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Do Spew and 2 rhyme?  I sure hope so as I begin my review of the year that was.  The last time I blogged less than I did in 2022 was ... in 2008, when I didn't blog at all.  What explains the decline?  Partly exhaustion, partly a decline in imagination, partly other social media sucking up my time (the podcasts, now tooting as well as tweeting), and partly the reality that I have written enough stuff before that when the topic comes up, it is just easier to repost.  Maybe a look at this year's posts will tell me a bit about what inspires me to write here and what does not, although survivor and recency biases may mesh nicely with my confirmation bias to prevent me from learning that much.  Hmmm.JanuaryI started by pondering whether JK Rowling has utterly destroyed her legacy--whether I can still consume Harry Potter stuff.  While I concluded that I could still enjoy the world she created, even as she betrays damn near all of it, my behavior, my choices, says otherwise as I had multiple opportunities to watch HP movies while hanging out at my mother-in-law's over the holidays and dodged all of them.  Something I had not done in the past.  Later in the month, I returned to the theme of what kinds of stuff can I read and enjoy given the complex realities of our time.  I wrote about how it has become harder to watch and read cop shows given what we know about cops these days.  I am finishing the latest John Sandford book which features multiple cops, Virgil Flowers and Lucas Davenport, solving a serial murder spree by bitcoin assholes, and have found it fairly compelling (unlike the most recent Jack Reacher book).  So, maybe I am less affected by the topics than by the behavior of the artist?The month ended with the start of the occupation of Ottawa by extremists--far right white supremacists.  The year ended with an examination of whether the government should have invoked the Emergency Act.   Um, yeah, but because the emergency was that the provincial leaders were cowards who wanted the feds to own it.FebruaryThe extremists in Ottawa became a focus for me, as it did for most of my city, for most of the month with posts on: outbidding, explaining why the Conservatives were pandering to the extremistsanger, discussing how pissed off this made me, triggered indeed.policing, as I learned that Canadians think that the cops should not be directed by the politicians as if policing is not inherently political,my take on the Emergency Act.And then the past came back to bite Ukraine and me.  My previous work on irredentism became relevant again with Russia's invasion of yet more Ukrainian territory. In this post, I explained the basics of irredentism--that it is always bad for the country doing the invading even as it may or may not be bad for its leader, that domestic dynamics are key, and so on.March The focus of March was very much on the war in Ukraine.  I argued via a bit of screenwriting why a No Fly Zone was a bad idea. I elaborated about the disease of MOAR.  And, yes, I then invoked my work on irredentism to explain why Putin was willing to kill Russia's kin in order to "save" them.  I wrote about limited war, a topic that got new energy this week as some retired generals expressed much frustration at the unwillingness of the US to send deep strike weapons to Ukraine.I also blogged about my appearance before the House of Commons Defence Committee.AprilThis month had only a few posts, with nearly all focused on CDSN events.  The outlier was a post discussing the appearance of Minister of National Defence Anita Anand in my Civil-Military Relations class. That was super-cool--a great way to finish off that course.MayI marked my 300,000th tweet before twitter's death spiral... maybe I caused it?I discussed the two events organized by the CDSN Undergraduate Excellence Scholars--a conference and a hackathon.  I also went to Germany for another conference. Woot!My last post took a first look at the Arbour report, where a retired Supreme Court Justice assessed the Canadian Armed Forces and why it has fallen short, yet again, on reforming itself when it comes to sexual misconduct.  I took a quick tour of the 48 recommendations.  June I didn't write much in June, but two of my posts continued my examination of the Arbour Report: here and here.  In the first one, I pushed on a point that will become a key question in my next project--what is the proper rule of a defence department or ministry or agency?  Arbour says DND is to support the CAF, and, no, nope, nuh uh.  This does help to explain a big problem with this and previous reports--having a very limited view of what DND's job is.  I also focus on the lack of a recommendation for an Inspector General, which is now a topic of research of this year's Visiting Defence Fellow.I also marked my 10 years in Ottawa with this post. I am so glad that the tides of the academic job market washed me ashore here.  It was not my plan, but it has worked out wonderfully.JulyJuly was a month of ups and downs.  I started the month by pondering how long might the autocratic moment in the US last if Democracy were to give way.  The most pivotal building at my old summer camp burned down, but there was much resilience that day and beyond to give me hope for its future.One of the ups was the new season of Battle Rhythm.  I am forever grateful to Stéfanie von Hlatky for helping us launch our podcast, and I was sad to see her move to admin stuff at her university.  But we got re-energized by a new crew of co-hosts.  Artur, Anessa, Erin, and Linna have provided a variety of perspectives since they joined us.  I am most grateful to Melissa Jennings for doing most of the heavy lifting in this effort and to Carelove Doreus and Racheal Wallace for their carrying the rest of the load.  It has been a big year in Canadian civil-military relations, and one of the highlights was the decision to adjust the uniform standards to make the CAF more welcoming to more people.  I addressed these changes with some accidental foreshadowing of the awful Vimy speech by one of those responsible for the culture crisis that prevented the CAF from adapting sooner.The month, which started with COVID finally hitting me and Mrs. Spew thanks to a conference trip to Berlin, ended in an upswing with both Beulahfest as my mom celebrated her 90th birthday and, yes, Stevefest, as I did a heap of stuff to celebrate another year of me. AugustNot many posts this month as I was very busy organizing and then hosting the first in-person CDSN Summer Institute.  It was one of the original ideas animating the big grant application, and it was great to see it finally come to fruition with so many sharp people speaking and participating.  Plus it was an excuse to have a reception or three.  Just a great week worth all the effort by the CDSN team.Much news about classified documents thanks to Trump hoarding documents he should have had anymore, so I shared what I had learned during the year I had a top secret clearance and worked every day in a SCIF--secure compartmented information facility.Finally, I said goodbye to a key part of my life--ultimate frisbee.  I just kept getting injured and could not stay on the field.  I could still throw well, but that whole running thing proved to be too much.  I very much miss it, it gave me friends across North America, it gave me some level of fitness, it gave me heaps of silliness, and nothing can fill the hole it left behind, alas.  SeptemberAnother light month for blogging.  I wrote a guide for those visiting Montreal for the American Political Science Association meeting.  The focus of the month and of my career these days was/is civil-military relations.  I wrote about the retired generals and SecDefs providing advice on how to manage this relationship. And then I addressed a recurring challenge up here--should the Canadian military prioritize domestic emergency operations? Whether the CAF wants to or not (not), climate change is going to make this happen.  It already has.  I am getting more and more interested in studying domestic emergency ops in part because few defence scholars have done so.  Nothing like having a wide open field to pass the disk into.  Oh wait, that was last month's post about ultimate.One reason I didn't post more in September is that I was headed west to Disneyland and to visit my daughter (not necessarily prioritized that way?).OctoberI gave thanks for all kinds of stuff as Canada celebrates Thankgiving in October when Americans debate the role of Columbus.I spent the rest of the month preparing both the CDSN Midterm Report for one of our funders and a conference to mark the midway point in our SSHRC grant.  