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The main focus of the research is the representation of migration in Latvian media. In total, 860 publications were analysed covering both Latvian and Russian speaking media content, and the following two methodological approaches were applied: the framing analysis of textual and visual content, and historical discourse analysis in order to reveal the arguments and strategies behind the justification of intolerance. The research data reveals that the framing of migration in Latvian media is left in the hands of politicians and officials. Economic strains and threat argumentation topoi dominate media discussions. The influence of migration is explained and approached from an economic perspective, and most frequently, the intolerance against migrants is interpreted as a failure attributed to the political elite – their inability to solve problems. Intolerance justification strategies were detected in 79% of the publications. This figure confirms that the authors are aware of intolerance not being a virtue nowadays, and the causes of it must be backed up and supported. Visual messages depict migrants exclusively as unidentifiable, dangerous, as a part of an anonymous crowd.

The purpose of this study was to determine the effect of political awareness, political socialization and mass media on the political participation of the people of Jambi Province in the regional head election. Political participation is a form of community involvement in exercising their political rights in general elections both at the national and regional levels. The embodiment of political rights will affect every decision-making related to the interests of the community. This study uses a quantitative approach that uses statistical techniques with PLS model analysis techniques. The study was conducted on the people of Jambi City as many as 100 people were selected based on area sampling techniques. The research findings explain that the mass media has no direct effect on political participation. Political participation is directly influenced by the variables of Political Awareness and Political Socialization. Therefore, it is suggested that the use of mass media in the post-conflict local election in Jambi Province needs to be improved, especially information related to the political rights of the community. The tendency that occurs in the community is more interested in obtaining information related to entertainment because people are still accustomed to listening culture rather than reading culture.

AbstractScholars of civil conflict have long recognized the importance of state strength in the suppression of nascent insurgencies. However, previous empirical investigations have generally focused on the material and coercive dimensions of state power, obscuring the critical role played by the generation of widespread voluntary compliance through processes of political communication, that is, the production of "soft power." In contrast, in this article I focus on a factor—mass communication technology—that can enhance state capacity only by strengthening the state's ability to broadly and publicly disseminate political messages. I argue that the enhanced capacities for large-scale normative influence generated by mass communication technologies can be expected to produce substantial barriers to the mobilization of militarized challenges to state rule, by strengtheningeconomies of scale in the marketplace of ideas. Utilizing newly compiled cross-national data on mass media accessibility in the post–World War II period, I show that densely constituted mass media systems dramatically reduce the probability of large-scale civil violence, thereby providing new evidence for the fundamental importance of nonmaterial state capacities in the suppression of internal armed conflicts.

This book is the first collection of essays to explore the changing relationships between war, media, and the public from a multidisciplinary perspective and over an extended historical period. It is also the first textbook for students in this field, discussing a wide range of theoretical concepts and methodological tools for analyzing the nature of these relationships. The book starts with a thorough overview by Philip Seib of war, the media and the public sphere. His chapter explores how the perception of war in the public sphere is influenced by the media and, more precisely, how the news media define and perform their social function in relation to war. It points to the fact that it is not only the way in which journalists deliver news about war to the public that affects how people think about war. Information and its impact on the public are also influenced, to a varying extent, by the medium that conveys the message. The impact of newspaper articles differs from that of a live television report from the battlefield, which in turn differs from an amateur's YouTube video, not just in terms of production but also in terms of access and consumption. Obviously, changes in the media environment and its technologies affect the nature of news journalism, the role of professional communication and the way media messages are perceived by the public

PurposeDuring the COVID-19 pandemic, mass media play a vital role in containing the outbreak of the virus by quickly and effectively delivering risk communication messages to the public. This research examines the effects of risk communication exposure on public understanding and risk perception of COVID-19 and public compliance with health preventive measures.Design/methodology/approachData from Vietnam during COVID-19 social distancing and path analysis model are used for empirical analysis.FindingsThis analysis finds that exposure to risk communication in mass media encourages public compliance directly and indirectly through the mediating roles of public understanding and risk perception. Further investigations also find that exposure to risk communication in both online media and traditional media facilitates public compliance. In addition, exposure to risk communication in online media only raises public risk perception, whereas exposure to risk communication in traditional media only raises public understanding.Research limitations/implicationsThis research implies that traditional and online media should be combined to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of government risk communication work.Originality/valueThis research is among the first attempts that examine the role of mass media (both traditional and online) in enhancing public compliance with preventive measures directly and indirectly through the mediating roles of public risk perception and understanding.

