Suchergebnisse

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar algunos impactos del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos en instituciones estatales. En efecto se estudia la utilización del Sistema Interamericano por parte de algunos Estados o por organismos públicos con competencia en derechos humanos "para iluminar ciertas cuestiones e impulsar agendas nacionales o regionales". En este escrito se considera relevante superar una visión del Estado como un actor unitario en relación con el Sistema Interamericano. En este marco el poder no es solo ejercido en forma vertical, sino que algunas resistencias desde abajo o antisistémicas se proyectan en dicha unificación. El presente escrito tan solo se aproxima en forma preliminar a estas discusiones a través de una valoración, en igual manera preliminar, de algunos impactos directos e indirectos de las decisiones interamericanas en el fortalecimiento de agencias estatales que enfrentan dificultades para impulsar políticas de derechos humanos, particularmente por resistencias dentro del mismo Estado. Al hablar de efectos directos e indirectos, entre otros tipos de efectos, el presente texto toma como base algunos desarrollos de la sociología jurídica sobre los efectos de las decisiones judiciales y la relación entre derecho y cambio social. Se analizan agencias estatales que utilizan las decisiones interamericanas para un "empoderamiento institucional" en clave progresista, generalmente en un marco de pugna con otras instituciones estatales o dentro de una misma rama del poder público. ; The aim of this paper is to analyze some impacts of the Inter-American Human Rights System in state institutions. Indeed the use of the inter-American system; is studied the way by certain States or public bodies with jurisdiction in human rights uses the interamerican system "to illuminate certain issues and promote national or regional agendas". In this paper it is considered relevant overcome a vision of the state as a unitary actor in relation to the inter-American system. In this context the power is exercised not only vertically, but some resistance from below or antisystemic project in this unification. This text only approaches preliminarily to these discussions through an assessment, in the same preliminarily form, to some direct and indirect impacts of the InterAmerican decisions on strengthening state agencies that face difficulties in promoting human rights policies, particularly by resistance within the same State. Speaking of direct and indirect effects, among other effects, this paper builds on some developments of legal sociology on the effects of judicial decisions and the relationship between law and social change. state agencies using the InterAmerican decisions to an "institutional empowerment" in progressive key, usually in a context of conflict with other state or government institutions.

The article is devoted to researching the mechanism of resolving one of theexisting law lacuna – the legal determination of ethnic nationality of physical person.Considering the fact that there is no document which is determined the ethnicnationality of a person at national law, author proves the possibility of determiningthe ethnic nationality of physical person under a separate procedure of civil process.It is noted that the guaranteeing the equality of citizens of the state in allspheres of public life, regardless of their race and ethnicity, by the Constitution ofUkraine haven't got a mechanism for fixing the legal nationality of an individual. Butthe realization of certain intangible rights is possible because of their realization bynon-Ukrainian ethnicity persons and national minorities who live in Ukraine andbecome its citizens. These categories of persons in accordance with the rules of laware given below, have a number of specific rights. Thus, in accordance with p. 2 st.300 of Civil Code of Ukraine, the individual has the right to preserve ethnic, cultural,religious and linguistic identity.Actuality of article lies in substantiation of a mechanism to overcome suchgap in national legislation, as the absence of legislative opportunities to establishdocumentary or confirm the ethnicity of an individual. Particular relevance of theseissues arises, in addition to the following terms, in connection to the identifying ofethnicity of individuals during the evacuation of citizens of Ukraine of somenationalities from the territory of the antiterrorist operation, which defined by Art. 12of the Law of Ukraine "On temporary measures for the period of anti-terroristoperation".The objective of the article is a researching of normative acts, scientificsources and materials of the judiciary to substantiate the introduction of the aboveprocedures for identifying (recovery) a person to some nationality.In author`s opinion, the only mechanism for securing the legal ethnicity anindividual is to establish in court the fact of belonging of such individual to somenationalities, in the order for establishing the fact which have a legal significance.However, the described approach, through which we can talk about overcoming oneof the legal lacuna, found no support, unfortunately, in the higher and highest judicialauthorities. About the content of such correspondence with judicial authoritiesreferred to in this article. ; Исследован механизм разрешения одного из существующих пробелов в праве – юридического определения национальности физического лица. С учетом отсутствия в национальном праве документа, в котором определяется национальность, доказана возможность определения национальности физического лица в порядке особого производства гражданского судопроизводства ; Досліджено механізм вирішення однієї з існуючих прогалин у праві – юридичного визначення національності фізичної особи. З огляду на відсутність у національному праві документа, в якому закріплюється національність, доведено можливість визначення національності фізичної особи в порядку окремого провадження цивільного судочинства

