Europe. In the history of the Ukrainian-Belarusian lands, three alternative variants of concentration and political rivalry were possible. The first – the formation in this subregion of Central Europe of the countries with high political subjectivity, based on significant demographic, geopolitical and economic resources. The second – the occupation of the Ukrainian-Belarusian border entirely by one of the neighboring powers as a result of military actions or EU agreements, which made them a "great borderland", strengthening the potential of the country of its belonging. The third – the division of Ukrainian-Belarusian lands between state organisms with high subjectivity (the loss of the status of "great borderland" in favor of being peripheries), actually preventing internal political consolidation, but deepening the diversity of the subregion in terms of religion, religion, ethnicity, culture and language, mental, and consequently also socio-economic. In the historical process, all three scenarios were implemented, which contributed to giving the Ukrainian-Belarusian lands as a constitutive feature of the "Central European syndrome", however questioned in the international environment, primarily by Russia recognizing this area as part of its own civilization and cultural circle. ; Europa Środkowa jest częścią kontynentu z własną tożsamością historyczną i kulturową oraz unikatową rolą geopolityczną (geopolitycznego klina między Niemcami i Rosją). Do Europy Środkowej należy zaliczyć ziemie ukraińskie i białoruskie, które przez wieki były przedmiotem rywalizacji między Polską i Rosją oraz obszarem wpływów mocarstw niesąsiadujących z tym regionem. W zależności od wyników tej rywalizacji status ziem ukraińsko-białoruskich wahał się między "wielkim pograniczem" a peryferiami różnych mocarstw, najczęściej Rzeczypospolitej lub Imperium Rosyjskiego. Jednak dla obu tych państw ich rola była odmienna. Dla Rzeczypospolitej stanowiły one konieczny zasób dla utrzymania jej podmiotowości, suwerenności, a w konsekwencji – niepodległości. Natomiast dla Rosji były szlakiem do opanowania Europy Środkowej oraz oddziaływania na Europę Zachodnią.W dziejach ziem ukraińsko-białoruskich były możliwe trzy alternatywne warianty koncentracji i rywalizacji politycznej. Pierwszy – ukształtowanie w tym subregionie Europy Środkowej państw o wysokiej podmiotowości politycznej, opartej na znacznych zasobach demograficznych, geopolitycznych i gospodarczych. Drugi – zajęcie ukraińsko-białoruskiego pogranicza w całości przez jedno z sąsiednich mocarstw w wyniku działań militarnych lub układów unijnych, co czyniło z nich "wielkie pogranicze", wzmacniające potencjał państwa swojej przynależności. Trzeci – podział ziem ukraińsko-białoruskich między organizmy państwowe o wysokiej podmiotowości (utrata statusu "wielkiego pogranicza" na rzecz bycia peryferiami), faktycznie uniemożliwiający wewnętrzną konsolidację polityczną, lecz pogłębiający zróżnicowanie subregionu pod względem religijno-wyznaniowym, etnicznym, kulturowo-językowym, mentalnym, a w konsekwencji również społeczno-gospodarczym. W procesie historycznym były realizowane wszystkie trzy scenariusze, co przyczyniło się do nadania ziemiom ukraińsko-białoruskim jako cechy konstytutywnej "syndromu środkowoeuropejskiego", jednak kwestionowanego w środowisku międzynarodowym, przede wszystkim przez Rosję uznającą ten obszar za część własnego kręgu cywilizacyjno-kulturowego. ; Центральная Европа является частью континента с его исторической и культурной самобытностью и уникальной геополитической ролью (геополитический клин между Германией и Россией). Центральная Европа включает в себя украинские и белорусские земли, которые на протяжении веков были предметом соперничества между Польшей и Россией и зоной влияния держав, граничащих с этим регионом. В зависимости от результатов этого соперничества, статус украинско-белорусских территорий варьировался между «великой границей» и периферией различных держав, чаще всего Речи Посполитой или Российской империи. Однако их роль была разной для обеих стран. Для Речи Посполитой они являлись необходимым ресурсом для поддержания ее субъективности, суверенитета и, следовательно, независимости. Однако для России это был путь к овладению Центральной Европой и влиянию на Западную Европу.В истории украинско-белорусских земель были возможны три альтернативных варианта концентрации и политического соперничества. Первый – формирование в этом субрегионе Центральной Европы стран с высокой политической субъектностью, основанных на значительных демографических, геополитических и экономических ресурсах. Второй – оккупация украинско-белорусской границы целиком одной из соседних держав в результате военных действий или союзных соглашений, которые сделали их «великой границей», усиливая потенциал страны своей принадлежности. Третий – разделение украинско-белорусских земель между государственными организмами с высокой субъектностью (утрата статуса «великих пограничных территорий» в пользу периферии), фактически предотвращающее внутриполитическую консолидацию, но углубляющее разнообразие субрегиона с точки зрения религии, этнической принадлежности, культуры и языка, менталитета, а следовательно, и социально-экономической дифференциации. В историческом процессе были реализованы все три сценария, которые способствовали тому, что украинско-белорусские земли стали характерной чертой «центральноевропейского синдрома», хотя и подвергались сомнению в международной среде, в первую очередь в связи с тем, что Россия признала этот район частью своего цивилизационно-культурного круга.

