Suchergebnisse

Este trabajo analiza las causas y el contexto que hicieron posible la construcción de políticas públicas de educación indígena de manera autónoma por los indígenas del departamento del Cauca organizados en su consejo regional – el CRIC- y su posterior incidencia en las políticas públicas de educación indígena para todos los pueblos indígenas de Colombia. También se analiza la evolución de las relaciones del CRIC con el Estado en este proceso. El análisis se apoya en un enfoque basado en los conceptos de referencial y de mediadores desarrollados por Muller y Surel así como en la utilización del modelo de la ventana de oportunidad de Kingdon. Igualmente se acude al trabajo desarrollado por Majone para evidenciar la importancia de la argumentación en el debate político. Metodológicamente, el trabajo se realizó desde una perspectiva cualitativa fundamentada sobre el análisis documental, trabajo de campo para la realización de entrevistas y asistencia a los eventos del CRIC. (texto tomado de la fuente) ; This work analyzes the causes and the context that made the construction of public policies of indigenous education of independent way by the natives of the department of the Cauca organized in their regional politic structure - CRIC and its later incidence in the public policies of indigenous education for all the indigenous of Colombia. After the evolution of the relations of the CRIC with the State is analyzed. The analysis leans in an approach based on the concepts of referential and mediators developed by Muller and Surel as well as the model of police window of Kingdon. Equally the work developed by Majone for highlighting the importance of the argument in the political debate. Methodologically, the work was made from a based qualitative perspective on the documentary analysis, work of field for the accomplishment of interviews and attendance to the events of the CRIC. ; Maestría

In Bolivia, education was a major concern throughout the 20th century, as in much of Latin America. But in this country it acquired a specificity that marked the trajectories of the socio-political movements involved, as well as institutional responses generated by the State. This was largely due to the demographic and cultural weight of the indigenous peoples that inhabit the territory and the vitality of their social and political practices. The general objective of this research is to give an account of the trajectories of the discourses on the functions of education for indigenous peoples through the critical reading of materials produced from the self-ascribed enunciation as indigenous -individual and collective- and the enunciation of the State through the educational reforms of 1955, 1994 and 2010. The exploration will try to reveal the interrelations between these debates, the negotiations and the articulations generated.

The thesis of the present document turns around the recognition of which is contained in the expression of the Indigenous Minga and its mandates as a sociocultural and political phenomenon carrier of events, speeches and symbolic content which shape their collective action as a place of resistance. The approach in which this essay is interested is the center itself of the overt act and the spoken word, understanding the collective action as affirmative and social relations and interactions. In its aim of understanding rather than explaining, the document begins by acknowledging a historical precedent that has marked these processes of indigenous resistance in the north of Cauca in Colombia. Then a previous concept is outlined in order to develop intended ideas to get into indigenous communities through their actions and words, showing how their own reality may be touched, felt and breathed. The comprehensive exercise is based on an analysis of indigenous discourse about their mandates, to show through them indigenous social movements have meant a search for the collective world and so an assertion as the people and its organization. ; La tesis del presente documento gira en torno a reconocer aquello que está contenido en la expresión de la minga indígena y sus mandatos, que como fenómeno sociocultural y político resulta ser una realidad social y cultural portadora de hechos, discursos y contenidos simbólicos que configuran el sentido mismo de la acción colectiva como lugar de resistencias. El acercamiento que interesa al presente ensayo es el centro mismo del acto manifiesto y la palabra dicha, entendiendo la acción colectiva como un devenir de lugares de relaciones e interacciones sociales afirmativas. En su propósito de comprender antes que explicar, el documento inicia reconociendo un antecedente histórico que ha marcado estos procesos de resistencia indígena en el norte del cauca y en Colombia; luego se expone un concepto previo que consiste en desarrollar ideas que tienen el propósito de adentrarnos en lo ...