The article is devoted to researching the mechanism of resolving one of theexisting law lacuna – the legal determination of ethnic nationality of physical person.Considering the fact that there is no document which is determined the ethnicnationality of a person at national law, author proves the possibility of determiningthe ethnic nationality of physical person under a separate procedure of civil process.It is noted that the guaranteeing the equality of citizens of the state in allspheres of public life, regardless of their race and ethnicity, by the Constitution ofUkraine haven't got a mechanism for fixing the legal nationality of an individual. Butthe realization of certain intangible rights is possible because of their realization bynon-Ukrainian ethnicity persons and national minorities who live in Ukraine andbecome its citizens. These categories of persons in accordance with the rules of laware given below, have a number of specific rights. Thus, in accordance with p. 2 st.300 of Civil Code of Ukraine, the individual has the right to preserve ethnic, cultural,religious and linguistic identity.Actuality of article lies in substantiation of a mechanism to overcome suchgap in national legislation, as the absence of legislative opportunities to establishdocumentary or confirm the ethnicity of an individual. Particular relevance of theseissues arises, in addition to the following terms, in connection to the identifying ofethnicity of individuals during the evacuation of citizens of Ukraine of somenationalities from the territory of the antiterrorist operation, which defined by Art. 12of the Law of Ukraine "On temporary measures for the period of anti-terroristoperation".The objective of the article is a researching of normative acts, scientificsources and materials of the judiciary to substantiate the introduction of the aboveprocedures for identifying (recovery) a person to some nationality.In author`s opinion, the only mechanism for securing the legal ethnicity anindividual is to establish in court the fact of belonging of such individual to somenationalities, in the order for establishing the fact which have a legal significance.However, the described approach, through which we can talk about overcoming oneof the legal lacuna, found no support, unfortunately, in the higher and highest judicialauthorities. About the content of such correspondence with judicial authoritiesreferred to in this article. ; Исследован механизм разрешения одного из существующих пробелов в праве – юридического определения национальности физического лица. С учетом отсутствия в национальном праве документа, в котором определяется национальность, доказана возможность определения национальности физического лица в порядке особого производства гражданского судопроизводства ; Досліджено механізм вирішення однієї з існуючих прогалин у праві – юридичного визначення національності фізичної особи. З огляду на відсутність у національному праві документа, в якому закріплюється національність, доведено можливість визначення національності фізичної особи в порядку окремого провадження цивільного судочинства

El trabajo que aquí se presenta aborda el carácter problemático de la atención diferencial del Estado, representado por el ICBF, en el Resguardo Indígena Wasiruma, del Municipio de Vijes, Valles del Cauca. Esta atención puede interpretarse como un intento gubernamental en el que se cruzan dos concepciones de ordenamiento social. Por un lado, la intervención del Estado, quien plantea una política pública de niñez y familia basada en la perspectiva del individuo como sujeto de derechos, y por el otro, los pueblos indígenas han reclamado una perspectiva moral de niñez y familia que admite al niño como sujeto de derecho colectivo. Si bien el Estado ha avanzado en la construcción de políticas que posibilitan la inclusión de los grupos étnicos, la puesta en marcha de dichas políticas aún es fuente de tensión, representada en la dificultad que se presenta entre el Estado y dichos grupos para la generación de acuerdos sobre la inclusión y el reconocimiento de derechos. El objetivo general propuesto para la presente investigación, fue analizar los alcances y limitaciones de la atención diferencial propuesta por el ICBF en la comunidad indígena Wasiruma; la cual se desarrolló a partir de un estudio de caso, donde se analizó la atención brindada por el ICBF a través del Programa Hogares Comunitarios de Bienestar en la comunidad Embera Chami que habita dicho Resguardo. ; This presentation targets the problematic character of the differential attention from the state, represented by the ICBF, in the native state of Wasiruma, located in the municipality of Vijes in the Cauca Valley. This attention could be taken as a governmental effort where two conceptions of social organization intersect. On one side the, state's intervention which presents a public politic for childhood and family based on the perspective of the individual as a subject of rights. On the other side, the native people that show a moral perspective of childhood and family that presents a child as a collective subject of rights. The state has moved forward in the making of politics that make the inclusion of ethnic groups possible, however, running those politics is still a source of friction , always present between the state and the aforementioned groups, for the making of treaties about the inclusion and recognition of rights. The general objective proposed in this research, was to analyze the reachability and limitations of the differential attention proposed by the ICBF in the Wasiruma native community; which was developed from analyzing a case study where attention was provided by the ICBF through the program community household for the well being in the Embera Chami community which resides in the aforementioned Wasiruma native state.

