Suchergebnisse

In a work based on new archival, press, and literary sources, the author revises the picture of German imperialism as being the brainchild of a Machiavellian Bismarck or the "conservative revolutionaries" of the twentieth century. Instead, Fitzpatrick argues for the liberal origins of German imperialism, by demonstrating the links between nationalism and expansionism in a study that surveys the half century of imperialist agitation and activity leading up to the official founding of Germany's colonial empire in 1884

Studies in the History of Geodesy and Cartography in Bulgaria was published by the University of Forestry, and printed by the Military Geographic Service in Bulgaria in Bulgarian language in 2013. Two years later, the book was translated into English by Meglena Bazhdarova and published with the sponsorship of the Chamber of Graduate Surveyors and Military Geographic Service at the Ministry of Defence. The English version did not include two chapters from the Bulgarian edition: chapter XIV "The Cadastre Abroad and in Bulgaria – Introduction and Development from 1878 to 1944" and chapter XV "Vertical Planning – History and Development in Bulgaria". ; Studije iz povijesti geodezije i kartografije u Bugarskoj objavilo je Šumarsko sveučilište, a tiskala Vojna geografska služba u Bugarskoj na bugarskom jeziku 2013. godine. Dvije godine kasnije knjigu je na engleski prevela Meglena Baždarova, a sponzori su bili Komora diplomiranih inženjera geodezije i Vojna geografska služba u Ministarstvu obrane. Engleska verzija ne sadrži dva poglavlja iz bugarskog izdanja: poglavlje XIV "Katastar u inozemstvu i u Bugarskoj – uvod i razvoj od 1878. do 1944." i poglavlje XV "Visinsko planiranje – povijest i razvoj u Bugarskoj".

The national and regional interests of the European Union, oil-rich Gulf Cooperation Council and Africa are conflictual in addressing international labour migration. This underscores the structure and ineffectiveness of bilateral migration instruments. The European Union canvasses for migrants' returns, readmission and outsourcing of national border controls; Arab states show reluctance to stop the predominant employer–sponsorship system that curtails labour migrants' human rights, while African states detest migrants' return and readmission, and prefer liberalisation of legal migration and flow of remittances. This article is anchored on the hegemonic stability and regime frame of interventionist liberalism theoretical perspectives to highlight Europe's soft power in migration partnerships or agreements deployed via financial aid and development projects as a way to drive the migration-development-security nexus with African countries. Essentially, African states' asymmetric economic relationship with Europe has accentuated the carrot-and-stick approach, while Arab states' slow pace in allowing the mobility of African labour migrants has led to a reduction in remittance flows. It is recommended that the dialogues between the regional blocs and countries leading to labour migration agreements must find a common ground of mutual interests for effective partnerships to emerge.

Right-wing populist governments in Central and South-eastern Europe are currently abusing the emergency caused by the pandemic in order to extend their power and influence over institutions through legislative changes. The governments in Poland, Serbia, Slovenia and Hungary have raised fears by their measures to either establish authoritarian regimes and/or to reassert their grip on power during the Covid19 crisis. This text is intended to give an insight into the measures of the ruling right-wing populist parties (PiS in Poland, SNS in Serbia, SDS in Slovenia and Fidesz in Hungary) during the pandemic. On the one hand, the article intends to show that the individual governments have misused the crisis to bring independent and/or state media under their control, to conclude corrupt deals between the ruling party and government-related companies and to put pressure on other independent institutions (such as the judicial system) and the opposition. On the other hand, reactions by civil society organizations and the European Union shall be examined. The article shows that both, civil society and EU pressure is indispensable, particularly in timesof crisis, since shifts in power in favour of right-wing populist rulers happen swiftly and have negative long-term consequences for democracy.

This article addresses the question of where urban low-carbon energy transitions are governed. A challenge is that urban governance is not simply urban, but a complex assemblage of institutions, networks and socio-technical arrangements. There are several on-going literature debates discussing the different types of processes in which cities are involved. I disaggregate these into vertical processes (multilevel governance perspectives), horizontal processes (network and policy mobility perspectives), and what I term infrastructural processes (steering by conditions in the built environment). The purpose of the article is to show how all these types of governance processes combine to drive urban low-carbon energy transitions. Using the notion of policy assemblage, I outline a framework through which the different types of governance processes can be reconciled. This is illustrated through a discussion of how the different types of processes interact in the context of urban low-carbon mobility in Europe. A discussion of the case of Stavanger, Norway, shows how different types of governance processes combine to drive and constrain low-carbon energy transitions and underlines the importance of taking seriously the constraints of the built environment. ; publishedVersion

Résumé L'État contre lui-même. Penser l'État en Europe après le totalitarisme : la contribution du concept de subsidiarité mc Notre ambition a consisté à interroger le concept de subsidiarité en procédant à sa contextualisation sémantique. À rebours des généalogies officielles qui attribuent la notion à Aristote puis restituent imperturbablement les mêmes étapes intermédiaires jusqu'à nos jours (Thomas d'Aquin, Althusius, Tocqueville), ce travail veut démontrer que la subsidiarité s'enracine dans un passé récent et circonscrit. À cette fin, nous avons reconstitué deux configurations principales de la vie discursive du concept : 1) la subsidiarité comme pièce maîtresse de la doctrine sociale de l'Église ; 2) la subsidiarité comme pièce maîtresse de la gouvernance fédérale de l'Europe. Fort de ce repérage, nous avons pu mettre au jour une série d'homologies structurelles qui, une fois stylisées, se sont toutes distinguées par la stigmatisation d'un même objet polémique : l'État. Leur exploitation théorique a ensuite permis de cerner quelques-unes des principales passerelles idéologiques entre les phobies chrétienne et européenne de l'État. Au principe de cette statophobie : un travestissement totalitaire de l'institution étatique, et une expérience traumatique, celle de l'Allemagne hitlérienne, à la fois champ d'adversité et laboratoire historique contre lesquels émergera le fédéralisme européen.