Cultural nationalists have sometimes argued that there is a causal relationship between the dominance of European languages inherited from the colonial tradition & the continuing mental colonization of the African, & that the process of liberation must entail a return to more indigenous linguistic roots. The ideas of Frantz Fanon have sometimes been cited to support this thesis. A critical survey of Fanon's views on language, however, reveals that, in fact, he regarded these imperial languages as having the power to control the mental universe of African peoples only when the latter are in a state of alienation. The success of Africans in breaking out of this cycle of alienation will determine the extent to which they can transmute these Western languages, which are now firmly established on the continent, & make them serve the ends of African liberation. AA

"All of us are presidents" examines the promise and disappointments of direct democracy that followed Evo Morales' election as president of Bolivia. Working with the literature on politics, the state, and social movements in Latin America, the author contrasts ideas of normative democracy with radical democracy. The article pursues two ideas. First, in the wake of Morales' election his core political base in the Chapare region perceived and engaged in politics as if they exercised direct, structural authority over the president's policies. Second, while Morales initially embraced direct democracy he quickly distanced himself from this practice. As the coca growers observe, Morales abandon their political practices they have ceased to refer to themselves as presidents. Therefore, the author suggest that the model of direct democracy that Morales and his aides have promoted is in fact nothing more than a stark utopian claim designed to ensure the legitimacy of the MAS party.

This essay considers how the myth of la ciguapa—an "indigenous," usually female creature with backward pointing feet—both suggests a metaphor for the contradictory coherence of Hispanic Caribbean history and society and becomes a method for contestatory movements. Beginning with a brief historicization of the myth's development in Santo Domingo, the author goes on to consider how the most recent decade of anti-Haitianism, negrophobia, misogyny, and homophobia in the Dominican Republic have inspired ciguapeo as an authoctonous method deployed by queer, black-identified, anti-racist, feminist movements.

"Examines material objects, visual imagery, and oral histories to help reconstruct the lives and movements of the four least examined groups of Japan's colonial subjects--the Ainu, Taiwan's indigenous people, Micronesians, and Okinawans--conveying the dynamic nature of an empire in motion and explaining how individuals navigated the variances of imperial life"--Provided by publisher

"One of the few serious academic works on the Zapatista movement in Chiapas published in Mexico. Collection focuses on a number of interrelated issues including historical context, social situation, role of the Catholic Church, impact of illiteracy, the indigenous culture, divisions within the native communities, and structural problems"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

Uganda hosts Africa's largest refugee population, exceeding 1.5 million in early 2023. While commended for its progressive refugee policies, which grant freedom of movement and work opportunities, the influx of displaced people since 2015 has strained shared environmental resources, including slow-growing indigenous trees utilized for construction and fuel. Efforts to preserve indigenous biodiversity have promoted the growth and use of faster-growing exotic tree species. However, local communities often favor indigenous trees as fuel sources, despite limited evidence supporting their superiority. This study assessed fuel properties of selected indigenous and exotic tree species in Lamwo District, Northern Uganda. Laboratory analysis of wood samples revealed no significant differences in moisture content, fixed carbon, volatile matter, or Fuel Value Index (FVI) among the species. The study therefore recommends promoting fast-growing exotic species like Eucalyptus grandis, Caliandra calothyrsus, and Senna siamea, urging international agencies, NGOs, and community-led organizations to leverage the findings for behavior change campaigns. This approach would facilitate species regeneration, alleviate pressure on natural forests, and supplement Uganda's investment strategy in Modern Energy Cooking Services (MECS) such as LPG and solar e-cooking technologies.

On the 50th anniversary of the ISSA and IRSS, Chris Hallinan, a leading international scholar on the political and economic contexts of sport, considers the role of indigeneity and the politics of identity in Australian sports. The trajectory of inquiry departed from biocentric strands in human movement studies to extend the legacy of sociology of sport to critical analyses of racism, racialisation, the politics of ethnic identities, and their connection to the politics of Australian identities. Postcolonial studies in this area of inquiry progressed through stages, first considering racism encountered by Aboriginal athletes, moving to critical indigenous sport studies and assessments of how indigenous sport might counter prevailing Anglo-Australian nationalist discourse, to a more recent stage, where the dynamics have been assessed by indigenous sport scholars. It is argued that the future of sociology of sport research on indigeneity and the politics of identities resides in a growing reflexivity that considers whether approaches may reproduce the 'shackles of colonialism,' a key element in awareness that may lead to policies to help redress the underrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in leadership and management in sport.