It was great to hear from the co-directors of the various research efforts--Civ-Mil Relations, Personnel, Security, and Operations.  We were once told that the CDSN was just me and my friends dong stuff, but, to be clear, when it started, many of those who joined as co-directors were not friends and some were barely acquaintances.  Now, we are friends, but isn't that how networking works when it works well?  I am very proud of what we have put together even if it put a major dent in my blogging.November Was the theme of the month commenting on other people's mistakes?  Seems like it with a post on twitter's dramatic decline thanks to Musk and then the craptastic speech by a retired general.  That post generated more hits than any other this year and is in the top five of my 13 years of blogging.  The related tweet was also the most tweeted/impressioned tweet of the year and then some.  It led to a post addressing "woke" and being "anti-woke," which helped me think about vice-signaling, the flipside of virtue-signaling. I got to put on my old NATO hat when some errant missiles from Ukraine's war with Russia landed in Poland.  I did much media as well to explain that NATO does not work the way may folks think--that there is nothing automatic about it, even if the attack had been deliberate.One reason I blog less is that I simply have not been writing that much about pop culture here.  Why?  Mostly due to lack of time.  One exception to this was thinking about the International Politics of the second Black Panther movie.DecemberThe year ended with much CDSN and much cookies!I went to Winnipeg for the first time for a CDSN workshop on Domestic Emergency Operations.  This is the focus of one of our four MINDS (DND) funded research projects.  I learned a great deal from sharp people both in and out of the government.  There is much work to do here, and I am glad we have made this one of our foci over the next three years. Once again, we held an end of the year conference, the Year Ahead, which addresses some of the issues on the horizon.  This year, we also launched the new CDSN Podcast Network at the event!  The CDSN Podcast Network brings together four podcasts--Battle Rhythm, Conseils de Sécurité, SecurityScape and NATO Field Report.  We are open to adding others down the road.  Along the way, we fixed our Apple podcast feed.  I am most excited not just for having a new home for BattleRhythm but connecting and amplifying some student-run podcasts.I finished the year with a heap of baking--cookies for friends around Ottawa.  The basic idea is this: I want to eat a lot of different kinds of cookies.  But then making so many different kinds means finding people who are willing to take most off my hands or else I will gain a heap of weight (winterfest did that anyway).  I enjoyed my first cookiefest in 2020, which was the first time I saw many people after months and months of quarantining.  So, I keep doing it, now armed with better equipment (kitchen aid stand mixer makes it much easier than the first cookie fest) and more recipes.  It is not just the baking and the eating.  I got to chat with a bunch of great people as I delivered the cookies.  If the cookies are joy (and, yes, they are), giving joy leads to receiving much joy.One of the interesting dynamics of 2022 was the re-emergence of blogging.   That many folks started writing on substack, which, to me, seems like blogging but with the chance of income.  I have not moved over there as I am pretty happy with this perch. It does not make me money, but I doubt that people would pay that much for my half-baked (semi-spewed) writings.  One of my New Year's Resolutions is to blog more.  My guess is that I will be more successful at that than the ones focused on dietary restraint.May you and yours have a terrific 2023!

Quotes from Josep Colomer:Constitutional Polarization. A Critical Review of the U.S. Political SystemRoutledge, 2023.  CLICK to purchaseA collection of 6 posts. 1 - Why a Federation? The aim of the Convention in Philadelphia was not to experiment with democracy in a large territory, but to create a "stronger", "firmer" government able to defend the new independent states from the British and other foreign troops still over the continent. The priority was to create a standing army, to pay the debt for the War for Independence, and to introduce the subsequent federal taxes. The basic institutions were the states-appointed Senate and the mighty President with war powers.Some delegates warned that in the new and independent United States, people would not accept, again, taxation without representation. That's why the House of Representatives was embodied as the democratic component of the government. Then, the delegates responded to its perils by designing a series of "filters" and "checks" to prevent the House from prevailing over the other components. The separation of powers and their institutional checks were a cap, intended to tame and temper democracy. NOT A DEMOCRACYMadison warned against "the amazing violence and turbulence of the democratic spirit," and stated, "democratic communities may be unsteady, and be led to action by the impulse of the moment." Later, in the campaign to ratify the Constitution in New York, he would hold that, in the past, democracies "have ever been found spectacles of turbulence and contention … and as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths."Alexander Hamilton would allege that "the zeal for the rights of the people has been a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government." In his view, democracies are manipulated by people who "commence as demagogues and end being tyrants."Gouverneur Morris was an influential delegate from Pennsylvania who is credited as the main redactor of the final text of the Constitution. He also cautioned against "the turbulence, the precipitation, changeableness, and excess" of democratic assemblies.Other delegates in the Convention referred to "the fury" and "the folly" of democracy. One confessed, "It's the anarchy, or rather worse than anarchy of a pure democracy, which I fear." Another simply stated, "democracy, the worst of all political evils." DIVINE HANDAbout the divine hand guiding the constituents, see, for example:     "America felt that the hand of providence was on the young republic … There can be little question that the hand of providence has been on a nation which finds a Washington, a Lincoln or a Roosevelt when it needs him," Seymour M. Lipset, American Exceptionalism, W. W. Norton, 1997, pp. 13–14.    "I can't wait to go to Heaven and meet the Framers and tell them the work that you did in putting together our Constitution is a work of genius. Thank you. It was divinely inspired," Mike Pence, Vice-President of the United States in December 2020. Reported by Gregory Jacob, Counselor of the Vice-President, to the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol, June 16, 2022. 2- An elected MonarchyMONTESQUIEUIn the imaginary Constitution of England described by Montesquieu, the powers of the three institutions were so challenged and limited by mutual checks that the most likely result would be governmental paralysis. He held that in order to prevent abuses, "Power should stop ["arrête" in French] power"; brake, not just "check" as it was sloppily translated. In Montesquieu's words, with these rules, "these three powers should naturally form a state of repose or inaction." In the perhaps unlikely or infrequent case that public affairs required some action, he conceded that the three powers should be "forced to move, but still in concert." Madison would only ambiguously paraphrase, "Ambition must be made to counteract ambition."   