Highlights • Sustainable provision of FES require a system- and innovation-based perspective. • Most innovation activities are characterised by optimisation strategies for biomass provision. • Lacking resources and institutions prevent foresters to engage in innovation activities. • New forms of communication, cooperation and financing are needed for providing non-wood FES. • Current revisions of EU policy frameworks pose possibilities for novel forms of FES governance. ; This paper analyses the occurrence of governance innovations for forest ecosystem service (FES) provision in the forestry sector in Europe and the factors that influence innovation development. Based on a European-wide online survey, public and private forest owners and managers representing different property sizes indicate what type of governance innovation activities they engage in, and why. To investigate forestry innovations as systems, the analysis focuses on biophysical, social and technical factors influencing innovation development. The results of our exploratory quantitative analysis show that most innovation activities identified are largely oriented towards biomass production. Accordingly, most forest owners implement efficiency-driven optimisation strategies for forest management and technological improvement for provisioning service supply, to generate income. In contrast, the provision of regulating and cultural services is not yet a prominent part of forestry innovation activities. Reasons are rooted in a market-oriented economic rationale focusing on timber production, a lack of financial resources to compensate for other FES provisions or institutions to provide backup and security to forest owners and managers for engaging in innovation development. Given that the provision of a wide range of FES is a politically well-established objective for forest management in Europe, a strategy is needed that helps to align actors and sectors for supporting and co-financing related forest management approaches and business models. The current revision of the forest related policy framework on EU level under the EU Green deal poses a window of opportunity for better fostering novel governance approaches for more sustainable FES provision.

In the United Kingdom, and to a lesser extent the United States, an inter vivos gift, once given, cannot be reclaimed by the giver's heirs. In civil law countries the situation is quite different: Not only spouses, but issue and in some cases even ascendants, are entitled to a forced share of a decedent's estate--and these forced shares are assessed against a notional "estate" that includes the testator's inter vivos gifts. If the total of these forced shares exceeds the amount actually available in the decedent's estate at death, the recipients of the gifts, or their successors, may be forced to make up the missing amount. Clawbacks of this nature might have remained relatively insignificant, but last year the European Union undertook, indirectly, to expand their reach dramatically. The EU proposal, in theory, addresses only conflict of law rules; in practice, if adopted, it will threaten not only existing trusts and charitable gifts in the US and UK, but may also reduce future philanthropic giving. The UK, to date, has opted out of the proposal, and the US is not directly affected; given the large number of US and UK citizens with assets in continental Europe, however, and vice versa, it remains a concern. The recent European Union proposal to bring about a more uniform body of law governing choice-of-law and related issues in international inheritance cases is perhaps, a necessary response to the increasingly international nature of the EU's (and the world's) inhabitants and their assets. As written, though, it is rather heavily tilted toward the civil law values of continental Europe and threatens to collide jarringly with common law traditions, in particular the Anglo-American fondness for trusts and charitable giving. This article provides a look at these different traditions, and then examines the relevant inheritance law provisions of EU member states, the UK, and the US before looking at the proposal itself.

The economic model based on the consumption of fossil fuels, mainly oil, historically has fostered a growth of civilization, but it has not taken into account the consequences for the environment, now beginning to be analyzed due to the different impacts observed. It is necessary a clean energy production worldwide. In the current economic crisis, especially in southern Europe, one of the challenges of change is the energy model, both to improve environmental impacts and to improve the balance of payments, without losing competitiveness. The first conditions that must have the new energy model 2 promoted by the European Union (EU) are the savings, efficiency and clean energy production, discussed in this article. Renewable energies are inexhaustible and widely distributed. Its use in a higher percentage than today, will impact less on the environment, improve the balance of payments, and create new jobs. ; Postprint (published version)