Suchergebnisse

The article provides a comparative legal analysis of the articles of the Constitution of Turkey in 1982 and amendments to it in the executive branch, which were submitted to the national referendum of Turkey in 2017. The consequences of the constitutional reform on the further democratic development of Turkey are analyzed, as well as the possible transformation of Turkey into a country with an authoritarian form of government. The article examines the work of Turkish and foreign researchers on the impact of the new political system on the independence of all branches of government, and analyzes the international legal position of the European Union on constitutional changes in the context of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria for Turkey's membership in the European Union and the possibility of closing negotiations on Turkey's accession to the European Union. It is stated that under the 1982 constitution, Turkey was a parliamentary republic in which real power belonged to the head of government, and the country's president performed mainly representative functions. The latest amendments to Turkey's basic law were made after a referendum on September 12, 2010 to bring it in line with European Union standards. The referendum began the demilitarization of the 1982 constitution and changed the foundations of Turkish statehood, laid in the 1920s by the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. In particular, the influence of the army on the political and social life of the country has decreased. It is said that by applying draconian laws and judicial repression the President seeks to reduce the influence of the democratic opposition, which will not have the courage or ability to challenge the growing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, the party's legal regime combines the full subordination of the judiciary to the executive with a combination of strategies to use judicial repression to demobilize all sources of opposition and to suppress any possible alternatives within the current political bloc. ; В статье проведен сравнительно-правовой анализ статей Конституции Турции 1982 года и поправок к ней в сфере исполнительной ветви власти, которые были вы- несены на всенародный референдум Турции в 2017 году. Анализируются последствия конституционной реформы на дальнейшее демократическое развитие Турции, а также возможное превращение Турции в страну с авторитарной формой правления. В статье исследуются труды турецких и зарубежных исследователей о влиянии новой политической системы на независимость всех ветвей власти, а также анализируется международно-правовая позиция Европейского Союза относительно конституционных изменений в контексте выполнения копенгагенских критериев, необходимых для вступления Турции членства в Европейском Союзе и возможность закрытия переговоров по вступлению Турции в Европейский Союз. ; В статті зроблено порівняльно-правовий аналіз статей Конституції Туреччини 1982 року та поправок до неї у сфері виконавчої гілки влади, що були винесені на всенародний референдум Туреччини у 2017 році. Аналізуються наслідки конституційної реформи на подальший демократичний розвиток Туреччини, а також можливе перетворення Туреччини на країну з авторитарною формою правління. В статті досліджуються праці турецьких та зарубіжних дослідників щодо впливу нової політичної системи на незалежність усіх гілок влади, а також аналізується міжнародно-правова позиція Європейського Союзу щодо конституційних змін в контексті виконання копенгагенських критеріїв, необхідних для набуття Туреччиною членства в Європейському Союзі і можливість закриття переговорів щодо вступу Туреччини до Європейського Союзу.

This thesis studies the literary production of Estercilia Simanca Pushaina and Miguelángel López Hernández authors published in Colombia who self-identify as wayuu. During the years 1970-1980, the transcription in conventional alphabetic writing and the translation into Spanish of the wayuu palabra de origen contained in the traditional songs or jayeechis and in the pictographic writing of the indigenous people took place. Our objectiv is to demonstrate that the contemporary literature that follows is a vector of expression of the structures of knowledge carried by the palabra de origen at the same time as it seeks to assert the fundamental rights of the Wayuu by transforming national and international spaces it invests. Thus, the literature of Simanca and López Hernández expresses the agency of the members of the community, despite a desire for the appropriation of indigenous cultural productions by the multicultural state in its search for political legitimacy. It is by emphasizing the agency of Simanca and López Hernández that we can think of the emancipatory character of their literary work, that is to say its conquest of spaces of political and epistemological autonomy by the intermediary of intercultural dialogue. This emancipatory action should be read in connection with the history of the community and with the demands of the indigenous social movements of the twentieth century. Contacts and negotiations in which commercial smuggling plays a central role characterized the history of the Wayuu. Similarly, contemporary literary production sets up circuits of literary smuggling with majoritarian societies in the Americas that challenge their cultural homogeneity by the eruption of indigenous knowledge systems at their centre. ; : Cette thèse étudie la production littéraire d'Estercilia Simanca Pushaina et de Miguelángel López Hernández auteur.e.s publiés en Colombie qui s'auto-identifient comme wayuu. Pendant les années 1970-1980, se produit la transcription en écriture alphabétique conventionnelle et la traduction en espagnol de la parole d'origine wayuu contenue dans les chants traditionnels ou jayeechis et dans l'écriture pictographique du peuple autochtone. Notre objectif est de démontrer que la littérature contemporaine qui s'ensuit est un vecteur d'expression des structures de connaissance portées par la parole d'origine au même temps qu'elle cherche à affirmer les droits fondamentaux des Wayuu en transformant les espaces nationaux et internationaux qu'elle investit. Ainsi, la littérature de Simanca et de López Hernández exprime la capacité d'action des membres de la communauté et ce malgré une volonté d'appropriation des productions culturelles autochtones par l'État multiculturel en vue de sa recherche de légitimité politique. C'est en mettant l'accent sur l'agir de Simanca et de López Hernández que nous pouvons penser le caractère émancipateur de leur œuvre littéraire, c'est-à-dire sa conquête d'espaces d'autonomie politique et épistémologique par l'intermédiaire du dialogue interculturel. Cette action émancipatrice est à lire en lien avec l'histoire de la communauté et en consonance avec les revendications des mouvements sociaux autochtones du XXe siècle. L'histoire des Wayuu est caractérisée par des contacts et des négociations où la contrebande commerciale joue un rôle central. De manière similaire, la production littéraire contemporaine met en place des circuits de contrebande littéraire avec les sociétés majoritaires des Amériques qui remettent en cause leur homogénéité culturelle par l'irruption en leur centre des systèmes de savoir autochtones.