One of the defining characteristics of early European colonial endeavours within the Americas is the discursive practice through which Indigenous peoples were transformed into ideological subjects whose proprietary rights and powers to be self-determining were subordinated to those of settler peoples. In this thesis, it is argued that a similar process of misrepresentation and disenfranchisement occurs when it is suggested that the material and financial poverty plaguing many rural First Nations can be eradicated through their direct and extensive involvement in natural resource extraction industries based on capital driven market economies. As is shown by the author's participatory research conducted with members of Skownan Anishinaabek First Nation involved in local food production practices, the key to overcoming cycles of dependency is not simply the monetary benefit engendered by economic development projects. Rather it is the degree to which community members recognize their own nationhood oriented value systems and governance principles within the formation and management of these initiatives. The thesis concludes with an examination of one such community led enterprise in Skownan, which ultimately coincides with the political aims of the Indigenous food sovereignty movement. ; May 2015

In native Hawaiian culture, the land is considered sacred, never exploited, & used only when needed. The practice of owning land, therefore, is considered a violation of Hawaiian cultural practice, which even the US government has recognized, despite its history of oppressing the region & its inhabitants. While native Hawaiians are legally entitled to land, the US has repeatedly illegally annexed much of these properties, which violates both the UN Declaration of Universal Human Rights & the self-determination rights of indigenous nations. Most of the region's ecological destruction has been caused by the arrival of Europeans & Americans, with only 10% of the original lowland rain forest left today. While federal land is devoted primarily to ecological reserves, this has been inadequate in preserving the state's natural resources & wildlife. Private land is primarily devoted to the tourist industry, which further contributes to ecological degradation & the dehumanization of native people through capitalist-patriarchal structures of objectification dominance. It is suggested that continued efforts toward self-determination & the renunciation of modernization principles will present the best challenges to these colonial principles. J. MacDowell