There was a problem: Montesquieu had misunderstood how the British system actually worked. What he described was closer to an old-fashioned, outdated model that, in the best of cases, could be identified with a transitory, provisional past period in England's history. It did not correspond with the political system in motion when he visited London, and even less with practices contemporary to the Framers gathered in Philadelphia several decades later. By following Montesquieu's obsolete account, the authors of the US Constitution misunderstood the source.MONARCHYThe monarchical proposal was most explicitly presented by Alexander Hamilton. He did not attend most of the Convention sessions, but on June 18, he showed up, took the floor, and delivered a prepared speech for more than five hours, no break for lunch, that left the delegates flabbergasted. Hamilton proposed a president that would be chosen by electors and serve for life. Such an "elective Monarch" would appoint the state governors and could veto state laws. At the federal level, the president would also be the arbiter for expected regular conflict between the Senate also appointed for life and the popular House: "This check is a Monarch," he suggested, "capable of resisting the popular current." The president, with absolute veto over congressional legislation, would be "a salutary check upon the legislative body." According to Ron Chernow, his biographer, Hamilton had written in his personal notes for his Convention speech that the president would not only be appointed for life but also "ought to be hereditary and to have so much power that it will not be his interest to risk much to acquire more." Yet, probably sensing the audience's reluctance to his already delivered proposals, he skipped that part.    Adams, who would become the US' first vice president and the second president, was suspected of having monarchist leanings. He would propose calling George Washington "His Majesty the President," thought hereditary rule inevitable, and, after Washington's childless tenure prevented it, he would be the first to make his son run for president.3-The Founders' Portraits in WashingtonWhat one can see and guess about these characters by looking at eight portraits,  the first five by Gilbert Stuart and the next two by John Trumbull at the National Gallery of Art, and the eighth by Joseph Siffred Duplessis at the National Portrait Gallery.             4- How the System Actually Works CHECKS AND GRIEVANCESAlexander Hamilton clearly lay on the side of scant congressional legislation. He said, "The injury that may possibly be done by defecting a few good laws will be amply compensated by the advantages of preventing a number of bad ones." It was like fasting for the sake of not being poisoned; the result is anemia, not good political health.In practice, there are checks but no balances. The existing blockingmechanisms in the US constitutional system do not produce balances in favor of a few good laws. They are largely unbalanced in favor of the Presidency and its powers, which is aggravated by the biases of the presidential elections.The US constitutional plan, instead of relying upon positive institutionalincentives, such as the expectation of sharing power in the Cabinet, countedon politicians' virtuous behavior. Yet, absent our better angels' motivations, the system of negative checks becomes a machine for sustained conflict. PRESIDENTIALISMThe greatest increase in presidential power has derived from wars. From General George Washington, leader of the Revolutionary War for Independence, through Theodore Roosevelt, a high-level combatant in the Spanish-American War in the Caribbean, eleven of the first twenty-five presidents were war men. Whether as generals, national heroes, or upper-echelon military officers, Andrew Jackson, William Harrison, Zachary Taylor, Franklin Pierce, Ulysses Grant, Rutherford Hayes, James Garfield, Benjamin Harrison, and William McKinley fought in the wars against the British, the Indians, the Mexicans, or, in the Civil War, other Americans, and their military feats helped them to be elected.Alexander Hamilton had already identified the management of foreign affairs as the main way to expand executive powers: "It is of the nature of war to increase the executive, at the expense of the legislative authority." Discussing rates of presidents, historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. observed that war "made it easier for a president to achieve greatness.            5- No Parties, But PolarizationNO PARTIESThe Framers were confident about the future of the republic because they miscalculated that in a great, expanding, and diverse Union with multiple institutional checks, it would be unlikely that nationwide parties could be created. They expected that the best individuals with "enlightened views and virtuous sentiments" would lead the new politics against "the pestilential influence of party animosities" and "the pestilential breath of faction," as scorned by both James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, respectively. Currently, the two major political parties in the US encompass a range of policy proposals and ideological orientations comparable to the typical European system with multiple parties: There are liberals and socialists within the Democratic Party, and conservatives and populists within the Republican Party, with the minor Greens and Libertarians flanking each side. However, the political competition is polarized by two parties or candidates because of the electoral system and the election of the president.POLITICAL, NO SOCIAL POLARIZATION The polarization of parties and candidates is more politically consequential than the polarization of voters. Generally, parties can lead and carry voters in their direction, either to closeness or to distance from each other, but to a limited extent. That is because it is less difficult to coordinate and mobilize a few thousand politicians than millions of voters. If parties and political leaders move to radicalize their positions and provoke polarization, voters may follow and become more polarized in their preferences, but usually less than the politicians and parties come to be. If, conversely, parties moderate and converge in their positions, voters may also moderate themselves but less than the partisan politicians do.FEAR AND NATIONAL FERVOR During the Cold War, many citizens developed a sense of unity, love of patriotic values, and pride in the American way of life. They trusted the rulers, who appeared as their protectors and providers of security. Challenging the government in the middle of a war would have been regarded as treason. In parallel, the ruling officials were able to keep many state secrets, their policy performances were not seriously evaluated, they enjoyed discrete privacy from the media, and gained support and devotion from the public.After the Cold War, without the threat of a nuclear war, the public lost their fear. There was a new openness to indiscretion and transgression. The new political atmosphere became the opposite of the previous period: a general mistrust of government, close scrutiny of corrupt practices, leaks of confidential plans and messages, frequent scandals about politicians' business or private affairs, and loud calls for more transparency and accountability. After the Cold War with the Soviet Union, the "peace dividend" that appeared to be a potential source of domestic progress led instead to domestic mayhem. With just a little exaggeration, one could say that, over the years, the international Cold War was replaced with a domestic cold war.          6- Towards the 2024 ElectionPRIMARIESThe primaries mechanism is a substitute for the formation of multiple parties. To build a majority, in Europe and other democracies, a coalition of multiple parties must be formed after the election; in the US, a coalition of multiple factions within a party must be formed before the election. In European parliamentary systems with multiple parties, the mess comes after the election; sometimes, the formation of a coalition in parliament for the choice of a prime minister takes months. In the US, the mess is before the election; the process of simplifying the pluralistic setting to only two major presidential candidates starts more than a year before Election Day. These alternative experiences both confirm that, in the absence of a traditional monarch, simplifying a complex society to one single executive leader is always a challenging endeavor.The main drawback of the system of partisan primaries is that it may not produce a majority in support for the winning candidate but it can result in the nomination of an extreme or unqualified demagogue who would be rejected by a majority of voters.The turnout in the presidential primaries has increased to nearly 50% of the party voters in the general election since the 2010s. However, the number of primary candidates within each party has also increased, up to double digits in recent seasons, which reduced the support for the winner. In 2016, Donald Trump was voted in the primaries by only 22% of his voters in the general election; Hillary Clinton, by 26% of her votes in the general election; and in 2020, Joe Biden by only 23%.SPLITTING CANDIDATESIf popular participation increases, partisanship becomes more compact, and the potential political pluralism of the country is not well articulated by the party system, third and further candidates reappear. They indirectly