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"A complete list of states & counties ." (p. [131]-152) is interleaved. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Problem Statement: Nowadays, sports is a phenomenon that has a great impact on today's society. In Spain, its main government institution is the National Sports Council (NSC), which concedes sports grants and aids. Approach: to analyze the available data of the different public calls made by the NSC. Purpose: to observe and evaluate the evolution of those public calls over time to define the current situation of grants and public aids in sports-related issues given by the Spanish government. Results: an investment of 136,796,793.05€ was made on sports federations between the years 2014 and 2017, in addition to 5.045.000€ on the Women and Sports program; 13,129.84€ have been used since 2015 in 66 social aids for sportswomen; 81,552.48€ have been allocated to grants for sports federation directors; national school and university tournaments have been subsidized between 2014 and 2017 with 1,071,741.84€ and 355,387.12€, respectively; autonomous communities have been granted 2.520.000€ since 2014 for sports technification centers; payments of 930,523.98€ have been made between 2011 and 2012 to foster researching activities, scientific actuations and periodical publications in the sports field; for acts against violence, racism, xenophobia and injustice 589,137€ were granted between 2009 and 2011; public universities and entities and nonprofit organizations received aids of 523,396.78€ and 81,421.99€, respectively, in 2010; 7,500,000€ have been allocated since 2014 to registered grants; and the P+S plan was funded in 2010 and 2011 with 91,000€. Conclusions: Public calls made by the NSC are focused on sports federations, setting research aside and supporting gender equality.

The article examines domestic practices of reducing losses in educational organizations. Attention has been paid to the activities of educational organizations aimed at reducing losses, both in the main production processes, and in the auxiliary processes that consume resources, but do not create value for consumers. This article is an attempt to estimate of the state of implementation of lean-technologies in the main production processes in higher education. There are references to not numerous examples of their use. Practical applications of lean technologies in auxiliary processes have been viewed in more detail. Based on the analysis of the information on the official site of public procurement, the authors consider a tendency to transfer the functions of accounting, personnel and legal support for outsourcing by state (municipal) agencies and departments, in particular they view the Moscow Region Government practice of outsourcing the auxiliary processes of subordinate educational organizations. The comparative analysis of costs per student has confirmed the effectiveness of outsourcing. The article dwells on the unique practice of Bauman Moscow State Technical University on the implementation of labor standards system. ; В статье рассматриваются отечественные практики сокращения потерь в образовательных организациях. Уделено внимание деятельности образовательных организаций, направленной на сокращение потерь как в основных производственных процессах, так и во вспомогательных процессах, которые потребляют ресурсы, но не создают ценности для потребителя. Дана оценка состоянию внедрения лин-технологий в основные производственные процессы в высшем образовании. Даны ссылки на немногочисленные примеры их использования. Более подробно рассмотрены практики применения бережливых технологий во вспомогательных процессах. На основе анализа информации официального сайта государственных закупок выявлена тенденция передачи государственными (муниципальными) учреждениями и ведомствами функций бухгалтерского, кадрового и ...

The United States Government owns and operates by far the largest fleet in the Americas. It is a fleet which includes not only the high profile carriers, cruisers and destroyers but a miscellany of tugs, barges, tankers, frigates, car floats and lighters. It includes cargo vessels as well as warships. Thus, the potential for the commission of maritime torts is manifest simply from the number and variety of government vessels at sea. Add the myriad responsibilities exercised by Government agencies such as the United States Coast Guard, and the potential for tortious involvement is enormous.

This article analyzes the contribution of education policies to the shaping of citizenship in France. We connect two inquiries. The first, about Moral and Civic Teaching, is a case of policy intentionally devoted to convey civic norms. The second, about the ordinary government of parents, concerns diffuse civic socialization at school. We ask how, and to what extent, the political order of school—composed of policy programs and institutional routines—builds civic behaviors throughout an intertwinement between school‐related norms and citizenship standards. The analysis mainly relies on qualitative data—hundreds of interviews and ethnography—taking into account various contexts in France regarding the schools and the geographic situations. Education policies not only appear central in the definition of civic norms and the "good" ways of acting politically in France, but may also be critical in other democratic systems where school plays a comparable role in the socialization to and by the state.Related Articles in this Special IssueBarrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe." Politics & Policy 49 (4).Haapajärvi, Linda. 2021. "On the Importance of Playing House: Belonging Work and the Making of Relational Citizens in Finnish Immigrant Integration Policies." Politics & Policy 49 (4).Skowronska, Kaja. 2021. "The Recent Politicization of Immigration in Poland in Light of Preexisting State Practices: Continuity or Change in the Understanding of Citizenship and Nationhood?" Politics & Policy 49 (4).

Here's what readers said about PolitiFact's recent fact-checks about transgender data, Florida school standards on Black history and statements by Donald Trump and Joe Biden.