This thesis studies the literary production of Estercilia Simanca Pushaina and Miguelángel López Hernández authors published in Colombia who self-identify as wayuu. During the years 1970-1980, the transcription in conventional alphabetic writing and the translation into Spanish of the wayuu palabra de origen contained in the traditional songs or jayeechis and in the pictographic writing of the indigenous people took place. Our objectiv is to demonstrate that the contemporary literature that follows is a vector of expression of the structures of knowledge carried by the palabra de origen at the same time as it seeks to assert the fundamental rights of the Wayuu by transforming national and international spaces it invests. Thus, the literature of Simanca and López Hernández expresses the agency of the members of the community, despite a desire for the appropriation of indigenous cultural productions by the multicultural state in its search for political legitimacy. It is by emphasizing the agency of Simanca and López Hernández that we can think of the emancipatory character of their literary work, that is to say its conquest of spaces of political and epistemological autonomy by the intermediary of intercultural dialogue. This emancipatory action should be read in connection with the history of the community and with the demands of the indigenous social movements of the twentieth century. Contacts and negotiations in which commercial smuggling plays a central role characterized the history of the Wayuu. Similarly, contemporary literary production sets up circuits of literary smuggling with majoritarian societies in the Americas that challenge their cultural homogeneity by the eruption of indigenous knowledge systems at their centre. ; : Cette thèse étudie la production littéraire d'Estercilia Simanca Pushaina et de Miguelángel López Hernández auteur.e.s publiés en Colombie qui s'auto-identifient comme wayuu. Pendant les années 1970-1980, se produit la transcription en écriture alphabétique conventionnelle et la traduction en espagnol de la parole d'origine wayuu contenue dans les chants traditionnels ou jayeechis et dans l'écriture pictographique du peuple autochtone. Notre objectif est de démontrer que la littérature contemporaine qui s'ensuit est un vecteur d'expression des structures de connaissance portées par la parole d'origine au même temps qu'elle cherche à affirmer les droits fondamentaux des Wayuu en transformant les espaces nationaux et internationaux qu'elle investit. Ainsi, la littérature de Simanca et de López Hernández exprime la capacité d'action des membres de la communauté et ce malgré une volonté d'appropriation des productions culturelles autochtones par l'État multiculturel en vue de sa recherche de légitimité politique. C'est en mettant l'accent sur l'agir de Simanca et de López Hernández que nous pouvons penser le caractère émancipateur de leur œuvre littéraire, c'est-à-dire sa conquête d'espaces d'autonomie politique et épistémologique par l'intermédiaire du dialogue interculturel. Cette action émancipatrice est à lire en lien avec l'histoire de la communauté et en consonance avec les revendications des mouvements sociaux autochtones du XXe siècle. L'histoire des Wayuu est caractérisée par des contacts et des négociations où la contrebande commerciale joue un rôle central. De manière similaire, la production littéraire contemporaine met en place des circuits de contrebande littéraire avec les sociétés majoritaires des Amériques qui remettent en cause leur homogénéité culturelle par l'irruption en leur centre des systèmes de savoir autochtones.

The article provides a comparative legal analysis of the articles of the Constitution of Turkey in 1982 and amendments to it in the executive branch, which were submitted to the national referendum of Turkey in 2017. The consequences of the constitutional reform on the further democratic development of Turkey are analyzed, as well as the possible transformation of Turkey into a country with an authoritarian form of government. The article examines the work of Turkish and foreign researchers on the impact of the new political system on the independence of all branches of government, and analyzes the international legal position of the European Union on constitutional changes in the context of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria for Turkey's membership in the European Union and the possibility of closing negotiations on Turkey's accession to the European Union. It is stated that under the 1982 constitution, Turkey was a parliamentary republic in which real power belonged to the head of government, and the country's president performed mainly representative functions. The latest amendments to Turkey's basic law were made after a referendum on September 12, 2010 to bring it in line with European Union standards. The referendum began the demilitarization of the 1982 constitution and changed the foundations of Turkish statehood, laid in the 1920s by the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. In particular, the influence of the army on the political and social life of the country has decreased. It is said that by applying draconian laws and judicial repression the President seeks to reduce the influence of the democratic opposition, which will not have the courage or ability to challenge the growing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, the party's legal regime combines the full subordination of the judiciary to the executive with a combination of strategies to use judicial repression to demobilize all sources of opposition and to suppress any possible alternatives within the current political bloc. ; В статье проведен сравнительно-правовой анализ статей Конституции Турции 1982 года и поправок к ней в сфере исполнительной ветви власти, которые были вы- несены на всенародный референдум Турции в 2017 году. Анализируются последствия конституционной реформы на дальнейшее демократическое развитие Турции, а также возможное превращение Турции в страну с авторитарной формой правления. В статье исследуются труды турецких и зарубежных исследователей о влиянии новой политической системы на независимость всех ветвей власти, а также анализируется международно-правовая позиция Европейского Союза относительно конституционных изменений в контексте выполнения копенгагенских критериев, необходимых для вступления Турции членства в Европейском Союзе и возможность закрытия переговоров по вступлению Турции в Европейский Союз. ; В статті зроблено порівняльно-правовий аналіз статей Конституції Туреччини 1982 року та поправок до неї у сфері виконавчої гілки влади, що були винесені на всенародний референдум Туреччини у 2017 році. Аналізуються наслідки конституційної реформи на подальший демократичний розвиток Туреччини, а також можливе перетворення Туреччини на країну з авторитарною формою правління. В статті досліджуються праці турецьких та зарубіжних дослідників щодо впливу нової політичної системи на незалежність усіх гілок влади, а також аналізується міжнародно-правова позиція Європейського Союзу щодо конституційних змін в контексті виконання копенгагенських критеріїв, необхідних для набуття Туреччиною членства в Європейському Союзі і можливість закриття переговорів щодо вступу Туреччини до Європейського Союзу.