Die Geschworenengerichte stellen in Österreich, trotz mancher Kritik, einen wichtigen Gerichtstypus dar. Geschworene entscheiden immerhin bei schweren Verbrechen oder politischen Vergehen und Verbrechen über Schuld oder Unschuld des Angeklagten. Deswegen ist es notwendig, dass die Laien über ihre Rechte und Pflichten im Zusammenhang mit ihrer Tätigkeit als Geschworene informiert werden. Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit zeigt genau diese Rechte und Pflichten auf; begonnen bei den Bestellungsregeln des Geschworenen- und Schöffengesetzes (GSchG), die festlegen welche Personen überhaupt als Laienrichter auf der Geschworenenbank Platz nehmen können, bis hin zu den Entscheidungsfindungsprozessen. Während des Prozesses bestehen die Pflichten an den Verhandlungen teilzunehmen, unparteiisch zu agieren, sich an die Gesetze zu halten und keine Informationen nach außen zu tragen. Geschworene haben das Recht Fragen an Zeugen, Sachverständige oder Angeklagte zu stellen, sowie ihre Kosten für die Aufwendungen als Laienrichter ersetzt zu bekommen. Die mangelnde Begründung des Wahrspruches, die insbesondere auch vom EGMR kritisiert wird, ist ebenso Thema dieser Arbeit, wie die Frage, ob Laien tatsächlich eine "richtige" Entscheidung treffen können oder ob sie mit der Entscheidungsfindung nicht überfordert sind. Zuletzt wird ein Überblick über den vorherrschenden Diskurs über die Abschaffung der Geschworenengerichte gegeben. Die Meinungen über den Verbleib dieses Gerichtstyps im österreichischen Rechtssystem gehen teilweise weit auseinander. Teile der Lehre schlagen lediglich kleine Reformen vor, andere verlangen große Änderungen oder ansonsten die Abschaffung. Die Veränderung der Anzahl der Geschworenen, die Einführung einer Begründungspflicht oder die Möglichkeit, auf das Geschworenengericht zu verzichten, sind nur einige Beispiele für mögliche Reformen. ; The trial-by-jury is an important form of court procedures in Austria. In cases of serious crimes, political crimes and offences the jury decides about the guilt of the accused. Therefore it is necessary to inform the lays about their rights and duties in relation to their positions as jurors. The present diploma thesis points out these rights and duties starting with the rules of the jury appointment, following the Geschworenen- und Schöffengesetz (Austrian Jury Act). This piece of legislation decides which persons are suitable for being a lay judge. In addition, the decision-making processes will be examined. During the trial jurors have the duties to participate on the process, to be impartial, to follow the law and to keep the information of the consultations as a secret. They have the rights to ask questions to the witnesses, experts and accused. Once the trial is over, the jurors have the chance to get possibly accrued expenditures settled, on the condition that they fulfilled all their duties. Despite of its importance for the Austrian criminal law system the trial-by-jury is criticised of its lacking reasoning especially by the ECtHR. Additionally, it is questionable whether lays are actually capable of deciding "rightfully" or if they are overwhelmed by the responsibilities of decision-making. The thesis finishes with an overview of the on-going discussion in regard to a possible abolition of the trial-by-jury system. Parts of the academia suggest smaller or larger reforms like changes in the number of jurors, the introduction of the duty to justify the decision or the possibility to opt-out from the trial-by-jury. Others even argue that the system should be abolished. ; vorgelegt von Anton Scherr ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2014 ; (VLID)242902

