Discusses 2 black athletes: Michael Jordan and Ben Johnson. Although these men represent different nation states and have led very different public and private lives, the intention is to demonstrate that as individuals they are instructive of many important contemporary debates related to identity politics. Begins by examining M. Jordan as a signifier of transcendence in contemporary America. In turn discusses Ben Johnson and the politics of racial and national identity in Canada. (Quotes from original text)
La loi sur le marché intérieur britannique transgresse l'État de droit et entame la renommée diplomatique du Royaume-Uni. Elle pourrait faire perdre à Boris Johnson la confiance des citoyens.
One-page letter from Gerrit Smith of Peterboro [New York] to Lysander Spooner dated March 20, 1856, to notify Spooner that he has "got said Wilhelm himself to [?] the Constitution" and abolitionism.
One-page letter from Gerrit Smith of Peterboro [New York] to Lysander Spooner dated July 8, 1848, discussing copyrights on Spooner's "The Unconstitutionality of Slavery" and pledging to give money to support his work.
La tesi analizza una parte della politica estera dell'amministrazione Johnson, e più specificamente l'avvio del dialogo con l'Urss in materia di non proliferazione e controllo degli armamenti e la revisione della China policy, inquadrando entrambe nell'adattamento della cold war strategy all'evoluzione sistema internazionale, argomentando che la distensione intesa come rilassamento delle tensioni e ricerca di terreno comune per il dialogo, fosse perlomeno uno degli strumenti politici che l'amministrazione scelse di usare. Il primo capitolo analizza i cambiamenti che interessarono il Blocco sovietico e il movimento comunista internazionale tra la fine degli anni Cinquanta e l'inizio degli anni Sessanta, soprattutto la rottura dell'alleanza sino-sovietica, e l'impatto che essi ebbero sul sistema bipolare su cui si basava la Guerra Fredda. Il capitolo secondo affronta più specificamente l'evoluzione delle relazioni tra Stati Uniti e Unione Sovietica, il perseguimento di una politica di distensione, dopo la crisi dei missili cubani, e in che relazione si trovasse ciò con lo status della leadership sovietica a seguito dei cambiamenti che avevano avuto luogo. Soffermandosi sulla questione del controllo degli armamenti e sul percorso che portò alla firma del Trattato di Non-proliferazione, si analizza come la nuova rotta intrapresa col dialogo sulle questioni strategiche sia stato anche un cambiamento di rotta in generale nella concezione della Guerra Fredda e l'introduzione della distensione come strumento politico. Il terzo capitolo affronta la questione della modifica della politica verso Pechino e il processo tortuoso e contorto attraverso cui l'amministrazione Johnson giunse a distaccarsi dalla China policy seguita sino ad allora. ; The research intends to investigate two aspects of Johnson's foreign policy: the establishment of a dialogue and the pursuit of cooperation with Soviet Union, regarding arms control measures and non-proliferation; the reassessment of the American policy towards Communist China and the slow detachment from the previous approach. The Sixties saw the international system becoming more complex and fragmented, the strategic balance getting closer to a condition of equality but also becoming less manageable due to nuclear proliferation; the rivalry between the two blocs was changing as well, due to the Sino-Soviet split, the increasing of contacts between eastern and western Europe and the willingness to avoid tensions between the superpowers. Being wary of both the dangers and the interdependence inherent in the bilateral relationship led to the decision to seek a common ground on strategic issues and to the establishment of a dialogue. Also during those years, the administration begun to explore the convenience of a different approach toward Communist China, which was clearly bound to emerge as a power in its own, and the possibilities that a new policy would have opened up. Both issues illustrates how the Johnson Administration, in order to face the challenges of its time, considered new options and took measures, breaking with the past, and adopting the relaxation of tensions and dialogue, or at least the possibility of it, as a policy. The research, which focuses on the debate and the decision-making process within the Administration, assumes that by doing so the administration introduced the policy of détente as at least one of the options available to the United States. Therefore the analysis of Johnson's policies towards the main communist powers, and their challenges, may help to achieve a better definition and understanding of Détente, in its origins and motivations.