In March 2011, rallies and demonstrations started in Syria, which later developed into an armed conflict and large-scale military operations between the Syrian government and opposition all over the country. With the gradual escalation of the conflict at the end of 2011, the Syrian government adopted a strategy of defending the western territories and regional centers, which were of strategic importance in Syria, and avoiding large-scale military operations in these areas. The situation in Syria changed dramatically at the end of 2015. It was due to Russia's direct military assistance to the Syrian government.The Syrian conflict has affected regional and extra-regional developments in the Middle East, paving the way for new realities, for the active engagement of a number of power centers in the Middle East and the processes of various formats aimed at a peaceful resolution of the conflict.During the conflict (2011-2020) there were some results in the negotiation process (regulated by various international formats) of the crisis. Though they had mainly solved problems partially in certain parts of Syria, the importance of meetings in such formats cannot be underestimated. The peculiarity and global nature of the conflict provided no other solution than partial solutions to the Syrian crisis, which had an enormous impact and created opportunities for the views of the conflicting parties to be heard. The aforementioned resolution processes of the conflict allow us to assume that the parties involved in the conflict have shifted to a partial solution to the Syrian crisis. It presupposes a short-term solution or freezing of issues related to some areas of military-political and socio-economic importance, ensuring predictability of developments, after which it will be possible to get a comprehensive agreement on the Syrian conflict.The Syrian conflict has long ceased to be a Middle Eastern regional reality, affecting global processes. Conflict resolution must have both regional and extra-regional dimensions, based on sensible and sincere approaches, which should prompt parties concerned with a quick resolution to the conflict to find the key to resolving the Syrian issue. ; 2011թ. մարտին Սիրիայում սկսվեցին բողոքի ցույցերը, որոնք վերաճեցին զինված բախումների և լայնածավալ ռազմական գործողությունների ողջ երկրում կառավարական ուժերի և ընդդիմության միջև: Իրավիճակը կտրուկ փոխվեց 2015թ. վերջին, երբ Ռուսաստանը կառավարությանն ուղղակի ռազմական օգնություն ցույց տվեց: Ճգնաժամին ուղեկցող բանակցային գործընթացն ընթացավ տարբեր ձևաչափերով և միայն մասամբ հարթեց ծագած խնդիրները: Հակամարտության լայնամասշտաբ բնույթը թույլ չտվեց ավելին, քան մասնատված լուծումներ: Բայց դրանք նաև հնարավորություն ստեղծեցին կողմերի տեսակետները լսելու համար: Սիրիայում արյունալի հակամարտությունը վաղուց դադարել է լինել այս երկրի ներքին գործը: Դրա կարգավորումը, անշուշտ, պետք է ունենա նաև արտատարածաշրջանային հարթություն՝ հիմնված ողջամիտ մոտեցումների վրա: ; С марта 2011 г. в Сирии начались акции протеста, которые переросли в вооружённые столкновения и крупномасштабные военные действия по всей стране между правительственными войсками и оппозицией. Ситуация резко изменилась к концу 2015 г., когда Россия оказала непосредственную военную помощь правительству. Переговорный процесс, сопровождавший кризис, протекал в разных форматах и лишь частично сглаживал возникшие проблемы. Масштабный характер конфликта не позволял большего, чем фрагментарноые решения. Но и они создали возможность, чтобы мнения сторон были услышаны. Кровопролитный конфликт в Сирии давно перестал быть внутренним делом этой страны. Его урегулирование непременно должно также иметь и внерегиональное измерение, основанное на разумных подходах.

According to Olasupo Owoeye, as the world is becoming increasingly globalized, it is difficult for some regions, for example, the African continent, to become competitive in the global market because of their overly protectionist measures1 . Former WTO Director, Pascal Lamy, also noted that Africa should no longer rely on external demand for its goods and services to support its growth but must take steps to accelerate regional integration, as it remains the least developed continent with the highest number of least developed countries in the world2 . This explains the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area by the African Union members; whose main objective is to boost intra African trade and create a single continental market for goods and services. The African Continental Free Trade Area is expected to enhance competitiveness at both the industry and enterprise level through exploitation of opportunities for scale production, continental market access and better allocation of resources. 3 The AfCFTA is also expected to facilitate a better integration of the African economy into the global market, thus contributing to sustainable economic growth, poverty reduction, enhanced foreign direct investment and employment creation in Africa. It is also considered to be a steppingstone towards two of the deeper integration stages envisaged in the Abuja Treaty of 1991, namely the creation of a continental customs union by 2019 and an African Economic Community (AEC) by 20284 . The AfCFTA can however pose some challenges to the signatory countries as through trade liberalization, domestic markets will become open to foreign competition and susceptible to anti-competitive practices originating outside their national borders. These include crossborder competition concerns, international cartels, mergers and acquisitions that risk monopolizing or creating abuse of dominance in the internal market5 . Some firms may gain market power and abuse their dominance through taking advantage of the economies of scale. Hence the need for the member countries, not only to dismantle trade barriers but also to adopt complementary competition policy to ensure a smooth transition and to benefit from gaining access to new markets. As was stated by Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, competition laws are important to the preservation of economic freedom and the free trade system as is with the Bill of Rights to the protection of fundamental freedoms6 . The competition and trade policies are both based on the conviction that free trade is a means of maximizing the economic welfare of trading nations through the efficient allocation of resources. The two policies therefore complement each other as without competition, the African Continental Free Trade Area lacks legitimacy because private restraints to trade will undermine its achievement. Hence the negotiations on competition which are supposed to take place beginning of 2019 by the African Union countries who have signed the African Continental Free Trade Area. The research will therefore discuss the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area, discuss the relationship between trade and competition and will also scrutinize the likely positive and negative impacts of the African Continental Free Trade Area vis a vis competition. Reference will also be made to other regional agreements on competition linked with regional efforts to set up free trade zones, particularly, the European Union where regional integration has been used to enhance economic growth and the useful lessons that can be learnt from those.