The South African Revenue Service (SARS) is entrusted with the duty of collecting tax on behalf of the South African government. In order to ensure effective and prompt collection of taxes, the payment of tax is not suspended pending an objection or an appeal, unless directed otherwise. This is also known as the "pay now, argue later" rule, and, for value-added tax purposes, is provided for in terms of section 36 of the Value-Added Tax Act 89 of 1991. The "pay now, argue later" rule in terms of section 36 of the Value-Added Tax Act prima facie infringes on a taxpayer's right of access to the courts as envisaged in section 34 of the Constitution. This is due to the fact that a taxpayer is obliged to pay tax before being afforded the opportunity to challenge the assessment in a court. In Metcash Trading Ltd v Commissioner for the South African Revenue Service, the Constitutional Court held the "pay now, argue later" rule in terms of section 36 to be constitutional. Olivier, however, does not agree with the court on several matters. Amongst the problems she indicates are that the taxpayer does not have access to the courts at the time the rule is invoked, and that the court did not consider the fact that there might be less invasive means available which would ensure that SARS's duty is balanced with the taxpayer's right of access to the courts. Guidelines were also issued which provide legal certainty regarding the factors SARS may consider in determining whether the payment of tax should be suspended or not. These guidelines also evoked some points of criticism. Since 1 October 2012, the "pay now, argue later" rule has been applied in terms of section 164 of the Tax Administration Act 28 of 2011. The question arises whether this provision addresses the problems identified in respect of section 36 of the Value-Added Tax Act and the guidelines. In comparing these sections, only slight differences emerged. The most significant difference is that section 164(6) of the Tax Administration Act stipulates that the enforcement of tax be suspended for a period when SARS is considering a request for suspension. Section 164(6) does not provide a solution to the problems identified regarding section 36 of the Value-Added Tax Act. It is even possible that this section could give rise to further problems. Therefore, the legislature has failed to address the imbalance between the duties of SARS and the right of a taxpayer to access the courts.

The aim of this paper is on the one hand to highlight the problem of lack of protection for internally displaced persons. On the other it raises the need that the search for durable solutions for internally displaced persons to become a central issue of an international peace-building agenda at the service of human security. Indicates why the IDPs have become an international concern and justifies particular attention in their protection. It explains the emergence and meaning of a concept of protection based on rights and from communities versus concepts of protection from institutions such as the "responsibility to protect". The protection of IDPs ultimately involves the search for durable solutions. However, as the paper wants to evidence, the practice of peace-building and the liberal peace project do not prioritize human security neither address the problem of IDPs in the appropriate way. Also the critique of liberal peace based on that it is an approach that prioritizes rights over needs has also the danger of relegating the most marginalized even by their own Governments, the IDPs, to the role of simple victims without the right to a just peace. Finally, some conclusions and issues that can guide a research agenda are proposed. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es por un lado poner de relieve el problema de desprotección de las personas desplazadas internamente. Por otro plantear la necesidad de que la búsqueda de soluciones duraderas para las personas desplazadas internamente se convierta en una cuestión central de una agenda internacional de construcción de la paz al servicio de la seguridad humana. Señala porqué los PDI se han convertido en una preocupación internacional y que justifica una especial atención en su protección. Explica la emergencia y el significado de un concepto de protección basado en derechos y desde las comunidades frente a conceptos de protección desde las instituciones como la "responsabilidad de proteger". La protección de las PDI implica en última instancia la búsqueda de soluciones duraderas. Sin embargo, como se quiere evidenciar, la práctica de la construcción de la paz y el proyecto de la paz liberal ni priorizan la seguridad humana ni abordan el problema de las PDI de la forma adecuada. Asimismo la crítica de la paz liberal basada en que se trata de un enfoque que prioriza derechos sobre necesidades tiene el peligro de relegar a los más marginados incluso por sus propios gobiernos, las PDI, al papel de simples víctimas sin derecho a una paz justa. Para finalizar se plantean algunas conclusiones y cuestiones que pueden orientar una agenda de investigación.

