We study the impact of political intervention on a financial system that consists of banks and financial markets and develops over time. In this financial system, banks and markets exhibit three forms of interaction: they compete, they complement each other, and they co-evolve. Co-evolution is generated by two new ingredients of financial system architecture relative to the existing theories: securitization and risk-sensitive bank capital. We show that securitization propagates banking advances to the financial market, permitting market evolution to be driven by bank evolution, and market advances are transmitted to banks through bank capital. We then examine how politicians determine the nature of political intervention designed to expand credit availability. We find that political intervention in banking exhibits a U-shaped pattern, where it is most notable in the early stage of financial system development (through bank capital subsidy in exchange for state ownership of banks) and in the advanced stage (through direct lending regulation). Despite expanding credit access, political intervention results in an increase in financial system risk and does not contribute to financial system evolution. Numerous policy implications are drawn out.
Taking into account the influence of mentalities and attitudes on the construction of the political imaginary, the author is questioning the possibility if the parity or the quotas can become in the future a source of inspiration for the political representation of women in Romania. This essay analyses two francophone models, France and Belgium, where the quotas and parity are applied, and which represented during the last two centuries sources of inspiration for the electoral and constitutional framework of Romania.
THE THEORY OF CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY HAS EMPHASIZED THE INTERNAL CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH ELITES IN "SEGMENTED PLURALIST" COUNTRIES MAY CHOOSE SUCH A STRATEGY. THIS ARTICLE SUGGESTS A DISTINCTION BETWEEN GENETIC AND SUSTAINING CONDITIONS OF THIS TYPE OF CONFLICT MANAGEMENT AND SEEKS TO ANALYZE THE COMPLEX RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN INTERNAL STRUCTURE AND THE POSITION IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM.
This article raises important questions concerning the deployment of stereotypes about traditional & modern political practices by the Maltese people. These stereotypes are often used to make claims against politicians & the state, reflecting various understandings of what the state (or government) is & does. For the Maltese, reform & modernization are often seen as positive developments. However, they are also fraught with risk, as clientelistic practices & systems of patronage are what make Malta's political system functional. Considering these issues through an anthropological lens, the article exposes an inherent tension in Malta -- between the traditionalists & modernizers, that is, between those who wish to see Malta 'moving forward' via a process of Europeanization, & those who prefer to cling to Maltese ways of doing things. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.
The electoral system is an integral part of any representative democracy, and the choice of system is an important framework for individual behavior and party competition. An electoral system is a result of compromise between parties with vested interests in the system setup. However, no system satisfies all ideal claims. This article is an introduction to the electoral system used in parliamentary elections in Norway; it emphasizes the political consequences of vital elements such as the balance between provincial and compensatory seats, and the geographical distribution of seats and electoral formulae. In sum, the system introduced in 2003 is more proportional in terms of the parties' share of seats compared with votes, and the geographical distribution has become more systematic and less skewed, although the ideal of one vote-one value has not been achieved. Both the present and previous electoral systems combine elements reflecting different principles and concerns such as increased proportionality, on the one hand, and the fear of a fragmented party system on the other. The analyses show a complex interplay between different parts of the system. One and the same system may have different effects depending on the balance between the parties and between electoral districts. Thus, in order to study the effect of changes in the electoral system one needs to use simulations based on election outcomes over time.