International audience ; Our research examined an NGO witch applies educational measure in open environment. Inspired by non take-up benefit of social benefits theories, it aims at studying how the translation process of user's demands operate at local level of social policies.This article presents an issue considered as problematic by professionals: release decision taken in situations where they "don't know what to do anymore". Release is expected to be sentenced when there is no more need of protection or no more requests for assistance. Here it would rather mean the renunciation of assistance. And the acknowledgement of powerlessness allows the no commitment of resources. Theses situations reveal the tensions between imperative to do with the family, the concern for protection of children and the difficulty in mobilizing the right means at the right time. A specific case is considered: the paper describe how the educational stakeholders (dis)qualify the parents, leading to point out both their inability to act and their responsibility in the failure of situation.However the timeline reconstruction of the social support record shows some acceleration moments and some caesura during the measures. It makes appear that each actor is successively able or unable to act depending on the framing of the situation. Therefore, responsibility and ability to act seems to be distributed between all the stakeholders, human as non-human (reports, order of the judge, working hours, knives, institutions, partners, territory) what should be better recognized. First, from a care perspective, more open negotiations should be maintained. Secondly, community work should really be developed.Keyword : Child welfare, release, empowerment, characterization, ability to act. ; Notre recherche a porté sur une association qui exerce des mesures d'aide éducative en milieu ouvert. Elle proposait d'étudier comment s'opèrent des processus de traduction de la demande des usagers à cet échelon de mise en œuvre des politiques sociales en s'inspirant des travaux sur le non-recours au droit.L'article présente un aspect pointé comme problématique par les professionnels : des décisions de « mainlevée » prises dans des situations où « on ne sait plus quoi faire ». Alors que la mainlevée devrait être prononcée quand il n'y a plus besoin de protection ou plus de demande d'aide, ici elle signerait le renoncement à accompagner et permettrait de ne plus engager de moyens face à un constat d'impuissance. Ces situations paraissent révélatrices des tensions entre l'injonction à « faire avec » les familles, le souci de protection des enfants et les difficultés à mobiliser les bonnes ressources au bon moment. Un cas est alors examiné en détail : l'article décrit par quelles (dis)qualifications les acteurs éducatifs passent conduisant à pointer l'incapacité et à responsabiliser les seuls parents.Or, la reconstitution chronologique du dossier montre des moments d'accélération ou de césure du suivi et fait apparaître que chacun des acteurs (parents, enfants, éducatrices, juge) a été tour à tour capable ou incapable d'agir selon les cadrages et recadrages de la situation. La responsabilité et la capacité d'agir apparaissent dès lors distribuées entre les acteurs et plus largement entre les actants (rapports, ordonnance, temps de travail, couteaux, institutions, partenaires, territoire.) ce qu'il conviendrait de mieux reconnaître : d'une part en laissant davantage ouverts les échanges dans un travail « pour autrui » inspiré du care ; d'autre part en développant effectivement un travail communautaire « capacitant ».Mots clés : Protection de l'enfance, mainlevée, responsabilisation, qualification, capacité d'agir.

Система глобального економічного врядування, так само як і сама глобальна економіка, знаходиться в стані невпинної видозміни. Концепт архітектури глобальної економіки, який повсякчас ототожнюється з існуванням квазі-ієрархічних структур підпорядкування глобальних економічних потенціалів, виявляє свою неспроможність в сучасних умовах. Показано, що режими глобального економічного врядування істотно еволюціонували з післявоєнних років, що стосується всіх його сфер (торгівлі, фінансів, міграції тощо). Аналіз динаміки змін режимів глобального економічного врядування та характерних ознак дозволив дійти декількох висновків. За часів криз більшу роль відіграють установи або держави-лідери, через необхідність досягнення швидшого консенсусу, наявності ресурсів для вирішення проблем, кращу інституціоналізацію. Було доведено, що періоди зміни режимів глобального економічного врядування скорочуються відповідно до скорочення періодів розвитку глобальної економіки. Відбувається перехід від простого мультилатеризму на фоні неолібералізму до гібридних форм в період неосередньовіччя. На основі результатів дослідження простежується циклічність в заміні лідируючого актора глобального економічно врядування: уряди, регіональні об'єднання, неурядові організації (виробники) (міжурядові організації, міжнародні мережі створення вартості, мега-регіональні угоди), що дозволяє спрогнозувати зміни в режимах глобального економічного врядування. Запропоновано, що на сучасному етапі варто окремо розглядати режими глобального економічного врядування в різних його сферах через відсутність єдиних методів та механізмів розв'язання глобальних економічних проблем, водночас по всіх сферах глобального економічного врядування відбувається зсув в сторону гібридних форм врядування на основі перемовин, консенсусу тощо. Відповідне дослідження може бути доповнено аналізом циклічності режимів глобального економічного врядування. ; The system of global economic governance, as well as the global economy itself, is in the state of unceasing change. The concept of the architecture of the global economy, which is always identified with the existence of quasi-hierarchical structures of subordination of global economic potentials, shows its failure in modern conditions. It is shown that the modes of global economic governance have evolved substantially since the postwar period, which is equally true for all its spheres (trade, finance, migration, etc.). The analysis of the dynamics of changes in the regimes of global economic governance and the characteristics of the system allowed to draw several conclusions. During crises, institutions or leading states play a bigger role because of the need to achieve faster consensus, the availability of resources to solve problems, and better institutionalization. It is proved that the periods of change in the modes of global economic governance are shrinking in line with the reduction of the periods of global economy development. There is a transition from simple multilateralism on the background of neo-liberalism to hybrid forms attributed to the neo-medievalism. The results of the study show that the cyclicality in the replacement of the leading actor of global economic governance takes the next form: governments, integration regional unions, non-governmental organizations (producers) (intergovernmental organizations, international value networks, mega-regional agreements, respectively), which allows predicting changes in the modes of global economic governance. It is proposed that at the present stage it is worth considering separately the modes of global economic governance in its various spheres due to the lack of unified methods and mechanisms for solving global economic problems. One can observe a shift towards hybrid forms of governance based on negotiations, consensus, etc in all the spheres of global economic governance. The corresponding research can be supplemented by the analysis of cyclical patterns of global economic governance.