Craftsmanship in social intervention, as with all craftsmanship, entails more than merely developing and using a set of tools. It is also about choosing the right tool at the right moment, about knowing the possibilities and limitations of each tool and about quickly finding another tool if the results are not as expected. In this article, we reflect on our experiences with a particular tool, Results-Based Accountability (RBA). The context is the neighbourhood regeneration process in Katendrecht. This peninsula neighbourhood is located in the centre of what used to be a lively harbour area of Rotterdam (the Netherlands). We claim that adopting a proven method of citizen participation is no guarantee of results if the local context is not taken into account and if local decisions are not related to decision-making processes at higher policy levels. We will focus on three topics. Firstly, we will discuss the merits of the Results-Based Accountability participation method in its own right. Secondly, we will draw attention to the limitations of procedures that rely heavily on decision-making, such as RBA, and to complement this method, we will suggest the development of a shared story or narrative. Finally, we will focus on the relevance of the policy environment for neighbourhood regeneration. Having elaborated these issues we will then be able to assess the value of RBA in neighbourhood regeneration processes. Zoals voor alle ambachten geldt, behelst goed vakmanschap in sociale interventiepraktijken meer dan het ontwikkelen en toepassen van gereedschap. In interventiepraktijken is het immers ook van belang om op het juiste moment de juiste "gereedschappen" te gebruiken en over te schakelen op een andere werkwijze als de gehanteerde benadering niet werkt. In dit artikel worden de praktijkervaringen besproken die zijn opgedaan met één specifiek gereedschap dat in sociale interventiepraktijken wordt gebruikt: de Results-Based Accountability (RBA). Deze ervaringen zijn opgedaan in de Rotterdamse wijk Katendrecht, in het kader van de stedelijke vernieuwing. De auteurs claimen dat een bewezen methode als RBA alleen succes zal hebben als rekening wordt gehouden met de context waarin een interventie plaatsvindt en als centrale (op stedelijk niveau) en decentrale besluitvormingsprocessen (op het niveau van de wijk en de interventie) rekening houden met elkaar. Drie onderwerpen passeren daarbij de revu. Allereerst wordt ingegaan op de positieve aspecten van de methode RBA. Vervolgens wordt gewezen op de nadelen van methoden die sterk leunen op besluitvormingsprocessen, zoals RBA. De auteurs stellen voor om als aanvulling op de methode het "verhaal" van de buurt te reconstrueren. Ten derde wordt de beleidscontext waarin de interventie plaatsvindt belicht, waarna het artikel wordt besloten met een oordeel over de waarde van RBA als gereedschap in de stedelijke vernieuwing.

Con el pronunciamiento de Rafael del Riego (1820) y la nueva puesta en vigencia de la constitución gaditana en España peninsular, se abrieron nuevos caminos de diálogo entre la vieja metrópolis y los nuevos estados americanos. Una misión diplomática española propuso para el Río de la Plata, la adopción de los derechos civiles según los criterios de la Constitución de Cádiz de 1812. Estas propuestas fueron rechazadas alegando los principios de la independencia de las Provincias Unidas y la formación de un nuevo sistema de representación que se llevaría a cabo en una constitución propia y de origen republicano. Este hecho ha sido percibido como una oposición general de las "provincias argentinas" a los modelos de representación que distinguen calidades para la obtención de derechos civiles y políticos –como la constitución gaditana– a favor de un modelo de representación que admitiera la existencia de ciudadanos iguales ante la ley. Sin embargo, en las provincias de litoral rioplatense pueden hallarse modelos de representación política diferentes al propuesto por Buenos Aires, elaborando unas formas de estructurar los derechos civiles y políticos que contemplan ciertas analogías con los marcos gaditanos. ; With Rafael del Riego ́s military uprising (1820) and the new gaditan constitution enabled in peninsular Spain, new lines of dialogue between the old metropolis and the new American states were opened. A Spanish diplomatic mission proposed for "Río de la Plata" to adopt civil rights with regards to the Cadiz Constitution criteria (1812). These proposals were rejected, claiming the principles of the Unites Provinces independence and the formation of a new system of representation that would come true in their own republican constitution. This fact has been perceived as a general opposition of the "argentine provinces" to the models of representation that highlights qualities for obtaining civil and political rights –as the gaditan constitution– in favor of a model of representation that admitted the existence of equal citizens in the eyes of the law. However, in the provinces of "the litoral rioplatense" can be found different models of political representation to the ones proposed by Buenos Aires, elaborating some forms of structuring the political and civil rights that contemplate certain analogies with the gaditan framework. ; Fil: Salvatto, Fabricio Gabriel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Centro de Historia Argentina y Americana; Argentina