The Argentine Constitution of 1853, like most Latin American constitutions of the nineteenth century, established a central role of the president in the political system. But this system, although potentially democratic, was limiting popular participation. The framers of 1853 believed that the democratization of the regime would occur by Congress, which was designed with representational powers. But what actually happened was different: being the presidency the center of the system, when the democratic reforms of the XXth century took place, a new relationship between the president and the public was established. And so, the presidency has been transformed into something very different from what the founders of Argentine institutions might have thought. The modern, or populist, president has an undisputed electoral power and became the subject of popular representation. And as a result, the president has also become the main agent of change in public policy. In this thesis, we propose to conceptualize the relationship between the president and the public, called "populist presidentialism" as one of the three institutional dimensions of presidential power. This structural transformation of the presidency has also involved a number of changes in the political system. The electoral centrality of the executive power, mainly the presidency, that some institutional processes such as elections, the strategies of new political parties or public opinion beliefs are too oriented towards the presidency, and therefore its centrality is still increasing. The conclusion of this thesis, which opens a research agenda on presidential powers in Latin America, is that the presidential system should not be abandoned, but that the legislator should consider mechanisms to regulate and balance the effects of the populist presidentialism. ; La Constitution argentine de 1853, comme toutes les constitutions de l'Amérique latine du XIXe siècle, a établi un rôle central du président dans le système politique. Mais ce système, bien que potentiellement démocratique, limitait la participation populaire. Les constituants de 1853 croyaient que la démocratisation du régime se produirait par le Congrès, ayant le pouvoir de représentation. Mais ce qui est arrivé était différent: la présidence étant le centre du système, lorsque les réformes démocratiques du XXe siècle se produisent, une relation entre le président et le public a été institué. Et donc, la présidence a été transformée en quelque chose de très différent de ce que les fondateurs des institutions argentines avaient envisagé. Le président moderne, ou populiste, a un pouvoir électoral incontesté et est devenu le sujet de la représentation populaire. Et en conséquence, le président est devenu aussi l'agent principal du changement dans les politiques publiques. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons de conceptualiser la relation entre le président et le public, appelé «présidentialisme populiste» comme l'un des trois dimensions institutionnelles du pouvoir présidentiel. Cette transformation structurelle de la présidence a également impliqué un certain nombre de changements dans le système politique. La centralité électorale de l'exécutif, en particulier la présidence, a fait que des processus institutionnels comme les élections législatives, les stratégies de nouveaux partis politiques ou les interprétations de l'opinion publique soient trop orientées vers la présidence. La centralité de la présidence est donc en augmentation. La conclusion de cette thèse, qui ouvre un programme de recherche, c'est que le système présidentiel ne doit pas être abandonné, mais que le législateur devrait envisager des mécanismes pour réglementer et équilibrer les effets du présidentialisme populiste.
El propósito general de este trabajo es contribuir a la comprensión de las transformaciones políticas de las comunidades indígenas de la región andina de Bolivia a partir de las reformas estatales implementadas en la década de 1990, desde una perspectiva que atiende a la manera cómo la comunidad indígena, en nuestro caso el ayllu Kirkyawi, se ha reconfi gurado política y organizativamente a partir del nuevo marco legal, institucional y político. En el mismo pretendemos mostrar que es la "comunidad" construida desde su sistema de organización política propia la que podría constituirse jurídicamente como "nación" en el contexto del Estado Plurinacional, es decir, que es necesario pasar del "reconocimiento" de la diversidad étnica y cultural a la construcción de un sistema político administrativo que contemple la posibilidad de que las comunidades indígenas puedan construir su verdadera autonomía; es decir, determinar el sistema político por el que les conviene regirse, el sistema de autoridades, las instancias de participación y toma de decisiones y las instancias y formas legislativas propias. En defi nitiva, la posibilidad de gobernarse a sí mismos. Este es el proyecto político que surge a partir de la comunidad para la constitución de las naciones del Estado Plurinacional. ; The general aim of this work is to contribute to understand the political transformations of the indigenous communities of the Andean region of Bolivia since the state reforms implemented in the decade of 1990 and in a perspective that focuses in how the indigenous community, in our case the ayllu Kirkyawi, have politically reshaped in the new legal, institutional and political frame. We show that it is the "community" constructed from its own political system the one that might constitute juridically as "nation" in the context of the new Estado Plurinacional. That means that it's necessary to go beyond the "recognition" of the ethnic and cultural diversity to the construction of a political and administrative system that opens the possibility of the construction of a real indigenous autonomy; that's to say, to determine the indigenous nations' own political system, authorities system, the instances of participation and decision making and their own legislative practices; in a word, the possibility of self determination. This is the political project that arises from the community for the constitution of the nations of the Estado Plurinacional.
Indian federalism is a blend of formation of federations of both the existing modes of federations The prevailing situations at the juncture in the country forced the Constituent Assembly to make India a federation with the strong central government. The constitution makes adequate provisions for a true federation to meet out all the exigencies. In practice, it reflects both federal and unitary governments' features as per the demand of the situations and has experienced, the bitter taste of emergency and coalition government. The decisions of the Hon'ble Supreme Court also contributed to clearing the grey areas. Undoubtedly, the constitution is a fundamental document to provide the guidelines and limits to government. Its success and applicability ultimately depend upon the mental make-up, honesty, and commitment of the persons at the helm of the affairs. The present write-up comprises of salient features of Indian federation, its historical profile, and the concluding remarks.