Система глобального економічного врядування, так само як і сама глобальна економіка, знаходиться в стані невпинної видозміни. Концепт архітектури глобальної економіки, який повсякчас ототожнюється з існуванням квазі-ієрархічних структур підпорядкування глобальних економічних потенціалів, виявляє свою неспроможність в сучасних умовах. Показано, що режими глобального економічного врядування істотно еволюціонували з післявоєнних років, що стосується всіх його сфер (торгівлі, фінансів, міграції тощо). Аналіз динаміки змін режимів глобального економічного врядування та характерних ознак дозволив дійти декількох висновків. За часів криз більшу роль відіграють установи або держави-лідери, через необхідність досягнення швидшого консенсусу, наявності ресурсів для вирішення проблем, кращу інституціоналізацію. Було доведено, що періоди зміни режимів глобального економічного врядування скорочуються відповідно до скорочення періодів розвитку глобальної економіки. Відбувається перехід від простого мультилатеризму на фоні неолібералізму до гібридних форм в період неосередньовіччя. На основі результатів дослідження простежується циклічність в заміні лідируючого актора глобального економічно врядування: уряди, регіональні об'єднання, неурядові організації (виробники) (міжурядові організації, міжнародні мережі створення вартості, мега-регіональні угоди), що дозволяє спрогнозувати зміни в режимах глобального економічного врядування. Запропоновано, що на сучасному етапі варто окремо розглядати режими глобального економічного врядування в різних його сферах через відсутність єдиних методів та механізмів розв'язання глобальних економічних проблем, водночас по всіх сферах глобального економічного врядування відбувається зсув в сторону гібридних форм врядування на основі перемовин, консенсусу тощо. Відповідне дослідження може бути доповнено аналізом циклічності режимів глобального економічного врядування. ; The system of global economic governance, as well as the global economy itself, is in the state of unceasing change. The concept of the architecture of the global economy, which is always identified with the existence of quasi-hierarchical structures of subordination of global economic potentials, shows its failure in modern conditions. It is shown that the modes of global economic governance have evolved substantially since the postwar period, which is equally true for all its spheres (trade, finance, migration, etc.). The analysis of the dynamics of changes in the regimes of global economic governance and the characteristics of the system allowed to draw several conclusions. During crises, institutions or leading states play a bigger role because of the need to achieve faster consensus, the availability of resources to solve problems, and better institutionalization. It is proved that the periods of change in the modes of global economic governance are shrinking in line with the reduction of the periods of global economy development. There is a transition from simple multilateralism on the background of neo-liberalism to hybrid forms attributed to the neo-medievalism. The results of the study show that the cyclicality in the replacement of the leading actor of global economic governance takes the next form: governments, integration regional unions, non-governmental organizations (producers) (intergovernmental organizations, international value networks, mega-regional agreements, respectively), which allows predicting changes in the modes of global economic governance. It is proposed that at the present stage it is worth considering separately the modes of global economic governance in its various spheres due to the lack of unified methods and mechanisms for solving global economic problems. One can observe a shift towards hybrid forms of governance based on negotiations, consensus, etc in all the spheres of global economic governance. The corresponding research can be supplemented by the analysis of cyclical patterns of global economic governance.

International audience ; Our research examined an NGO witch applies educational measure in open environment. Inspired by non take-up benefit of social benefits theories, it aims at studying how the translation process of user's demands operate at local level of social policies.This article presents an issue considered as problematic by professionals: release decision taken in situations where they "don't know what to do anymore". Release is expected to be sentenced when there is no more need of protection or no more requests for assistance. Here it would rather mean the renunciation of assistance. And the acknowledgement of powerlessness allows the no commitment of resources. Theses situations reveal the tensions between imperative to do with the family, the concern for protection of children and the difficulty in mobilizing the right means at the right time. A specific case is considered: the paper describe how the educational stakeholders (dis)qualify the parents, leading to point out both their inability to act and their responsibility in the failure of situation.However the timeline reconstruction of the social support record shows some acceleration moments and some caesura during the measures. It makes appear that each actor is successively able or unable to act depending on the framing of the situation. Therefore, responsibility and ability to act seems to be distributed between all the stakeholders, human as non-human (reports, order of the judge, working hours, knives, institutions, partners, territory) what should be better recognized. First, from a care perspective, more open negotiations should be maintained. Secondly, community work should really be developed.Keyword : Child welfare, release, empowerment, characterization, ability to act. ; Notre recherche a porté sur une association qui exerce des mesures d'aide éducative en milieu ouvert. Elle proposait d'étudier comment s'opèrent des processus de traduction de la demande des usagers à cet échelon de mise en œuvre des politiques sociales en s'inspirant des travaux sur le non-recours au droit.L'article présente un aspect pointé comme problématique par les professionnels : des décisions de « mainlevée » prises dans des situations où « on ne sait plus quoi faire ». Alors que la mainlevée devrait être prononcée quand il n'y a plus besoin de protection ou plus de demande d'aide, ici elle signerait le renoncement à accompagner et permettrait de ne plus engager de moyens face à un constat d'impuissance. Ces situations paraissent révélatrices des tensions entre l'injonction à « faire avec » les familles, le souci de protection des enfants et les difficultés à mobiliser les bonnes ressources au bon moment. Un cas est alors examiné en détail : l'article décrit par quelles (dis)qualifications les acteurs éducatifs passent conduisant à pointer l'incapacité et à responsabiliser les seuls parents.Or, la reconstitution chronologique du dossier montre des moments d'accélération ou de césure du suivi et fait apparaître que chacun des acteurs (parents, enfants, éducatrices, juge) a été tour à tour capable ou incapable d'agir selon les cadrages et recadrages de la situation. La responsabilité et la capacité d'agir apparaissent dès lors distribuées entre les acteurs et plus largement entre les actants (rapports, ordonnance, temps de travail, couteaux, institutions, partenaires, territoire.) ce qu'il conviendrait de mieux reconnaître : d'une part en laissant davantage ouverts les échanges dans un travail « pour autrui » inspiré du care ; d'autre part en développant effectivement un travail communautaire « capacitant ».Mots clés : Protection de l'enfance, mainlevée, responsabilisation, qualification, capacité d'agir.

