Suchergebnisse

Alex Wagner, the journalist and political commentator, talks with David Axelrod about her early exposure to politics as the daughter of a Democratic field organizer, what lessons the news media and voters should draw from Donald Trump's election, and her concerns about transparency and press access in a Trump administration..
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Los Angeles Bureau Chief for the New York Times Adam Nagourney joins David to talk about his lifelong love of politics, journalism in New York City, Trump's relationship with the New York Times, and more.
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Russia, in contrast to other modern Orthodox European count ries, has never experienced struggle for church autocephaly and the formation of political pluralism simultaneously, which naturally brought the church and liberals closer together. The distinguishing feature of the Russian liberalism is its late, or "catch up", development. In the 19th century, libera lism no longer needed a religious approval; the appeal to the Holy Scriptures looked archaic. Another Russian distinguishing feature — divergence of secu lar and spiritual traditions — is also very important. After the emergence of the dualistic monarchy in Russia (1906—1917), religious topics were no lon ger a taboo, but Christian liberalism as an influential trend failed to develop. The attempts of combining liberal and Christian ideas in the pre-revolutiona ry Russian politics faced a number of problems. The results in practice were modest either due to the lack of the electoral demand, or due to the blocking of specific initiatives at the state and church levels. The promotion of liberal va lues contradicted Ortho dox tenets, and the target electoral group — the lower clergy — heavily depended on the episcopate. In the post-Soviet Russia, in contrast to the count ries in Central Europe, Christian politics, including its liberal version, did not revive. At the end of the day, all such projects have remained marginal. The episcopate focuses on cooperation with the authorities, and there is little support for liberal ideas among the faithful. The future might see a gradual strengthening of liberal tendencies within the church, but at the same time, the Russian version of Christian democracy remains extreme ly unlikely.

This article examines the treatment of religious aspects in La tragedia de Numancia. We will begin with an overview of the many ambiguities in religious and political discourse, which many scholars have already highlighted, especially in the event of the final suicide. Furthermore, I will offer an examination of some of the elements that contributed to the subversion of the Catholic orthodoxy. Firstly, the singular use of the Latin mythology, as assimilated by Numantines, and also its ineffectiveness. Secondly, we will observe the ambiguous presence of Christian allegories, as parodic treatment of baptism, sacrifice and eucharist. And finally, I will suggest that the cause of disintegration of religious discourse in this work is largely due to the prevalence of honor in the Numantines' ideology. ; Este artículo analiza el tratamiento de aspectos religiosos en La tragedia de Numancia. Partiendo de la crítica que ha observado numerosas ambigüedades en el discurso político y religioso de la obra, sobre todo considerando el suicidio final, estudiamos algunos elementos que suponen una subversión de la ortodoxia católica: en primer lugar, el tratamiento singular de la mitología latina, asimilada por numantinos, y su inoperancia; en segundo lugar, se observa la presencia ambigua de alegorías cristianas, como el tratamiento paródico de lo bautismal, sacrificial y eucarístico; por último, se propone la prevalencia de la honra en la ideología numantina como causa de la desintegración del discurso religioso en esta obra.

The tables have turned as David joins hosts Katie Couric and Brian Goldsmith on the Katie Couric podcast to talk about his career in politics and journalism, what the election of Donald Trump means for the country, how he feels about the attempted undoing of Obama's legacy, and much more.
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Karl Rove, former White House senior adviser and deputy chief of staff, and the mastermind behind President George W. Bush's two presidential campaigns, sits down with David to discuss his early passion for politics, his assessment of the Bush years, and Donald Trump's difficult road to winning the White House.
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John Heilemann, co-managing editor of Bloomberg Politics and best-selling author of Game Change, talks with David about Trump's electoral end game, his own short but momentous stint as a political aide, and why his personality traits were ultimately better suited to journalism.
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Republican political strategist, media consultant, and writer Stuart Stevens, currently a Visiting Fellow at the University of Chicago Institute of Politics, chats with David about his upbringing in Mississippi, his work for Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney in 2012, and his opposition to Donald Trump.
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President of Emily's List Stephanie Schriock joins David to discuss how growing up in a mining community influenced her politics, her groundbreaking work on the Howard Dean campaign in 2004, and the wave of women running for office in 2018.
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Chief Anchor for ABC News George Stephanopoulos chats with David about his previous career in politics, the Trump administration's tense relationship with the press, and what the appointment of a Special Counsel portends for the White House.
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Cover; Half Title; Title Page; Copyright Page; Table of Contents; Preface; 1 Introduction: A Modest Link with Major Predecessors; 2 Abusing Cultural Freedom: Coercion in the Name of God; 1. Coercive uses of culture; 2. Religions and believers; 3. Coercive ideologies are alike; 4. Why is coercive religion on the rise?; 5. The slippery slope to religious extremism; 6. Can the threat from coercive religions be tackled?; 3 Modernity and Multiculturalism: The Growing Impact of Religion; 1. Modernity, secularization, and religious revival; 2. Multiculturalism: solution or problem?; 3. Case studies.

Die gängige und weit verbreitete These, der Protestantismus sei demokratischer als der Katholizismus, hält einem empirischen Test nicht stand. Die Verfasserin untersucht auf der Datenbasis der vom Projekt "Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy" erstellten Vollerhebung zu den lokalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationsstrukturen in zwölf Städten und Gemeinden aus acht europäischen Ländern das religiöse Vereinswesen im Kontext der jeweiligen Kommune und vergleicht dabei insbesondere die Strukturunterschiede zwischen Vereinen und Organisationen der in Westeuropa dominierenden christlichen Konfessionen (römisch-katholisch, lutherisch, calvinistisch). In der Tat entsprechen katholische und lutherische Organisationen fast perfekt dem Idealbild der kleinen, flachen, partizipativen Organisation. Im Gegenteil dazu sind calvinistische Organisationen und Vereine durch Mitgliederstärke, hohes Einkommen, Professionalisierung und hierarchische Organisationsprinzipien geprägt. Das Fazit der Verfasserin: Grundsätzlich ist nicht Religion, sondern Organisation der entscheidende Faktor für die Generierung von Sozialkapital in Vereinen. (ICE2)