made a winner by splitting partisan support in at least four of the first eight presidential elections after the Cold War. The independent Ross Perot split Republican voters twice, in 1992 and 1996, and twice produced a Democratic winner with a minority of popular votes. The other way around, the Green Party's Ralph Nader split Democratic voters in 2000 and produced a Republican winner with a minority of popular votes. Also, the Greens and other candidacies absorbed potential Democratic voters in 2016 and helped make a Republican candidate the winner with a minority of popular votes.CAN TRUMP RETURN?There are also precedents of traitors who persisted in politics, ran for office, were elected, and provoked further turmoil. At least two former presidents joined the Confederacy during the Civil War. Former Whig President John Tyler, who had replaced William Harrison at his death one month after entering office, was first elected to and chaired the Virginia Secession Convention, and during the Civil War, he was elected first to the Provisional Confederation Congress and then to the Confederate House of Representatives. Former Democratic President Franklin Pierce collaborated closely with Confederacy President Jefferson Davis. Also, former President Andrew Johnson was elected senator on an anti-Reconstruction platform.Collection:1- Why a Federation2- An Elected Monarchy3- Psychological Portraits of the Founders and Framers4– How the System Actually Works5- No Parties, But Polarization6- Towards the 2024 Election

Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung für die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabwägung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verständnis für die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzuschätzen. Die Studie hat darüber hinaus vielfältige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verfügbarkeit, Qualität, Zugänglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbestände für eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefenschärfe und Differenziertheit des verfügbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. für sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder für kleinräumige Daten über Belastungs- und Kapazitätsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheitsämtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bezüglich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Prävention, aber auch häusliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eindämmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietskörperschaftlichen Ebene. Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein "Mehr" an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualität, Verknüpfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr müssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Prägungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es müssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das Können (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu stärken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten für Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen: (1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams, (2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren, (3) Stärkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der öffentlichen Verwaltung, (4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilität und Registermodernisierung, (5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung, (6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung, (7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repräsentativen Datensatzes, (8) Förderung der europäischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit. ; This study shows that data is of outstanding importance for scientific policy advice, administrative decision preparation and political decision-making in the crisis. During the crisis, however, there were serious communication problems and uncertainties in the mutual expectations of scientific data providers and political-administrative data users. Knowledge accumulation and decision-making were also hampered by uncertain and volatile data on the pandemic, combined with a dynamic development of the situation. Awareness and mutual understanding of the specific role profiles of the actors involved in the scientific policy advisory process, as well as their demarcation in particular, are still to be assessed as insufficient. The study has also identified a variety of deficits with regard to the availability, quality, accessibility, shareability and usability of data, which represent considerable challenges to data producers and users and reveal a need for extensive reform, since, on the one hand, important data sets for crisis-related policy advice are lacking. On the other hand, the depth of focus and differentiation of the available data stocks are partly insufficient. This applies, for example, to socio-structural data on the severity of the pandemic impact of different groups or to small-scale data on burden and capacity parameters, such as staffing levels in intensive care units, health offices and care facilities. There are also data deficits with regard to a holistic pandemic assessment, for example with regard to the health effects in a broader sense that have arisen as a result of the measures taken (postponement or discontinuation of operations, treatments and prevention, but also domestic violence and psychological stress). In the absence of systematic accompanying studies and evaluative research, there are also data deficits with regard to the effects of containment measures or their removal at the territorial level. Overall, the study shows that optimising data-based policy advice and political decision-making in times of crisis as well as between crises is not just a matter of producing "more" data and improving its quality, linkage and sharing. Rather, the incentive structures and interests in politics, administration and science as well as the competences, action orientations and cognitive-cultural imprints of the various actors must also be taken into account. Incentives must be set and structures have to be created in order to strengthen the interest, the will and the skill to use data. This does not only apply for political and administrative decision-makers, but also for academics who are needed to feed data into the system. In addition to preparing information in a way that is appropriate for the target group, this also involves designing a normative and institutional framework within which the use of data for decision-making can be more effective, more qualified, but also more transparent, more comprehensible and thus more democratically legitimate. Against the background of these empirical findings, eight clusters of optimisation measures are proposed: (1) Establishment of data routes and data teams, (2) Creation of regional data competence centres, (3) Strengthening data literacy and accelerating cultural transformation in public administration, (4) Data standardisation, interoperability and register modernisation, (5) Expanding public data pools and open data use, (6) Linking data protection and data use more effectively, (7) Development of a high-frequency, representative data set, (8) Promoting European data cooperation.

Technologies and forms of civic engagement on example of contemporary Germany are studied. The features of civic engagement, including participation in volunteer activities, are revealed. The differentiation of various forms of social interaction, covering all spheres of social life is revealed. The importance of voluntary public participation and its influence on the domestic and foreign policy of the country and on international relations is emphasized. The historical milestones of the civic engagement development in contemporary Germany are outlined.It is argued that civic engagement is a process in which citizens take collective actions to address issues of public interest and democracy. It is emphasized that civic engagement solves a number of societal problems, including, in particular, the lack of representation of diverse interest groups, thereby reducing the level of social tension in society. It is emphasized that understanding of all options for civic participation develops a "democracy of diversity", which is defined as a way to influence the decisions of the authorities in after election period. It is emphasized on the need to take measures to inform citizens about the events and phenomena of social and political life. It has been found that the intensification of the democratization of post-totalitarian