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"B-239686"--P. 1. ; "GAO/HRD-91-4BR." ; "November 1990." ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Joint Legislative Committee compiled this guide to provide definitions related to long term care insurance, explanations of how the policies work, guidance on deciding what to buy, and financial worksheets.

"June 12, 1984." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Issued 1949/52-1952/54 with title: Report of the USAF Medical Service. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Continued by Biostatistics of the USAF Medical Service.

At head of title: House no. 18. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This study focused to find out the learning problems of the students in the subjects of history. The study is not a fault finding assessment, rather it is an attempt to find out the problems of the students in understanding the subject, to identify the weaknesses in learning history and to suggest ways and means in alleviating the difficulties to the students. For this purpose normative survey method of research was employed. The sample consists of 100 students from government school and private secondary school of Papum-pare district of Arunachal Pradesh. The study indicates that government school students face more difficulty in learning history on regarding lengthy syllabus and content, conventional method of teaching, irregular used of teaching-learning materials, less interaction and feedback after the examination. This study thus assumes significance as it will help the teacher to have bird's eye view on the whole learning situation of the subjects.

This article traces the historiography of an elite woman and salonnière from late eighteenth-century Denmark, Charlotte Schimmelmann (1757–1816), arguing that the publication of her letters at the turn of the twentieth century has impacted contemporary historical writing on her salon and elite women's political agency in Denmark. The article places the case of Charlotte Schimmelmann's correspondence within the wider context of salon historiography and new diplomatic history, arguing that we must take the international research on not only the eighteenth-century salon, but also aristocratic sociability and new diplomatic history into account in order to understand Charlotte Schimmelmann's late eighteenth-century sociability. Through examples from a reading of Charlotte Schimmelmann's and her female circle's full correspondence, their political and diplomatic involvement is highlighted. Several of these examples have been excluded from the published collection, prompting the second part of the article to investigate how and why the letters presented in the collection were selected for publication. Drawing on material from Louis Bobé's personal archive, this part of the article uncovers Bobé's basis for publishing the letters, leading to a discussion of how the publication's emphasis on literary aspects of elite sociability has contributed to contemporary understandings of their agency.

Foreign aid has become a traditional part of the foreign policy of the United States, but in the eleven years since the enactment of the Marshall Plan there has been a steady increase of opposition to foreign aid programs. The votes in the Senate in favor of the Marshall Plan were 4.06 times the negative votes. Ten years later, in 1958, the "yea" votes in the Senate on the Mutual Security Administration bill were 3.00 times as many as the "nay" votes. The votes in the House for these same two years show an even greater manifestation of a growing opposition to foreign aid. In 1948 the affirmative votes were 4.48 greater than the negative, while in 1958 the figure drops to 1.93. While only two out of the eight Kansans in Congress voted against the Marshall Plan in 1948, three voted against the Mutual Security Act in 1958, and Senator Schoeppel, who did not vote, was known to be against the bill. This indicates that the Kansas Senator s and Representatives in Washington have roughly followed the national trend of a mounting opposition to foreign aid bills (3.00 more "yea" votes as "nay" votes in 1948 as compared to 2.00 more "yea" votes than "nay" votes in 1958). Throughout this study the writer has attempted to show why this opposition has increased as far as the Kansans were concerned. Speeches, both in and out of Congress as well as the public statements of the Kansas Senators and Representatives for the period 1948 to 1959 were checked in an attempt to as certain why these men voted as they did. A study was also made of the Congressional Record, the Topeka Daily Capital, the Hutchinson News-Herald, the Garden City Daily Telegram, the Emporia Gazette, and the Kansas City Star. Letters of inquiry were also submitted t o these men. It is the considered opinion of the author that the main reason for the Kansans voting in favor of foreign aid was basically due to the agricultural interest of their State. If any of the Senators and Representatives from Kansas have attempted to solve the problem of surpluses in agricultural commodities by foreign aid legislation. The majority of these men who voted in favor of foreign aid hoped that these plans would permit the flow of agricultural commodities to the rest of the world. This would, as they believed, solve the problem of hunger in the world while solving the problem of surpluses in the United States. That feeding hungry people is a humanitarian purpose cannot be disputed, but to feed the hungry of the world and collect a return for the food is a degree beyond a humanitarian purpose. The Kansans wanted the United States t o be the chief source of food for the world, yet they wanted the United States to be justly compensated for their food in the form of foreign currencies, strategic materials or military defense in Europe. Not all the Kansans believed foreign aid would solve the agricultural surplus problem in the United States. Those men who voted "nay" on foreign aid measures argued that a better and a cheaper plan could be legislated to solve the surplus problem. They believed that foreign aid measures were not t he best defensive maneuver t he United States could utilize for security in the world. They believed the money collected from taxpayers of t he United States could be used to gain the real advantages of security for the nation. The key to this security for the United States was a financially sound nation, one that built its military defenses upon its own shores, not the far-off shores of foreign countries. Although t he form of foreign aid has changed considerably, such as in the form of the Point Four Program (assistance to underdeveloped countries), Mutual Security Administration, or the International loan Fund; the debate in Congress concerning foreign aid has not actually changed. Those arguments that were used in 1948 were used in 1959.