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Die Indische Union repräsentiert mit 1,2 Milliarden Menschen circa ein Sechstel der Weltbevölkerung. Allein schon wegen dieser Größe und der zahllosen sozio-ökonomischen Herausforderungen, die damit verbunden sind, ist Indien in vielen Bereichen von Global Governance ein zentraler Akteur. Ohne die aktive Zusammenarbeit mit Indien sind keine nachhaltigen Erfolge bei internationalen Klima-, Umwelt- und Energievereinbarungen oder im weltweiten Kampf gegen Armut zu erzielen. Allerdings war, ist und bleibt Indien für die westlichen Staaten ein schwieriger Partner. Indien ist in vielen Global-Governance-Verhandlungen eher als "Neinsager" gegenüber westlichen Positionen aufgetreten und tut sich besonders mit der Zustimmung zu international verbindlichen Vereinbarungen schwer. Über diese Haltung herrscht zwischen den großen Parteien in Indien ein weitgehender Konsens. Indien hat seine außenpolitischen Instrumente den veränderten nationalen Interessen seit der Liberalisierung 1991 und den gewandelten internationalen Konstellationen nach dem Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts angepasst. Traditionelle Organisationen wie die Blockfreien-Bewegung spielen in den Global-Governance-Verhandlungen kaum noch eine Rolle. Indien war maßgeblich an der Entstehung von neuen Formaten wie BRICS und BASIC beteiligt, und versucht jetzt in diesen Foren seine nationalen Interessen durchzusetzen. Im Unterschied zu Staaten wie China und Russland versteht Indien diese Gremien aber nicht als Alternative zu westlichen Institutionen, sondern eher als ergänzende Mechanismen für Regelungen in den einzelnen Politikfeldern. (Autorenreferat)

Abstract:Contemporary global governance is organized around an odd pairing: care and control. On the one hand, much of global governance is designed to reduce human suffering and improve human flourishing, with the important caveat that individuals should be allowed to decide for themselves how they want to live their lives. On the other hand, these global practices of care are also entangled with acts of control. Peacebuilding, public health, emergency aid, human rights, and development are expressions of this tension between care and control. There is a concept that captures this tension: paternalism. Drawing on our moral intuitions, I argue that paternalism is the attempt by one actor to substitute his judgment for another actor's on the grounds that such an imposition will improve the welfare of the target actor. After discussing and defending this definition, I note how our unease with paternalism seems to grow as we scale up from the interpersonal to the international, which I argue owes to the evaporation of community and equality. After exploring the implications of this definition and distinguishing it from other forms of intervention, I consider how different elements of paternalism combine to generate different configurations. Specifically, I point to five dimensions that are most relevant for examining the paternalism found in contemporary global and humanitarian governance: the tools used to restrict another actor's liberty (force versus information); the scope of the interference (wide versus narrow); the purpose of the intervention (prevention of harm versus emancipation); the source of the paternalizer's confidence (faith versus evidence); and the mechanisms of accountability (internal versus external). These different elements often correlate historically, suggestive of two ideal types of global paternalism: strong and weak. Contemporary global and humanitarian governance is largely the weak variety: force is severely proscribed, interference is relatively restricted, the paternalizer's confidence has epistemic roots, and accountability to local populations remains a noble but rarely practiced goal. I further speculate that a major reason for this difference is the effects of liberalism and rationalization. I use this taxonomy to suggest how two different global efforts to improve the lives of those peoples living in what were perceived to be unstable and illiberal territories — the civilizing missions of the nineteenth century and the peacebuilding operations of the post-Cold War period — exhibited different kinds of paternalism. I conclude by reflecting on the ethics of international paternalism.

Concerns about the environmental and ecological consequences of hydraulic fracturing have accompanied the shale boom in developed countries at the forefront of shale exploration and production. These environmental and ecological consequences may be of even greater concern in developing countries with less governance capacity. We present a conceptual framework that specifies several variables that are expected to contribute to sustainable hydraulic fracturing. We use the framework to characterize prospects for sustainable hydraulic fracturing in South Africa and Botswana. The framework and evidence clarifies the institutional capacity and institutional challenges confronting the sub-Saharan African countries as extraction of natural resources using hydraulic fracturing begins in earnest.