"Cultural governance is currently regarded as a transversal element of public policy in Europe. This book brings together academics and policy practitioners to provide new insights into the field, exploring its contemporary dynamics, dilemmas and challenges. In light of the Cyprus Presidency in 2026, the authors reflect on the breadth and boundaries of cultural governance in a European perspective, the role of international institutions, such as UNESCO and the EU, and the frameworks and dilemmas of cultural governance as a dedicated practice. Particular attention is given to the relationship between culture and human creativity, to cultural rights and to climate breakdown, placing cultural governance at the heart of integrated public policy. As a key contribution that enriches the field of cultural policy, this book is essential reading for academics and offers guidance for concerted action for policymakers and legislators"--

"Our 3rd edition of Racism, Colonialism, and Indigeneity in Canada follows on the heels of several significant developments and events in Canada. Following from the publication of our second edition in 2018, we provide a brief overview of some of these developments in Chapter Fifteen of this volume, including the resurgent and historic Land Back initiative aimed at recuperating economic control and territory across Turtle Island ; the Wet'suwet'en defending their land from the Coastal GasLink pipeline project ; the insistence by Mi'kmaq lobster fishers of their sovereign right to fish without interferences by non-Indigenous peoples and Fisheries and Oceans Canada (CBC News, 12 July 2022a); Red Dress Day, and the Every Child Matters movements marked by the now yearly Orange Shirt Day and other initiatives aimed at creating and rejuvenating "meaningful reconciliation in Canada" (National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation)"--

"History, politics, and law, along with public administration, shed light on the aims and various aspects of current and evolving statecraft. In this context, this book will explain that political law is interdisciplinary, and is a combination of the elements of statecraft. Political law is thus a new form of analysis, and necessary to a better understanding of the modern Democratic state. Political law can inform citizens, more thoroughly than other disciplines can, about the state and about the processes that render and maintain it Democratic. Further, application of the lessons of political law can enable citizens to safeguard the rule of law and the Democratic and rights-based nature of their jurisdictions. Consider that the struggle for Democracy is enduring; political law provides necessary knowledge and initiative for this struggle."--

This volume of essays is a reflection on social memory as a force for social and economic transformation. Written by scholars and organic intellectuals, it focuses on the uses of social memory, in particular the conflict between the legacies of colonialism and the movement for fundamental change. The content addresses both experts and ordinary citizens alike, with a view to advancing discourse on where we are right now, and how we move on from here to achieve meaningful transformation. As scholars and public representatives with a deep understanding of the social, economic and political dynamics of modern history of South Africa, the contributors offer their unique perspectives and reflections on history, politics, economics, culture, education, ethics and the arts, as well as the links that bind these aspects into an ecology of ideas and attitudes.

How do collective actors move from moderate politics to (violent) extremism? Faced with high risks of repression and implosion, they need to legitimate such radical change to keep members and followers committed to collective action. Drawing on the texts, audios, and videos of five Islamist organisations in the UK and Germany in the 2000s and 2010s, the book develops a transdisciplinary theoretical framework and innovative methodological approach to explore how radical changes in activism are mediated. Clément argues that political violence has to feel right, as a collective, for an organisation and its followers to move from moderate activism to (violent) extremism. She shows that organisations mediate this change by performing collective emotions in and through narrative. The book offers a provocative and nuanced account which departs from conventional interpretations of radicalisation and reminds us of the power of emotions.

"This book gives readers an understanding of the theoretical foundations of social support communication along with practical tools to ethically and justly connect with and support others in daily life. Incorporating research, real-world examples, and autoethnographic methods, this book examines how social hierarchies, personal power dynamics, and relational and social histories can be better understood to create stronger social support messages across all our relationships, including family, friend, workplace, and health provider-patient relationships. The book translates theories of social support communication into practical application, examining how support messaging goes wrong and how to do it right. Intended as a supplementary text in interpersonal communication, psychology, and social work undergraduate courses, the book is also ideal for professionals who engage in caretaking and support tasks and wish to enhance their knowledge of social support theory"--