Suchergebnisse

Examines variations in governmental repression of human rights based on selected characteristics and behaviors of 153 countries; 1980-87. Whether loss of democracy, increases in economic standing, involvement in an international or civil war affected repression.

To ensure linguistic rights as fundamental rights and the equal treatment of all before the law as well as in other social spheres, translation and interpreting are becoming a necessity; the regulation of this professional area, defined by society's socially weakest members, is indicative of the level of democracy in a society. The article presents the Slovenian situation from the perspective of the need to ensure community interpreting, taking into account information gained by direct observation and interviews.The Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia generally guarantees linguistic rights in public settings, but their implementation depends on specific laws, thus ensuring and formally regulating interpreting only in court and asylum procedures, while no services are offered in general social and health care settings (except for sign language interpreting), resulting in a power imbalance in interpreter-mediated interactions where interpreting is managed through the improvisation and goodwill of all parties involved. The article ends with plans on how to improve the situation in Slovenia, considering that an integrated arrangement of community interpreting is necessary nowadays, respecting linguistic rights as basic human rights.

This book provides the first comprehensive assessment of the contribution of the United Nations to the human rights situation of the Bahá'ís in Iran. It does this by examining the theoretical, legal, institutional and political dimensions of this issue in detail. The situation of the Bahá'í community in Iran between 1979 and 2002 provides a particularly good test case for the international community due to its clarity. By giving attention to a singular case within a discrete time frame, this book is able to effectively examine the impact of UN human rights protection. Attention is given in this study to the clash between religion and human rights, the protection of freedom of religion or belief in international law, the workings of UN human rights charter-based and treaty bodies and their various mechanisms, and recommendations for the resolution of the Bahá'í human rights situation in Iran

The twentieth century has been characterised by the proliferation of human rights in the discursive practices of the United Nations (Baxi, 1997). In this article, we explore the continual process of rights-based education towards transformative action, and an open and democratic society, as dependent upon the facilitation of human rights literacy in teacher training. Our theoretical framework examines the continual process of moving towards an open and democratic society through the facilitation of human rights literacy, rights-based education and transformative action. We focus specifically on understandings of dignity, equality and freedom, as both rights (legal claims) and values (moral action) across horizontal and vertical applications, considering the internalisation and implementation of dignity, equality and freedom towards transformative action. Our analysis of data stemming from a project funded by the National Research Foundation (NRF) entitled 'Human Rights Literacy: A quest for meaning', brought student-teachers' understandings into conversation with the proposed theoretical framework. In terms of understandings related to dignity, equality and freedom, participants seemingly understand human rights either as legal interests, or alternatively, as they pertain to values such as caring, ubuntu, respect, human dignity and equality. Legal understandings primarily focus on the vertical application of the Bill of Rights (RSA, 1996a) and the role of government in this regard, whereas understandings related to the realisation of values tended to focus on the horizontal applications of particularly dignity and equality as the product of the relation between self and other. We conclude the article by linking the analysis and the theoretical framework to education as a humanising practice within human rights as a common language of humanity. In so doing, we argue that human rights literacy and rights-based education transcend knowledge about human rights, moving towards transformative action and caring educational relations premised on freedom, dignity and equality. Finally, recommendations are made regarding human rights and rights-based education as transformative action within the South African context, towards an open and democratic society.

A recent article has found nationalism to be negatively associated with government respect for several human rights. In this article, I replicate the original study's findings, I demonstrate that these findings are robust to an alternate model specification, and I then extend the analysis to additional human rights not examined by the original author. Ultimately, I find that in comparison to when the chief executive is not nationalist, when the chief executive is highly nationalist, that state is less likely to be associated with high government respect for six 'empowerment' rights (i.e. the freedoms of assembly and association, electoral self-determination, speech, foreign movement, religion, and worker's rights), and more likely to be associated with low government respect for these six empowerment rights. This study suggests that nationalism's influence on human rights is greater than previous thought.

Introduction: Children's rights and humanitarian rationalities -- "No tears here": humanitarian recognition, liminality, and the child refugee -- Trafficking global girlhoods, terrorism, and humanitarian celebrity -- Humanitarian futures: disability exceptionalism and African child soldier narratives -- Humanitarian negations: Black childhoods and US carceral systems -- Queer optics: humanitarian thresholds and transgender children's rights -- Coda: "Walls as we see them".

In recent years, there has been greater scholarly enquiry into explaining variation in support for European Union membership. We theorise that one cause of such variation is likely to be non-political psychological predispositions, such as one's personal values. We test this proposition by applying Schwartz's theory of basic human values to predict voting intentions in hypothetical referendums on EU membership. We theorise that these values determine both voting intentions and more proximate explanatory variables of support for EU membership: attitudes to immigration and identifying as European. Using data on 13 countries from the European Social Survey (N=24,703 citizens) and multigroup structural equation modeling, we demonstrate that this psychological framework effectively predicts voting intentions, notably in terms of the consistent cross-country evidence for indirect effects of values on support for membership via European identity and attitudes to immigration. We then discuss the implications of our findings, including differences in effects between countries.

The state-based system of global governance has struggled for more than
a generation to adjust to the expanding reach and growing influence of
transnational corporations. The United Nations first attempted to establish
binding international rules to govern the activities of transnationals in
the 1970s. That endeavor was initiated by developing countries as part of a
broader regulatory program with redistributive aims known as the New
International Economic Order. Human rights did not feature in this
initiative. The Soviet bloc supported it while most industrialized countries
were opposed. Negotiations ground to a halt after more than a decade, though
they were not formally abandoned until 1992.

"A stunningly original look at the forgotten Jewish political roots of contemporary international human rights, told through the moving stories of five key activists The year 2018 marks the seventieth anniversary of two momentous events in twentieth-century history: the birth of the State of Israel and the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Both remained tied together in the ongoing debates about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet the surprising connections between Zionism and the origins of international human rights are completely unknown today. In this riveting account, James Loeffler explores this controversial history through the stories of five remarkable Jewish founders of international human rights, following them from the prewar shtetls of eastern Europe to the postwar United Nations, a journey that includes the Nuremberg and Eichmann trials, the founding of Amnesty International, and the UN resolution of 1975 labeling Zionism as racism. The result is a book that challenges long-held assumptions about the history of human rights and offers a startlingly new perspective on the roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict."--