ABSTRACT. Indigenous people from Mexico get, gradually, in an organizational process which involved political self-learning within the epistemological perspective of cultural diversity. In a first phase, this organizational effort was marked by dependence and subordination to the State and their indigenous theory. Afterwards, independent indigenous organizations were established to strive for the regularization of the land bias, the denunciation of indigenous misery and respect their human rights. In the early nineties, the indigenous fight acquired a qualitative dimension: it demanded communal and municipal autonomy by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation to access to a new State view centered in a multiethnic reality of the nation. It meant moving to a multiethnic State that recognized the political, legal and cultural plurality of the country. Definitely, this development contributed to a political self-learning for indigenous people since cultural pluralism, which derived a militant movement that keeps latent nowadays in the Southeast of the country, due to the State close-mindedness. ; RESUMO. Índios do México entraram gradualmente em um processo organizacional que envolveu auto-aprendizagem política dentro da perspectiva epistemológica da diversidade cultural. Este esforço organizacional foi marcado, numa primeira fase, da dependência e subordinação ao Estado e a sua teoria indígena. Posteriormente, se estabeleceram organizações indígenas independentes que lutaram para a regularização da posse da terra, a denúncia da miséria indígena e o respeito pelos seus direitos humanos. No início dos anos noventa a luta indígena adquiriu uma dimensão qualitativa: foi exigido pelo Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional autonomia comunal e municipal para acessar uma nova visão de estado centrado na realidade multiétnica da nação. Isto significava avançar para um Estado multiétnico para reconhecer a diversidade política, jurídica e cultural do país. Todo este desenvolvimento contribuiu para uma política de auto-aprendizagem indígena de pluralismo cultural, o que levou, para o encerramento do Estado, um movimento armado que permanece latente até hoje, no sudeste do país. ; Da organização camponesa a irrupção indígena zapatista em Chiapas, México: Um aprendizado político para o pluralismo cultural Índios do México entraram gradualmente em um processo organizacional que envolveu auto-aprendizagem política dentro da perspectiva epistemológica da diversidade cultural. Este esforço organizacional foi marcado, numa primeira fase, da dependência e subordinação ao Estado e a sua teoria indígena. Posteriormente, se estabeleceram organizações indígenas independentes que lutaram para a regularização da posse da terra, a denúncia da miséria indígena e o respeito pelos seus direitos humanos. No início dos anos noventa a luta indígena adquiriu uma dimensão qualitativa: foi exigido pelo Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional autonomia comunal e municipal para acessar uma nova visão de estado centrado na realidade multiétnica da nação. Isto significava avançar para um Estado multiétnico para reconhecer a diversidade política, jurídica e cultural do país. Todo este desenvolvimento contribuiu para uma política de auto-aprendizagem indígena de pluralismo cultural, o que levou, para o encerramento do Estado, um movimento armado que permanece latente até hoje, no sudeste do país. Palavras-chave: Organização Indígena, Pluralismo, Autonomia, Auto-aprendizagem, Estado. From peasant organization to indigenous zapatista incursion in Chiapas, Mexico: A political learning to cultural pluralism ABSTRACT. Indigenous people from Mexico get, gradually, in an organizational process which involved political self-learning within the epistemological perspective of cultural diversity. In a first phase, this organizational effort was marked by dependence and subordination to the State and their indigenous theory. Afterwards, independent indigenous organizations were established to strive for the regularization of the land bias, the denunciation of indigenous misery and respect their human rights. In the early nineties, the indigenous fight acquired a qualitative dimension: it demanded communal and municipal autonomy by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation to access to a new State view centered in a multiethnic reality of the nation. It meant moving to a multiethnic State that recognized the political, legal and cultural plurality of the country. Definitely, this development contributed to a political self-learning for indigenous people since cultural pluralism, which derived a militant movement that keeps latent nowadays in the Southeast of the country, due to the State close-mindedness. Keywords: Indigenous Organization, Pluralism, Autonomy, Self-learning, State. De la organización campesina a la irrupción indígena zapatista en Chiapas, México: Un aprendizaje político para el pluralismo cultural Resumen. Los indígenas de México entraron, paulatinamente, en un proceso de organización que implicó un auto aprendizaje político dentro de la perspectiva epistemológica de la diversidad cultural. Este esfuerzo organizativo estuvo marcado, en una primera fase, por la dependencia y subordinación al Estado y a su teoría indigenista. Posteriormente, se establecieron organizaciones indígenas independientes que lucharon por la regularización de la tenencia de la tierra, la denuncia de la miseria indígena y el respeto a sus derechos humanos. A principios de los noventa la lucha indígena adquirió una dimensión cualitativa: se exigió por medio del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional la autonomía comunal y municipal para acceder a una nueva visión de Estado centrado en la realidad multiétnica de la nación. Esto significaba transitar hacia un Estado multiétnico que reconociera la pluralidad política, jurídica y cultural del país. Todo este desarrollo contribuyó, definitivamente, a un auto aprendizaje político de los indios, desde el pluralismo cultural, que derivó, por la cerrazón del estado, en un movimiento armado que sigue latente, hasta el día de hoy, en el sureste del país. Palabras-clave: Organización Indígena, Pluralismo, Autonomía, Auto aprendizaje, Estado.

An examination of labor unions/organizing in Guatemala focuses on the newly constructed labor ideologies of the young & mostly indigenous workers in international garment factories in rural areas. It is noted that labor union participation is minimal in Guatemala where organizing has been very difficult & human rights violations common. Information was obtained from open-ended interviews with about 100 mostly Maya workers between the ages of 15 & 22. The respondents expressed considerable ambivalence about factory work & most of their families continued to work the land. The younger workers tended to consider agriculture a job for their parents. Although they complained of low wages & harsh working conditions, they expressed both relative satisfaction with the nature of the work & fear that the factories could close. They distinguished between the less demanding Guatemalan supervisors & their stricter Korean counterparts (50% of industrial capital is Korean). Incidents of individual & collective resistance are related, along with the complex implications for labor ideology & the anti-sweatshop movement. Excerpts from the interviews are included. References. J. Lindroth

"What do struggles over pipelines in Canada, housing estates in France, and shantytowns in Martinique have in common? In Urban Revolutions, Stefan Kipfer shows how these struggles force us to understand the (neo-)colonial aspects of capitalist urbanization in a comparatively and historically nuanced fashion. In so doing, he demonstrates that urban research can offer a rich, if uneven, terrain upon which to develop the relationship between Marxist and anti-colonial intellectual traditions. After a detailed dialogue between Henri Lefebvre and Frantz Fanon, Kipfer engages creole literature in the French Antilles, Indigenous radicalism in North America and political anti-racism in mainland France"--