societies causes a degree of public involvement in the solution of socio-political problems. New Agents of Influence - Citizens involved in various forms of engagement are the bearers of a new democracy, leading to the stabilization of the political, economic and international systems in general. It is determined that the factors for lobbying civic engagemement, which will lead to overcoming the irrationality and passivity of people in the political sphere - are education and providing equal opportunities for participation in politics. Therefore, every society has to create all conditions for active political socialization of each individual.It has been found that in political dialogue and decision-making, public involvement helps to curb conflicts arising from misunderstanding between the parties, facilitating the establishment of a constructive dialogue of international actors in the current system of international relations. ; Изучаются технологии и формы общественного привлечения на примере современной Германии. Раскрываются особенности общественного привлечения, в том числе участие в волонтерской деятельности. Отмечается наличие дифференциации различных форм общественного взаимодействия, охватывающих все сферы общественного бытия. Подчеркивается значение добровольного общественного участия и его влияние на внутреннюю и внешнюю политику страны, на международные отношения в целом. Определены исторические вехи развития общественного участия в современной Германии.Доказывается, что гражданское привлечение - это процесс, в котором граждане осуществляют коллективные действия для решения вопросов, представляющих общественный интерес и способствуют демократии. Отмечается, что общественное привлечения решает ряд социальных проблем, среди которых, в частности, недостаточное представление различных групп интересов, тем самым снижая уровень общественного напряжения в обществе. Подчеркивается, что понимание всех вариантов гражданского участия развивает «демократию разнообразия», которая определяется как способ влиять на решения власти в период между выборами. Подчеркивается необходимость проведения мероприятий по информированию граждан о событиях и явлениях общественно-политической жизни. Выяснено, что интенсификацию демократизации посттоталитарных обществ вызывает степень развития общественного вовлечения в решение общественно-политических проблем. Новые агенты влияния - граждане, являются привлеченными к различным формам взаимодействия, выступают носителями новой партисипаторной демократии, что ведет к стабилизации политической, экономической систем и международной системы в целом. Определяется, что факторами к лоббированию общественного участия, что приведет к преодолению иррациональности и пассивности граждан в политической сфере - есть образование и предоставление равных возможностей для участия в политике. Поэтому каждому обществу предстоит создать все условия для активной политической социализации каждого индивида.Установлено, что в политическом диалоге и принятии решений общественное привлечение помогает сдерживать конфликты, возникающие из-за разногласий у сторон, способствуя установлению конструктивного диалога международных акторов в современной системе международных отношений. ; Вивчаються технології та форми громадського залучення на прикладі сучасної Німеччини. Розкриваються особливості громадського залучення, зокрема участь у волонтерській діяльності. Наголошується на наявності диференціації різноманітних форм громадської взаємодії, що охоплюють всі сфери суспільного буття. Підкреслюється значення добровільної громадської участі та її впливу на внутрішню та зовнішню політику країни, на міжнародні відносини загалом. Окреслено історичні віхи розвитку громадської участі у сучасній Німеччині. Доводиться, що громадянське залучення - це процес, в якому громадяни здійснюють колективні дії для вирішення питань, що становлять суспільний інтерес і сприяють демократії. Наголошується, що громадське залучення вирішує низку суспільних проблем, серед яких, зокрема, недостатнє представлення різноманітних груп інтересів, тим самим знижуючи рівень суспільної напруги у суспільстві. Підкреслюється, що розуміння всіх варіантів громадянської участі розвиває «демократію різноманітності», що визначається як спосіб впливати на рішення влади у міжвиборчий період. Наголошується на необхідності проведення заходів із інформування громадян про події та явища суспільно-політичного життя. З'ясовано, що інтенсифікацію демократизації посттоталітарних суспільств спричиняє ступінь розвитку громадського залучення у вирішення суспільно-політичних проблем. Нові агенти впливу – громадяни, що є залученими до різних форм взаємодії виступають носіями нової партисипаторної демократії, що веде до стабілізації політичної, економічної систем та міжнародної системи загалом. Визначається, що чинниками до лобіювання громадської участі, що призведе до подолання ірраціональності і пасивності людей в політичній сфері — є освіта і надання рівних можливостей для участі в політиці. Тому кожному суспільству належить створити всі умови для активної політичноїсоціалізаціїкожногоіндивіда.З'ясовано, що у політичному діалозі та прийнятті рішень громадське залучення допомагає стримувати конфлікти, що виникають через непорозуміння у сторін, сприяючи встановленню конструктивного діалогу міжнародних акторів у сучасній системі міжнародних відносин.

[full article, abstract in Russian; abstract in Lithuanian and English] A native of Belarus, publicist, critic and author of poetic texts, Vladimir Samoilo (1878–1941), is well-known as a teacher of Yanka Kupala and a popularizer of his poetry. He is also known as a correspondent of Alexander Blok and an author of works on his creations, as well as a prominent figure of the Belarusian national movement. However, his participation in the Russian periodical press and in the social and cultural life in Wilno is insufficiently investigated. The aim of this study is to fill this gap. Samoilo was the organizer of the evenings of the famous Russian writers Dmitry Merezhkovsky, Zinaida Gippius and Dmitry Filosofov in 1920. He participated in discussions about the works of the Russian philosopher Nikolai Berdyaev, organized by the literary-artistic section of the Wilno Russian Society in 1925. He was an elected member of the council of the religious-philosophical section of the Wilno Russian Society in 1927. Later, Samoilo became vice-chairman of the religious-philosophical section. Samoilo was the author of a long speech given in 1931 at the solemn assembly of the 50th anniversary of the death of Fyodor Dostoevsky. At the meetings of the religious-philosophical circle, Samoilo made reports on the Russian philosophers Ivan Kireevsky, Pyotr Chaadayev and others. The newspapers Vilenskoe Slovo, Vilenskaya Misl and Utro published Samoilo's articles on the topics of domestic and international politics as well as economy. He was the editor and publisher of the newspaper Vilenskaya Rech, where he published articles about the works of Alexander Blok and Fyodor Dostoevsky, also commenting on the historiosophic concept of Marian Zdziechowski. He was involved in an argument with the newspaper Vilenskoe Utro. Samoilo's cooperation with the newspaper Nashe Vremia was accompanied with a polemic with the Warsaw newspaper Za Svobodu! and its head, Dmitry Filosofov, regarding Alexander Blok's poem The Twelve. The most important publications of Samoilo in the newspaper Nashe Vremia are devoted to the history of Russian literature and philosophy as well to the discussions that were had in the religious and philosophical circle of the Wilno Russian Society. An analysis of the collected information clarifies the existing knowledge about the activities and views of Samoilo in the Wilno period and complements the general picture of the life of the Russian minority in the Wilno region and in the interwar Poland as a whole. Despite his contradictions and conflicts with certain representatives of the Russian society in Wilno, Vladimir Samoilo was its active and influential participant. V. I. Samojlo Vilniaus rusų periodikoje ir kultūriniame gyvenime (1920–1939) Gimęs Baltarusijoje publicistas, kritikas, eiliuotų tekstų autorius Vladimiras Samojlo (1878–1941) gerai žinomas kaip Jankos Kupalos mokytojas ir jo poezijos populiarintojas. Jis taip pat žinomas kaip Aleksandro Bloko korespondentas ir darbų apie jo kūrybą autorius bei baltarusių tautinio judėjimo žymus veikėjas. Bet jo dalyvavimas Vilniaus periodinėje spaudoje rusų kalba ir rusų visuomeniniame bei kultūriniame gyvenime ištirtas nepakankamai. Tyrimo tikslas yra užpildyti šią spragą. Samojlo 1920 m. buvo garsiųjų rusų literatų vakarų Dmitrijaus Merežkovskio, Zinaidos Gippijus, Dmitrijaus Filolsofovo organizatorius, 1925 m. dalyvavo Vilniaus rusų draugijos Literatūrinės-artistinės sekcijos surengtose diskusijose apie rusų filosofo Nikolajaus Berdiajevo veikalus. 