International audience ; Our research examined an NGO witch applies educational measure in open environment. Inspired by non take-up benefit of social benefits theories, it aims at studying how the translation process of user's demands operate at local level of social policies.This article presents an issue considered as problematic by professionals: release decision taken in situations where they "don't know what to do anymore". Release is expected to be sentenced when there is no more need of protection or no more requests for assistance. Here it would rather mean the renunciation of assistance. And the acknowledgement of powerlessness allows the no commitment of resources. Theses situations reveal the tensions between imperative to do with the family, the concern for protection of children and the difficulty in mobilizing the right means at the right time. A specific case is considered: the paper describe how the educational stakeholders (dis)qualify the parents, leading to point out both their inability to act and their responsibility in the failure of situation.However the timeline reconstruction of the social support record shows some acceleration moments and some caesura during the measures. It makes appear that each actor is successively able or unable to act depending on the framing of the situation. Therefore, responsibility and ability to act seems to be distributed between all the stakeholders, human as non-human (reports, order of the judge, working hours, knives, institutions, partners, territory) what should be better recognized. First, from a care perspective, more open negotiations should be maintained. Secondly, community work should really be developed.Keyword : Child welfare, release, empowerment, characterization, ability to act. ; Notre recherche a porté sur une association qui exerce des mesures d'aide éducative en milieu ouvert. Elle proposait d'étudier comment s'opèrent des processus de traduction de la demande des usagers à cet échelon de mise en œuvre des politiques sociales en s'inspirant des travaux sur le non-recours au droit.L'article présente un aspect pointé comme problématique par les professionnels : des décisions de « mainlevée » prises dans des situations où « on ne sait plus quoi faire ». Alors que la mainlevée devrait être prononcée quand il n'y a plus besoin de protection ou plus de demande d'aide, ici elle signerait le renoncement à accompagner et permettrait de ne plus engager de moyens face à un constat d'impuissance. Ces situations paraissent révélatrices des tensions entre l'injonction à « faire avec » les familles, le souci de protection des enfants et les difficultés à mobiliser les bonnes ressources au bon moment. Un cas est alors examiné en détail : l'article décrit par quelles (dis)qualifications les acteurs éducatifs passent conduisant à pointer l'incapacité et à responsabiliser les seuls parents.Or, la reconstitution chronologique du dossier montre des moments d'accélération ou de césure du suivi et fait apparaître que chacun des acteurs (parents, enfants, éducatrices, juge) a été tour à tour capable ou incapable d'agir selon les cadrages et recadrages de la situation. La responsabilité et la capacité d'agir apparaissent dès lors distribuées entre les acteurs et plus largement entre les actants (rapports, ordonnance, temps de travail, couteaux, institutions, partenaires, territoire.) ce qu'il conviendrait de mieux reconnaître : d'une part en laissant davantage ouverts les échanges dans un travail « pour autrui » inspiré du care ; d'autre part en développant effectivement un travail communautaire « capacitant ».Mots clés : Protection de l'enfance, mainlevée, responsabilisation, qualification, capacité d'agir.