The article of record as published may be located at http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818313000350 ; Includes pre-print and Replication File ; Scholars of civil conflict have long recognized the importance of state strength in the suppression of nascent insurgencies+ However, previous empirical investigations have generally focused on the material and coercive dimensions of state power, obscuring the critical role played by the generation of widespread voluntary compliance through processes of political communication, that is, the production of "soft power+" In contrast, in this article I focus on a factor—mass communication technology—that can enhance state capacity only by strengthening the state's ability to broadly and publicly disseminate political messages+ I argue that the enhanced capacities for large-scale normative influence generated by mass communication technologies can be expected to produce substantial barriers to the mobilization of militarized challenges to state rule, by strengthening economies of scale in the marketplace of ideas+ Utilizing newly compiled cross-national data on mass media accessibility in the post–World War II period, I show that densely constituted mass media systems dramatically reduce the probability of large-scale civil violence, thereby providing new evidence for the fundamental importance of nonmaterial state capacities in the suppression of internal armed conflicts.

Household waste management is both an urban or rural problem. Everyone is a potential generator of this waste and also a contributor of this problem. Due to urbanization and increasing population of Lahore Pakistan, the management of household waste has become major challenge for the Government of Lahore. Improper services for handling waste and the lack of awareness among people about the hazardous effect of this waste make the problem even worse. Mass media plays a vital role for the awareness of household waste management among individuals. Probably, the more informed the individual is about hazardous effect of unsorted waste, more active he/she is to manage the waste properly and to follow the policies made for the protection of environment. Therefore, it is crucial to investigate the role of mass media in public awareness about household waste management in Lahore, Pakistan. The main focus was to investigate the understanding and awareness of individuals of two different areas (Shahdara and DHA) about household waste management. A theoretical framework was developed focusing on agenda setting theory and knowledge gap theory to understand the media role on the awareness of household waste management and how the participants of both areas perceive mass media information and how that information effects the attitudes and practices of people belonging to two different socio-economic statuses. The study used qualitative research methodology through which in depth interviews were conducted with the participants of two areas and also with the journalists by using mix criterion or convenience sampling approach. The findings of the research demonstrated that overall reporting about household waste management is not proper in Pakistan. Only few environmental journalists in the country are assigned the task of reporting household waste management issue that too only on special occasions. In addition, if the information about household waste management is selected for publication and broadcasting, it got very little space and attention due to the organizational agenda. It was also observed that the awareness level of participants from two areas was mostly dependent on their economic conditions and educational level and the services which they have. ; submittedVersion ; M-IES

The gold standard for discussing public spheres has long been established around mass media, with the prestige print press given a privileged place. Yet when it comes to a European public sphere, the mass media are also problematic, or at least incomplete, in several ways: relatively few EU-wide issues are replicated in the national media of EU countries, the discourses on those issues are dominated primarily by elites (with relatively few civil society voices included in the news), and public attention is seldom paid to EU issues beyond a select few (money, agriculture, political integration, scandals), creating a distant 'gallery public.' At the same time, many important political issues such as trade and economic justice, development policy, environment and climate change policy, human rights, and military interventions, among others, are being addressed more actively by networks of civil society actors both within and across EU national borders. These networks utilize the Internet and various interactive digital media to publicize their issues, engage active publics, and contest competing policy perspectives not only within specific issue networks, but across solidarity networks involving other policy issues, and with political targets at national and EU levels. This dimension of the EU public sphere has received relatively little attention from observers, and when it has been explored, it is often dismissed as less inclusive, and therefore less significant than the somewhat reified mass media model. This analysis compares networked, digitally mediated public issue spheres with the mass mediated model, points out ways in which the two types of public sphere are complementary, and also shows how networked issue spheres may be the sites of greater citizen and civil society engagement in keeping with more classical models of public spheres.