1927 m. jis buvo išrinktas į Vilniaus rusų draugijos Religinės-filosofinės sekcijos tarybą ir darė pranešimą pirmajame sekcijos susirinkime. Vėliau jis tapo Religinės-filosofinės sekcijos vice-pirmininku. Samojlo buvo didelio pranešimo iškilmingame posėdyje Fiodoro Dostojevskio 50-ies mirties metinių proga 1931 m. autorius. Religinio-filosofinio ratelio susirinkimuose Samojlo darė pranešimus apie rusų filosofus Ivaną Kirejevskį, Petrą Čaadajevą ir kitus. Samojlo publikavo dienraščiuose "Vilenskoje slovo", "Vilenskaja mysl", "Utro" straipsnius vidinės ir tarptautinės politikos bei ekonomikos temomis. Jis buvo dienraščio "Vilenskaja reč" redaktorius ir leidėjas. Čia jis paskelbė straipsnius apie Aleksandro Bloko ir Fiodoro Dostojevskio kūrybą bei Mariano Zdziechowskio istoriosofinę koncepciją. Su dienraščiu "Vilenskoe utro" Samojlo konfliktavo. Jo bendradarbiavimą dienraštyje "Naše vremja" lydėjo 1931 m. polemika su Varšuvos dienraščiu "Za svobodu!" ir jo vadovu Dmitrijumi Filosofovu dėl Aleksando Bloko poemos "Dvylika" interpretacijos. Svarbiausios Samojlos publikacijos dienraštyje "Naše vremja" skirtos rusų literatūros ir filosofijos istorijai bei diskusijoms Vilniaus rusų draugijos Religinio-filosofinio ratelyje. Surinktų duomenų analizė patikslina turimas žinias apie Vilniaus laikotarpio Samojlos veiklą ir pažiūras bei papildo Vilniaus krašto rusų mažumos ir visos tarpukario Lenkijos gyvenimo bendrą vaizdą. Nepaisant prieštaravimų ir konfliktų su atskirais Vilniaus rusų visuomenės žymiais atstovais, Vladimiras Samojlo buvo veiklus ir įtakingais šios visuomenės veikėjas. ; [статья и аннотация на русском, аннотации на английском и литовском языках] В статье рассматривается участие публициста, литературного критика, общественного деятеля Владимира Ивановича Самойло (1878–1941) в периодической печати, выходившей в межвоенный период в Вильно на русском языке, и отражение в этой печати участия Самойло в русской общественной и культурной жизни Вильно 1920–1939 гг. Материалом исследования служат публикации ежедневных газет на русском языке означенного периода («Виленское слово», «Виленская мысль», «Виленская речь», «Виленское утро», «Утро», «Наше время»). Анализ сведений об участии Самойло в русской периодике и мероприятиях русских организаций, в особенности Виленского русского общества, позволяет уточнить представления о деятельности и взглядах Самойло в виленский период и восполнить мозаичную картину жизни русского меньшинства в Виленском крае и межвоенной Польше в целом. Несмотря на конфликты Самойло с отдельными выдающимися представителями неоднородного виленского русского общества, обусловленные различиями в мировоззренческих установках, публицист и мыслитель был его деятельным и влиятельным участником.

The article attempts to trace the logic of the different methodological approaches to the problem of the genesis of morality that existed in the history of ethics. This logic is included in some theoretical schemes and concepts, which allows to overcome the methodological limitations and the failure of some of the theories in the framework of cultural studies. Problems of a modern society that characterize the socio-cultural situation in our country, manifested in cultural crisis, domestic relations, politics and the economy, education and training. These problems trying to some extent to solve the representatives of different sciences. On the pages of scientific publications are the debates and the search for new paradigms, new generation, reflecting the current situation categories. It seems that increasingly, the search will be successful within cultural studies. This science by synthesizing a reaching many sciences, producing a total "denominator" in the study of culture, showing the general and specific to the culture of different nations, because of its polyfunctionality evrystychnosti and presents opportunities for research and scientific generalizations. Despite significant advances in the science of the theoretical modeling of individual aspects and stages of the genesis of moral progress in the past few years, the whole theory of the origin of morality yet. Therefore, in our view, a fruitful contribution to the development of this theory would be a system that reveals the mechanism of gradual development of morality. The main objective of the work is seen in an attempt to synthesize the various aspects of modern scientific understanding of the mechanism of the origin of morality in a coherent conception of the genesis of morality. To solve this problem you want to play, based on modern scientific material "objective" historical dialectic movement phenomenon of morality at the time of its inception, and the "subjective" dialectic deploy the origin of morality in historical types of philosophical and ethical systems of the past and present. The main objective of the work specified in the task of critical analysis of methodological principles and content of the genesis of moral concepts in the history of ethical thought. The novelty of the research is determined primarily methodological approach to the problem of the genesis of morality, the desire to reveal the objective laws of the origin, development and self-movement phenomenon of morality. In the modern day, including ethical-cultural literature, there are different approaches to address specific issues of origin of morality. Usually the surveys were isolated five or six or even more of these theoretical positions, but they were fully independent, somehow adhering to the two axial concepts which, in turn, went to the Kantian and Hegelian tradition. The first may be called (usually suspended) historical-genetic, functional, and the second – a historical and systematic, structural. Russian scientists A. Shishkin, V. Zybkovets, D. Valyeev in content analysis of "morality" tribal relied on the idea of morality as a set of simple rules, norms of behavior that govern their relationships to one another, class, state, etc. These authors attributed the origin of morality to the era of primitive human herd. In the early 70s was proposed "evolutionary-genetic" conception of the genesis of morality. Researchers concluded that "social behavior" is not a unique feature of human and she is genetically fixed mechanisms. This concept has been criticized in the scientific literature. Theoretically and methodologically able to mature is the concept of the genesis of morality, in which the main condition for the formation of morality is a conflict between the individual and society, and its occurrence refers to the historical era of tribal society. This concept has a number of advantages: the origin of morality tallies with this contradiction in a way that serves as the development of moral self-movement, self-development. In historical and moral system model is considered as a unique way of spiritual and practical development of the world a man who is in logical and reflective, emotional and subconscious form. The second model excludes the idea of morality as a form of social consciousness. It holds the line on the recognition of moral properties of a single human life, as well as part of spiritual practice "of man." In fundamental terms, it is not simply "reflect" reality, but also gets into it as a cross-cutting element of social practice. Thus, the methodological basis of consideration of moral phenomena is the position that morality is a specific form of public display of human life, the moral idea expressed economic and socio-political conditions of society, that finally morality arose from the need to regulate behavior. ; В статье анализируется мораль как универсальный феномен исторического развития общественного и индивидуального образа жизни. Доказано, что мораль является одним из основных типов социальной регуляции, своеобразным способом организации реального процесса человеческой жизнедеятельности. Объективные потребности общества, фиксируясь в обычаях, принимают форму оценок, общих правил и практических предписа- ний в виде морали. ; У статті аналізується мораль як універсальний феномен історичного розвитку суспільного та індивідуального способу життєдіяльності. Доведено, що мораль є одним з основних типів соціальної регуляції, своєрідним способом організації реального процесу людської життєдіяльності. Об'єктивні потре- би суспільства, фіксуючись в звичаях, приймають форму оцінок, загальних правил і практичних приписів у вигляді моралі.