Kıbrıs Sorunu'na Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) bünyesinde çözüm arandığı bir dönemde Güney Kıbrıs Rum Yönetimi (GKRY) 4 Temmuz 1990 tarihinde Avrupa Topluluğu (AT)'na üyelik başvurusunda bulunarak 2004'te tam üyelikle sonuçlanacak olan süreci başlatmıştır. Soğuk Savaş'ın sona erdiği "Yeni Dünya Düzeni" içinde kendine yer arayan Avrupa Birliği (AB) Ortadoğu'nun yanı başında ve Asya Pazarı'nın "Batı Kapısı" üzerinde bulunan Kıbrıs'ı da unutmamıştır. Bu çerçevede Avrupa Birliği Bakanlar Konseyi, GKRY'nin tam üyelik başvurusunu normal süreç içerisinde değerlendirmiş ve 30 Haziran 1993'te Kıbrıs'ın üyelik için ehil olduğu yönündeki olumlu görüşünü (avis) açıklamıştır. GKRY'nin AB'ye başvurusuna ilişkin olarak Kıbrıs Türk tarafı ve Rum tarafı, görüşlerini kanıtlayabilmek için, uluslararası hukuk alanında uzmanlaşmış kişilerden görüş alma yoluna gitmişlerdir. Avrupa Komisyonu'nun her yıl AB'ye katılım sürecinde olan aday ülkelerin üyeliğe hazırlık sürecinde kaydettiği ilerlemeyi değerlendiren "İlerleme Raporlarında" ve Birliğe gelişmesini sağlamak için genel politikalarla ilgili tüm yararlı kararların alındığı "Zirvelerde" Kıbrıs Sorunu'na oldukça geniş yer verilmiştir. 12-13 Aralık 2002'de yapılan Kopenhag Zirvesi Sonuç Bildirisi'nin Kıbrıs paragraflarını şekillendiren en önemli gelişme, Ocak 2002'de başlayan görüşme turlarının sonunda BM Genel Sekreteri Annan'ın, 11 Kasım 2002 tarihinde Kıbrıs Türk ve Rum tarafına sonradan kendi adı ile anılacak olan "Kıbrıs Sorununa Kapsamlı Çözüm Temeli" adlı belgeyi sunması olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Kıbrıs Sorunu'nun AB karar alma mekanizmalarında nasıl şekillendirildiği ve sürecin sonu olan Annan Belgesi incelenecektir. Özellikle I. Annan Planı ayrıntılarıyla incelenecek ve bu çerçevede söz konusu planın Kıbrıs sorununu çözmekten neden uzak olduğu kanıtlanmaya çalışılacaktır. ; In a period when a solution was seeked for the Cyprus Problem within the United Nation (UN), the ROC made a membership application to the European Commission (EC) and started the process which would result in a full membership in 2004. The European Union (EU) which was looking for a place in the post Cold War "New World Order" had not forgotten Cyprus which was just beside the Middle East and situated on the Asian Market's "West Gate". In this context, the EU Minister's Council assessed ROC's full membership application normal process and announced its positive avis regarding Cyprus' eligibility for full membership on 30 June 1993. Regarding ROC's application to the EU, in order to prove their point of views, the Cyprus Turks and Greeks utilized the way of taking opinions from International Law specialists. The Cyprus Problem was given very wide coverage in the "Progress Reports" published annually by the European Commission for the assessment of the membership process of candidate countries and in the "Summits" where all beneficial decisions were taken regarding the general policies to ensure the Union's development. The most important development that shaped the Cyprus paragraphs of the Final Declaration of the Copenhagen Summit held on 12-13 December 2002, was the submission of the "Comprehensive Settlement Plan of the Cyprus Question" named document by UN Secretary General Annan – which would later be remembered by his name – to Cyprus Turkish and Greeks on 11 November 2002 after the accession negotiations which had started in January 2002. In this study it will focus on how the Cyprus problem shaped in EU decision-making mechanisms and the Annan Document which is the end of this process. Also in this study, The First Annan Plan will be examined thoroughly and effort be proved why the mentioned plan was unsuccessful to solve the Cyprus Problem.

La legislación laboral brasileña ha estado fuertemente influenciada por los cambios y tendencias de Europa, por los esfuerzos de varios países para codificar las leyes para la protección de los trabajadores, y especialmente por la adhesión de Brasil a las convenciones de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo. La consolidación de las leyes laborales de Brasil (Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, CLT), una especie de Código del Trabajo, entró en vigor en 1943, como resultado de los esfuerzos para armonizar las leyes existentes dentro del nuevo marco institucional del tiempo tipo corporativo-autoritario. La actual Constitución Federal ha conservado solo una parte de la estructura CLT y contiene una serie de reglas prescriptivas, algunas incluso detalladas, sobre la legislación laboral. A partir del Gobierno de Lula, con su Foro, las negociaciones tripartitas se introdujeron en Brasil, después de muchos años, de acuerdo con el modelo que se ha definido como "neo-corporativo", que es una soldadura entre el antiguo modelo corporativista y el actual fundado en los principios de la libertad de asociación sindical respaldado en una lógica promocionada por el Estado, así como en un nivel del diálogo social. ; The brazilian labor law has been strongly influenced by the changes and trends in Europe, by the efforts of various countries to codify laws for the protection of workers, and especially the accession of Brazil to the International Labour Organization conventions. The consolidation of labor laws in Brazil (Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, CLT), a sort of Labour Code, came into force in 1943, as a result of efforts to harmonize the existing laws under the new institutional framework of the time corporatist-authoritarian. The current federal Constitution has only preserved a part of the CLT structure and contains a set of prescriptive rules, some even meticulous, with regard to labor law. As of the Lula government, with its Forum, have been introduced in Brazil, after many years, the tripartite negotiations - according to the model that doctrine has been called "neo-corporatist", which forms a weld between the old corporatist structure and the current one founded on the principles of freedom of association in a trade union supported promotional logic state, as well on the level of social dialogue. ; Il diritto del lavoro brasiliano è stato fortemente influenzato dai cambiamenti e dalle tendenze in Europa, dagli sforzi di vari paesi per codificare le leggi per la tutela dei lavoratori, e soprattutto dall'adesione del Brasile alle convenzioni dell'Organizzazione Internazionale del Lavoro. Il consolidamento delle leggi sul lavoro del Brasile (Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, CLT ), una sorta di codice del Lavoro, è entrato in vigore nel 1943, a seguito degli sforzi per armonizzare le leggi esistenti nell'ambito del nuovo quadro istituzionale del tempo di tipo corporativo-autoritario. L'attuale Costituzione federale ha preservato soltanto una parte della struttura della CLT e contiene una serie di norme prescrittive, alcune persino minuziose, in materia di diritto del lavoro. A partire dal Governo Lula, con il suo Forum, si sono introdotte in Brasile, dopo molti anni, le negoziazioni tripartite - secondo il modello che in dottrina è stata definita "neocorporativo», che costituisce una saldatura tra il vecchio assetto corporativistico e quello attuale fondato sui principi di libertà di associazione sindacale sostenuta in una logica promozionale dallo Stato, pure sul piano del dialogo sociale. ; peerReviewed