This paper represents an attempt to determine why Andrew Johnson's moderate policy for the reconstruction of the South failed. Because the paper is a study of Andrew Johnson, the politician, it dwells primarily only upon the political climate of 1865--although the importance of the social and economic changes occurring during reconstruction is recognized, they are herein treated only incidentally. In essence, the paper demonstrates the defeat of a politician. It is, furthermore, the contention of the paper that moderate reconstruction failed because of the ineffectiveness of its administrator--Andrew Johnson--not because of cabalistic intrigues hatched by those whom F.B. Simkins scoffingly calls "Carlyle's wild-eyed conspirators." Johnson was no helpless victim of the unconquerable radical forces about him, but became hopelessly ensnared in a defeat woven by his own inflexible, egotistical temperament which resulted in both political misjudgments and incompetent political maneuvers.
The federal government is now the lead responder when a major natural disaster strikes and the president frequently visits the scene, performing the role of consoler in chief. Both of these developments are relatively recent: before the 1960s, disaster response was dominated by subnational governments and the Red Cross, while the federal role was discharged mostly by mid‐level bureaucrats. This article argues that the Johnson presidency was a decisive turning point in terms of the first development and that Johnson also broke new ground by making a regular habit of visiting disaster scenes. However, it attributes the latter pattern more to LBJ's unique political approach than to external pressure, arguing that the expectation that presidents will provide emotional support to disaster victims has developed more recently.
The federal government is now the lead responder when a major natural disaster strikes and the president frequently visits the scene, performing the role of consoler in chief. Both of these developments are relatively recent: before the 1960s, disaster response was dominated by subnational governments and the Red Cross, while the federal role was discharged mostly by mid‐level bureaucrats. This article argues that the Johnson presidency was a decisive turning point in terms of the first development and that Johnson also broke new ground by making a regular habit of visiting disaster scenes. However, it attributes the latter pattern more to LBJ's unique political approach than to external pressure, arguing that the expectation that presidents will provide emotional support to disaster victims has developed more recently.
The structure and energetics of the ring isomers of C(4n+2) (n=3-5) carbon clusters were studied by using coupled-cluster singles and doubles excitation theory to overcome the vast differences existing in the literature. The results obtained in the present study clearly indicate that C₁₄, C₁₈, and C₂₂ carbon rings have bond-length and bond-angle alternated acetylenic minimum energy structures. Contrarily, density functional theory calculations were unable to predict these acetylenic-type structures and they ended up with the cumulenic structures. It is found from the coupled-cluster studies that the lowest-energy ring isomer for the first two members of C(4n+2) series is a bond-angle alternated cumulenic D((2n+1)h) symmetry structure while the same for the remaining members is a bond-length and bond-angle alternated C((2n+1)h) symmetry structure. In C(4n+2) carbon rings, Peierls-type distortion, transformation from bond-angle alternated to bond-length alternated minimum energy structures, occurs at C₁₄ carbon ring. ; This study was supported by the RSS21 project and a Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research No. 17064017 of MEXT, Government of Japan.
The structure and energetics of the ring isomers of C(4n+2) (n=3-5) carbon clusters were studied by using coupled-cluster singles and doubles excitation theory to overcome the vast differences existing in the literature. The results obtained in the present study clearly indicate that C₁₄, C₁₈, and C₂₂ carbon rings have bond-length and bond-angle alternated acetylenic minimum energy structures. Contrarily, density functional theory calculations were unable to predict these acetylenic-type structures and they ended up with the cumulenic structures. It is found from the coupled-cluster studies that the lowest-energy ring isomer for the first two members of C(4n+2) series is a bond-angle alternated cumulenic D((2n+1)h) symmetry structure while the same for the remaining members is a bond-length and bond-angle alternated C((2n+1)h) symmetry structure. In C(4n+2) carbon rings, Peierls-type distortion, transformation from bond-angle alternated to bond-length alternated minimum energy structures, occurs at C₁₄ carbon ring. ; This study was supported by the RSS21 project and a Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research No. 17064017 of MEXT, Government of Japan.