The article is dedicated to the research work of the famous Ukrainian film director Dovzhenko. The article highlights the main periods of the director, his influence on the formation of the Soviet and national film school. We consider creative director stages, its contribution to the formation of "poetic cinema" noted feature creative approach to creating films that were due to creative director significant artistic and cultural heritage not only to Ukrainian but also for world cinema. Development famous film director of Alexander Dovzhenko Ukrainian art is extremely remarkable that manifests itself in immortal cinema masterpieces of the artist with his particular style of Film, recognized not only by the Soviet, but also world cinema. Myths about filmmaking of the outstanding Ukrainian Oleksandr Dovzhenko trying to create and distribute even today, when society has stepped in the XXI century.Great master`s works are inexhaustible and multi-vector, philologists distinguish the special beauty of its language, artists emphasize the Dovzhenko`s cartoon style, film find an innovator Ukrainian Dovzhenko cinema, art – bright creator and representative of world culture, writers – virtuoso artistic expression, publicist, known stands.Alexander Dovzhenko lived and worked in difficult times of history, but that gave impetus to the canonization of its kind as a person in the cinema and creative person. This process began in the late 1920s, right after the movie "Zvenyhora" and "Arsenal" – the phenomenon is quite typical of the artistic life of the Soviet period, when politics and ideology influence and hang over the work of art circles as an integral part of the system. The world had to know about the achievements of the young socialist state, which created conditions for "the full development of national cultures" gave ground for the emergence of their own Soviet cinema. Dovzhenko received massive acclaim in a wide media USSR and abroad. His name became known, it acquired legendary significance, thus creating a mythological space around the artist that was characteristic of the 30s of the twentieth century.Ukrainian writers, with whom communicated director, always emphasized his national identity, considered him a messiah Ukrainian cinematography, stressed its mission the revival of spiritual culture of the people.In 30 years, Alexander Dovzhenko appeared as an original filmmaker, founder poetic cinema in the Soviet cinema.His search for innovative ideas and author embodies creativity, launching a new direction in Soviet movies – poetic film, where she is a prose-poetic metaphorically rich, organic in nature, associated with increased descriptiveness, and therefore – zhyvopysnosti, justified itself not only the term "kinopoeziya" found supporters not only in domestic but also in world cinema. Poetry in his work is not an end in itself, but acts only one of the tools for a peculiar image of what he wanted to show people on the screen, it naturally permeates the entire artistic fabric film artist.Dovzhenko shot his first sound film, "Ivan" in 1932, the social meaning of this painting is unpretentious, but composition, character and decor are different from others. Director abandoned young Soviet film tradition, deeply affected socialist realism when the screen stood turbine column of tractors, gears, paravozy. For grinding iron artist shows ordinary man with his ordinariness, emotions, hopes and doubts, joy and grief. On the first International Venice Film Festival in August 1934 took place a snippet of his film "Ivan". Since conflicts at Kiev Dovzhenko studio, especially after the setting of the film "Ivan", exacerbated, the director decided to go to Moscow and in 1933 started working on "Mosfilm".In 1935 Dovzhenko awarded the Order of Lenin, and in autumn of the same year on the screens was "optimistic" movie "Aerohrad", and in 1939 the screens out the historical and revolutionary epic – "Schors" staged at the Kiev Film Studio. Directed building plot on reports of military operations and Bogunskiy Tarashcha regiments commanded by Vasyl Bozhenko. They serve as a leading line to show the crucial role of education regular units of the Red Army to victory in the Civil War.Movies Dovzhenko special, defined organic combination of figurative historicism thinking deeply creation of folk, national character, a combination of high-rise romantic thoughts with penetrating philosophical analysis of reality, rethinking poetics of folk art, a free application hiperbolizmu, grotesque, symbolism. These features are inherent creativity Dovzhenkivskiy greatly enriched Ukrainian cinema. ; Статья посвящена исследованию творчества известного украинского кинорежиссера А. Довженко. Статья освещает основные периоды творчества режиссера, его влияние на формирование советской и отечественной кинематографической школы. Рассматриваются этапы творчества режиссера, его вклад в формирование поэтического кино, отмечается особенность творческого подхода к созданию фильмов, которые стали благодаря творчеству режиссера весомый художественным и культурным наследием не только для украинского, но и для мирового кинематографа. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню творчості відомого українського кінорежисера О. Довженка. Стаття висвітлює основні періоди творчості режисера, його вплив на формування радянської та вітчизняної кінематографічної школи. Розглядаються етапи творчості режисера, його внесок у формування поетичного кіно, зазначається особливість творчого підходу до створення фільмів, які стали завдяки творчості режисера вагомою мистецькою та культурною спадщиною не тільки для українського, але й для світового кінематографу.

In work the carried out analysis of influence transport - logistical by a component on economic safety of black metallurgy. The received results testify to presence of threat to safety of conducting area of a national economy on the part of railway transport, being the natural monopoly. Is proved, that questions, which requires state intervention is a tariff policy of natural monopolies. In case it does not take into account interests of branches of real sector of economy is by the certificate that the development of a home market does not concern to priorities of state economic politics. Especially important for metallurgical the railroad rates are. Today Ukrainian metallurgy competes to the countries, which enterprises are in seaports; as a result of this enterprise of domestic metallurgical area will lose 20-30 dollars on tone. In this situation it is expedient to carry out state assistance to restraint increase of the tariffs on transportation. It is important to note, that the export of black metals is not simply has taken out of raw material, it - trade in the goods with a high particle of readiness to final consumption; By the goods, which, as against ore and coke are by result of complex technological process, which includes as a minimum three stages intensive alteration. In metallurgy justified, in our opinion, it is possible to consider efforts on the part of the state concerning support of a railway transportation and increase of park of own railway park of the enterprises of metallurgical area. The additional reserve of optimization of transport maintenance of foreign trade activities of real sector of economy is expansion of opportunities of use of water transport: sea and river. Expedient it is possible to consider(count) increase of volumes of transportations of metallurgical cargoes as sea transport. Besides practically unused reserve in our country is river transport. Under condition of expansion of its fleet the courts such as " river-sea", possible are attraction it to maintenance of transportations export and inward cargoes. ; В работе проведенный анализ влияния траспортно-логистической составляющей на экономическую безопасность черной металлургии. Полученные результаты свидетельствуют о наличии угрозы безопасности ведущей области национального хозяйства со стороны железнодорожного