This article aims to analyse the relationship between state and religion (in this case, Islam) in political and legal developments in Indonesia from colonial times to the present, and to determine the model of Indonesian secularity within the multiple secularities approach. The legal and political developments relating to the relationship between the state and Islam in Indonesia are understood to be the products of societal debate as well as instruments for solving particular societal problems, guided by certain guiding ideas1 that shape Indonesian secularity. The paper first describes Indonesia's evolving socio-political conditions, noting in particular the emergence of two distinct groups: Islamic groups calling for Islam to be made the foundation of the Indonesian state and for Islamic law to be enforced for Muslims in Indonesia, and nationalist groups that support the idea of a secular nation-state based on Pancasila, a set of five founding principles. In the second part, the paper outlines the development of Pancasila as a national agreement and state ideology. The third part analyses the state's legal policy on Islamic law. The fourth part analyses the relationship between the character of the contemporaneous regime and its attitude towards the aspirations of Islamic law. The fifth part analyses some state laws in Indonesia that relate to Islamic law in order to establish whether they constitute a legalisation of Islamic law and to what end the laws were created. The sixth part determines the model of Indonesian secularity based on the societal problems to be solved by the legal and political developments and the guiding ideas referred to. The final part defines the general boundaries between the state and Islam.

Ibn Khaldun and Thomas Hobbes both present the pre-political state as characterized by intolerable violence, and view the establishment of a strong political authority as the best hope of stability. Yet they differ in tracing the origin of this authority. For Hobbes, sovereignty arises due to universal consent and agreement inspired by a collective desire for peace, while for Ibn Khaldun it is consolidated only through the overwhelming power of a tribal feeling known as asabiyya. Modern politics inevitably combines the emphasis on popular consent and law so characteristic of Hobbes, and the tribal feeling, patronage, and special interests so characteristic of Ibn Khaldun. ; İbn Haldun ve Thomas Hobbes siyaset kurumu öncesi durumu tolere edilemez cebir ile tasvir etmekte ve sağlam bir siyasi otoritenin kurulmasını istikrar için en önemli umut olarak görmektedir. Ne var ki, bu otoritenin kaynağını tespit noktasında ikisi ayrılmaktadır. Hobbes açısından egemenlik, toplu bir barış arzusundan ilham alan umumi bir rıza ve muvafakat ile ortaya çıkarken; İbn Haldun, bunun ancak "asabiyya" olarak bilinen, kapsamlı bir kavmiyet duygusundan gücünü alarak pekiştiğini söylemektedir. Modern siyaset, yaygın rıza ve hukuka vurgu yapan Hobbes'un yaklaşımını, kavmiyet duygusu, himaye ve özel çıkarlara vurgu yapan İbn Haldun'un yaklaşımı ile kaçınılmaz olarak birleştirmektedir.

İbn Haldun ve Thomas Hobbes siyaset kurumu öncesi durumu tolere edilemez cebir ile tasvir etmekte ve sağlam bir siyasi otoritenin kurulmasını istikrar için en önemli umut olarak görmektedir. Ne var ki, bu otoritenin kaynağını tespit noktasında ikisi ayrılmaktadır. Hobbes açısından egemenlik, toplu bir barış arzusundan ilham alan umumi bir rıza ve muvafakat ile ortaya çıkarken; İbn Haldun, bunun ancak "asabiyya" olarak bilinen, kapsamlı bir kavmiyet duygusundan gücünü alarak pekiştiğini söylemektedir. Modern siyaset, yaygın rıza ve hukuka vurgu yapan Hobbes'un yaklaşımını, kavmiyet duygusu, himaye ve özel çıkarlara vurgu yapan İbn Haldun'un yaklaşımı ile kaçınılmaz olarak birleştirmektedir. ; Ibn Khaldun and Thomas Hobbes both present the pre-political state as characterized by intolerable violence, and view the establishment of a strong political authority as the best hope of stability. Yet they differ in tracing the origin of this authority. For Hobbes, sovereignty arises due to universal consent and agreement inspired by a collective desire for peace, while for Ibn Khaldun it is consolidated only through the overwhelming power of a tribal feeling known as asabiyya. Modern politics inevitably combines the emphasis on popular consent and law so characteristic of Hobbes, and the tribal feeling, patronage, and special interests so characteristic of Ibn Khaldun.

This paper discusses the challenges faced by rural learners in South Africa in the context of the world pandemic commonly known as COVID-19. Rural learners face unprecedented challenges in adjusting to a new mode of life and learning, the latter being characterised by the predominant use of online, learning management systems and low-tech applications. The paper is informed by critical emancipatory research, I used participatory action research. A total of 10 learners and five teachers participated via Whatsapp. The paper answers two questions: what are the learning challenges faced by rural learners in South Africa, and how can online learning be enhanced in the context of COVID-19? The findings suggest that, while the South African government is promoting online learning as the only alternative in the context of COVID-19, this mode excludes many rural learners from teaching and learning, due to a lack of resources to connect to the internet, the learning management system, and low-tech software. The paper argues that rural learners are critical stakeholders in education and in the fight against COVID-19, and they cannot be left behind in efforts to fight the pandemic.