What are the prospects for effective global governance? It is widely held that global governance is a public good, but what are the political factors that are likely to ensure its provision? Is the USA able or willing to able to provide it? Can international institutions, norms, or causal beliefs, in the absence of US leadership, fill in?

Many critical governance issues were created with the discovery of major oil deposits in Uganda. Because developing countries like Uganda lack strong institutional foundations, it is widely assumed that riches flowing from oil will result in huge sums of money being diverted to politicians while the country ends up worse off in the long run. Uganda certainly faces this "natural resource curse," but the potential for corruption is only one of many governance issues arising from the potential of oil riches. The government needs to work effectively with foreign oil companies and neighboring countries to recover and transport the oil. It must also establish institutions and procedures to manage its new oil economy. Moreover, questions must be answered regarding ownership the oil producing lands and how the fragile environment of the country can be protected.

Die Sozialwissenschaften reden ganz selbstverständlich von Global Governance, obwohl es (noch) keinen Weltstaat und auch keine Weltregierung gibt. Dennoch hat sich eine Weltgesellschaft in nuce herausgebildet, die eigene, globale Formen der Regierung und der Selbststeuerung anstelle staatszentrierter politischer Steuerung hervorbringt. Dies geschieht wesentlich mittels Organisationen, Institutionen und Regelsystemen neuen Typs (etwa WTO, BIZ, UN), in die verschiedene Mechanismen der gesellschaftlichen Steuerung (Markt, Recht, Solidarität, Wissen) eingebettet sind.Der Band führt in die verschiedenen Debatten um Global Governance ein, diskutiert Grenzen und Möglichkeiten einzelner Formen gesellschaftlicher Steuerung in der Weltgesellschaft und zeichnet exemplarisch die Entstehung neuer Regimes globaler Steuerung nach. Dabei wird gezeigt, dass die entscheidende Herausforderung in der Steuerung der globalen Wissensgesellschaft liegt.

The World Bank's Country Partnership Strategy (CPS) for Guinea in FY 2014–171 confirmed the Government's priority to build 21st century skills for improved employability and to implement systemic reforms. Guinea is emerging from years of political and economic isolation and instability. The democratic election of President Alpha Condé has opened the door for the international donor community, including the World Bank, to come forward and support the new government. The World Bank will partner with the Government of Guinea to develop systems that will 'improve lagging human development indicators for absolute poverty reduction, through more efficient and transparent allocation of resources, and to build shared prosperity by aligning the business environment and education system with Guinea's economy' (World Bank, 2013, pp. 1). This is in line with the government's priorities, as per the Third National Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP3) approved in 2013. The PRSP3 aims to reduce poverty and to create and sustain a vibrant private economy by maximizing rents from Guinea'ssubstantial mining sector. The Bank supports the Government's agenda on improving human capital by: (a) promoting both the quantity and quality of education, and (b) upgrading skills for the needs of emerging and export-oriented sectors such as agriculture, tourism, mining, and telecommunications and Information and Communications Technology (ICT). In 2012, the Government requested special support from the Bank in the form of technical assistance to conduct an analysis of the higher education system. This analysis will be used to prepare a comprehensive higher education strategy to meet the needs of both the economy and the labor market. Since the early 2000s, the Bank had limited involvement in this critical sub-sector. Per the Government's request, the Bank mobilized resources to engage in policy and analytical work in the areas of governance, financing, and diagnostic of skills demand and supply from a new employer survey prepared specifically under this technical assistance project.

This paper is organized as follows: this introduction is followed by a primer on the industry and on the evolution of the microfinance sector. The authors then examine the structure of the microfinance industry, (a) NGOs, cooperatives and credit unions, and commercialized vehicles; how they differ and why corporate governance differs according to the nature of the MFI; and (b) large networks, investment and bank-holding groups, and social services/faith-based groups. The authors then consider how corporate governance evolves and develops in MFIs as their structure and ownership changes. This is followed by an examination of the recurring issues and growing risks in the microfinance industry. The authors conclude with a look at the responses of governments, investors, and the industry itself to these issues and risks and propose some next steps.

Issue of The Governance, the newsletter of the University of Scranton's student government, clubs, and organizations.