траспорта являющегося естестественной монополией. Доказано, что вопросы, которые требует государственного вмешательства – это тарифная политика естественных монополий. В случае, если она не учитывает интересы отраслей реального сектора экономики – это есть свидетельством того, что развитие внутреннего рынка не относится к приоритетам государственной экономической политики. Особо важными для металлургов являются железнодорожные тарифы. Сегодня украинская металлургия конкурирует со странами, предприятия которых находятся в морских портах; в результате этого предприятия отечественного металлургической области проиграют 20-30 долл. на тоне. В этой ситуации целесообразно осуществлять государственное содействие сдерживанию возрастание тарифов на перевозку. Важно отметить, что экспорт черных металлов - это не просто вывез сырья, это - торговля товаром с высокой частицей готовности к конечному потреблению; товаром, который, в отличие от руды и кокса есть результатом сложного технологического процесса, который включает как минимум три стадии интенсивного передела. В металлургии оправданными, по нашему мнению, возможно считать усилия со стороны государства относительно поддержки железнодорожного транспорта и увеличения парка собственного железнодорожного парка предприятий металлургической области. Дополнительным резервом оптимизации транспортного обеспечения внешнеэкономической деятельности реального сектора экономики есть расширение возможностей использования водного транспорта: морского и речного. Целесообразным возможно считать увеличение объемов перевозок металлургических грузов морским транспортом. Кроме того, практически неиспользованным резервом в нашей стране есть речной транспорт. При условии расширения его флота судами типа "речка-море", возможным есть привлечение его к обеспечению перевозок экспортных и импортных грузов. ; В роботі проведений аналіз впливу траспортно-логістичної складової на економічну безпеку чорної металургії. Отримані результати свідчать про наявність загрози безпеці провідній галузі національного господарства з боку залізничного траспорту, що є природною монополією. Доведено, що питання, що потребує державного втручання – це тарифна політика природних монополій. В разі, якщо вона не враховує інтереси галузей реального сектора економіки – це є свідченням того, що розвиток внутрішнього ринку не належить до пріоритетів державної економічної політики. Особливо важливими для металургів є залізничні тарифи. Сьогодні українська металургія конкурує з країнами, підприємства яких знаходяться в морських портах; у результаті цього підприємства вітчизняного металургійної галузі програють 20-30 дол. на тоні сталі. У цій ситуації доцільним є державне сприяння стримуванню зростання тарифів на перевезення. Важливо відзначити, що експорт чорних металів - це не просто вивіз сировини, це - торгівля товаром з високою часткою готовності до кінцевого споживання; товаром, що, на відміну від руди та коксу є результатом складного технологічного процесу, що включає як мінімум три стадії інтенсивного переділу. Щодо металургії, то виправданими, на нашу думку, можливо вважати зусилля з боку держави щодо підтримки залізничного транспорту та збільшення парку власного залізничного парку підприємств металургійної галузі. Додатковим резервом оптимізації транспортного забезпечення зовнішньоекономічної діяльності реального сектора економіки є розширення можливостей використання водного транспорту: морського та річкового. Доцільним можливо вважати збільшення обсягів перевезень металургійних вантажів морським транспортом. Крім того, практично невикористаним резервом у нашій країні є річковий транспорт. За умови розширення його флоту суднами типу "річка-море", можливим є залучення його до забезпечення перевезень експортних та імпортних вантажів.

Introduction: Presidential Rhetoric from September 11 to the Arab Spring 1. - 1. The Rhetoric of Fear and Hope in Afghanistan 17. - 2. Selling the Iraq War 59. - 3. Failure: The Iraq War and the Declining Influence of Presidential Rhetoric 105. - 4. An Iranian Threat? Recycling the Rhetoric of Fear and Hope 159. - 5. From Fear to Democracy: Presidential Rhetoric in the Arab Spring 189. - 6. Losing Control: Obama's Rhetoric on Benghazi and Syria 247. - Conclusion 281

'Die internationale Klimapolitik steht in den Jahren 2009 und 2010 im Zeichen der Verhandlungen über ein neues Klimaabkommen. Obwohl die teilnehmenden 192 Vertragsstaaten der Klimarahmenkonvention (UNFCCC) sich mehr Zeit für die Ausgestaltung eines neuen Rechtsrahmens genommen haben, wird die Aufgabe sehr schwer zu bewältigen sein. Es erscheint unerlässlich, dass Deutschland und die EU stärker als bisher die nationalen Belange der wichtigsten Verhandlungsmächte, allen voran der USA, Chinas, Indiens und Russlands berücksichtigen und die in den in den letzen Jahren klimapolitisch sehr aktiv gewordenen Staaten Brasilien und Südafrika einbeziehen. In dieser Studie werden die klimapolitischen Prioritäten dieser sechs Länder sowie der EU untersucht. Dabei stehen die Fragen des Selbstverständnisses und der außenpolitischen Einordnung der Klimapolitik dieser Staaten im Vordergrund. Darüber hinaus sind es vor allem innenpolitische Prioritäten, wie das Wirtschaftswachstum, welche sich auf die Verhandlungsstrategien auswirken. Daher muss die internationale Klimapolitik sehr viel breiter aufgestellt werden und durch die Wirtschafts- und Entwicklungszusammenarbeit unterstützt werden. Die Untersuchungen der sechs Länder und der EU zeigen auf, welche Maßnahmen auf bilateraler oder multilateraler Ebene sinnvoll sind, um neben dem notwendigen rechtlichen Rahmen vor allem einen substantiellen Klimaschutz voranzubringen.' (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Problemstellung und Schlussfolgerungen (5-10); Susanne Dröge: Die internationalen Klimaverhandlungen: Funktion, Substanz und Erfolgsaussichten (11-29); Oliver Geden, Martin Kremer: Europäische Union: Vorreiter für eine ehrgeizige internationale Klimapolitik (30-37); Stormy-Annika Mildner, Jörn Richert: USA: die neue Klimapolitik unter Barack Obama - endgültiger Bruch mit der Ära Bush? (38-48); Gudrun Wacker: China in den Klimaverhandlungen: zentrale Rolle zwischen den Stühlen (49-60); Christian Wagner: Indien: ein schwieriger Partner in der internationalen Klimapolitik (61-68); Kirsten Westphal: Russland: Klimapolitik im Abseits (69-82); Claudia Zilla: Brasilien und die Klimapolitik: ein kreativer Partner mit Potential (83-92); Jörg Husar: Südafrika in den Klimaverhandlungen: globaler Aktivismus mit nationalen Widersprüchen (93-103).

Bei den Wahlen zum 7. Parlament der Islamischen Republik Iran im Februar 2004 tragen die sogenannten pragmatischen Konservativen der Mitte den Sieg davon, nicht zuletzt aufgrund der massenhaften Zurückweisungen von Kandidaten der Reformbewegung durch den Wächterrat. Das Wahlergebnis wird im allgemeinen als das Ende der Reform-Ära in Iran bewertet. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeichnet die Studie ein zusammenhängendes Bild über die Wahlen und die Folgen für die iranische Politik. Dabei werden die folgenden Aspekte der inneren Dynamik Irans seit der Revolution vor 25 Jahren berücksichtigt: (1) Verlauf der Wahlen und Wahlergebnis, (2) die politische Bewegung der konservativen Mitte, (3) die innenpolitische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung sowie die außenpolitische Entwicklung gegenüber den USA und Europa. Nach Einschätzung des Autors bedeutet das Abdrängen der führenden Reformpolitiker durch die konservativen Kräfte nicht den 'Tod' der Reformideen von Demokratisierung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Zunächst beendet sind jedoch die Versuche, bestehende Strukturen zu reformieren sowie konzeptionell und institutionell ein neues Verhältnis von Religion und Politik zu begründen. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, wie sich die Europäer, die Fortschritte in den Reformprozessen zur Voraussetzung ihres Engagements in Iran machen, nun verhalten wollen. (ICG2)