В сфере обеспечения энергетической безопасности Китай по-прежнему отдает предпочтение двусторонней и региональной кооперации или геополитической стратегии; в то же время он ищет возможности повышения своего участия в глобальном управлении энергетикой и стремится к более активному участию в переговорах по глобальному изменению климата, а также с середины первого десятилетия XXI в. все больше сосредотачивается на развитии чистой и возобновляемой энергетики. Новая национальная стратегия Китая, инициатива «пояса и дороги», дополняет версию 2.0 современной геополитической стратегии обеспечения безопасности китайского импорта энергии. Слабое участие Китая в системе глобального управления энергетикой в настоящее время объясняется фрагментарностью, недостаточной влиятельностью и надежностью данной системы, а также недостаточным желанием и мотивацией к участию в глобальном управлении со стороны энергетических институтов страны. Принимая во внимание как проблемы, так и потенциал современного глобального управления энергетикой, автор считает целесообразным поиск узких целей для координации различных режимов, а не институтов принуждения в исследуемой сфере. Достижимые цели в глобальном управлении энергетикой в ближайшем будущем прежде всего должны быть сосредоточены на развитии прозрачного международного рынка, механизмов обмена данными между правительствами и межправительственными организациями, между производителями и потребителями. Также следует уделить внимание вопросам изменения климата и управлению чистой энергетикой, в соответствии с Рамочной конвенцией ООН об изменении климата (РКИК). «Группа двадцати», три важнейшие характеристики которой рассмотрены в данной статье, способна стать подходящей платформой для усиления роли Китая в глобальном управлении энергетикой. Китай должен больше участвовать и даже играть лидирующую роль в глобальном управлении энергетикой под эгидой «Группы двадцати», учитывая его положительное отношение к этому форуму и активное вовлечение в его работу, а также то, что в 2016 г. Китай выступит в качестве принимающей стороны саммита форума. ; China retains a bilateral and regional cooperation approach or a geopolitical strategy to secure its energy security, while it seeks to embrace global energy governance and more actively participate in global climate change negotiations. It has also been focusing on developing clean and renewable energy since early in the 21st century. China's new Belt and Road initiative contributes to a 2.0 version of its current geopolitical strategy to secure its energy supply. Although China's emphasis on energy security still corresponds to its geopolitical strategy, its weak participation in global energy governance is due to the fragmented global energy governance system that it sees as neither authoritative nor credible, as well as to the lack of willingness or impetus for its own domestic energy institutions to join the system. Taking into account the difficulties and potential of current global energy governance, this article suggests it is reasonable to seek a limited goal for coordinating regimes instead of creating coercive institutions in this field. Attainable goals in the near future should focus on promoting a transparent international market and establishing data-sharing mechanisms between governments and energy intergovernmental organizations and between producers and consumers. There should be emphasis on climate change and clean energy governance under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The Group of 20 (G20) of should play an increasingly significant role in global energy governance. China, with its positive attitude and active participation in the G20 and as host of the G20 summit in 2016, should participate more actively, perhaps even playing a leading role in global energy governance under the G20 framework.

Исследованы основные правоприменительные проблемы сферы публичных закупок, в том числе возможности применения механизма закупок для активизации ключевых сегментов экономики сквозь призму Соглашения о государственных закупках ВТО и Соглашения об ассоциации между Украиной и ЕС. На основании проведенного анализа предложены пути совершенствования законодательства по привлечению посредников для выполнения договоров о закупках, регулирования существенных условий этих договоров и ценообразования ; Problem Setting. In the article were considered the basic problems of enforcement of the public procurement, namely: abuse of exceptions to the legislation on procurement; offenses during the organization of tender committees and planning of procurement, preparation and approval of documentation of trading, opening, evaluation of bids and at the conclusion and execution of contracts; mistakes during the negotiation procedure; breaking the rules of how to fill complaints on procurement to the Antimonopoly committee; by changing the essential terms of the purchase agreements. For example, a fictitious commodity transactions when the customer signs the note and realizes a profit on the goods in accounting, whereby the payment is, but actually the goods to the customer are not fed or fed incomplete; avoiding procurement procedure by dividing the procurement subject into parts; purchase of goods, works and services that are not really necessary for the customer; incorrect selection by tender committee the procurement procedures; customer can nominate to participants following requirements: the availability status of VAT, annual turnover of funds in discriminatory limits, the presence of experience of working practice only with the state purchasers, the experience of supplying only identical goods (services). The actuality of the topic. Based on the previous analysis were defined the ways of improving the legislation on: 1) approval in the form of an explanation of the Ministry of Economic Development and Trade of Ukraine list of typical violations in the sphere of public procurement; 2) ensure the implementation of the principle of legal certainty in legislation by fixing the essential terms of the purchase agreement; 3) consolidation in the purchase agreement provisions that limit the participation of intermediaries: direct prohibition on intermediaries (commercial, retail) where a participant has to perform the contract itself; the right of provider to engage party agents to perform the procurement contract, if the customer gives prior consent. The purpose of the article. It is concluded that the lack of government support of any members or groups of species subject procurement in Ukraine is a significant problem. We can provide various grounds for state aid without violating the international commitments of Ukraine, depending on the purpose of such support, such as: small and medium enterprises; innovative enterprises; innovative products containing advanced technology solutions and patents. For this goal it is important to increase the share of non-price criteria in mixed assessment of tenders. Conclusions. Directive 2014/24/EU of the European Parliament and the EU Council «On public procurement and repealing Directive 2004/18/EU» from 02.26.2014 g. provides for state support certain categories of participants, including: (a) in respect of small and medium enterprises; (b) customers are entitled to create innovative partnerships with one or more participants. In the Agreement on Association between Ukraine and the EU such positive legal institutions are not reflected, while fixed limits on state support. Significant restrictions on regulatory support in this sector are also set in the Agreement on Government Procurement WTO