Suchergebnisse

The spread of hacker practices to new fields, such as open hardware development and do-it-yourself biology, brings with it a renewed necessity to analyse the significance of hacking in relation to industrial and institutional innovation. We sketch out a framework drawing on the idea of recuperation and use it to situate an emerging body of works on hackers. By adopting the concept of recuperation, we highlight how hacker practices and innovations are adopted, adapted and repurposed by corporate and political institutions. In other words, hacking is being hacked. We suggest three temporalities within which this dynamics can be studied: 1) the life cycle of an individual hacker project-community, 2) the co-evolution of hacker movements and relevant industries or institutions, 3) the place of hacking within the "spirit of the times", or, differently put, the transformations of capitalism seen through the lens of hacking.

An essay for NEXT 2018's publication 'Digital Fix' The essay addresses the struggle of critical practice in building compelling narratives of engagement with technological and social issues. The essay calls questions the inevitability of social democratic notions of 'progress' that are wrapped up in technological criticism and critical practice and calls for alternative aspirations to be drawn out for technology as a tool for world-building and imaginative potential. Nascent in technology is the opportunity to build worlds without cars, worlds driven by principles of spiritual fulfillment rather than efficiency and productivity.

Journalists are tasked with holding power to account; often, that means evaluating and interpreting numbers. But anecdotally, journalists are ill at ease with figures. This shortcoming is worrying both in terms of the quality of news provided to the public, and the implications for informed democratic debate. This paper tests the assertion that journalism as a profession is numeracy-challenged through a small-scale study of the numeracy capabilities of journalism students. Some oft-cited reasons for these shortcomings are discussed, including the pressures of deadlines and the tyranny of the 24-hour news cycle, where the mantra of "never wrong for long" appears to justify a casual approach to getting numbers right. Then, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his notion of "cultural capital," the under-appreciated role played by symbolic culture in journalists' attitude to figures is highlighted. Symbolic culture determines what is valued by a group or sub-group of people (such as journalists), and what it is acceptable to denigrate ("I'm no good at math!" spoken as a boast). Journalism culture, it is argued, is opposed to numeracy. Finally, it is argued that in addition to the worthwhile efforts to improve numeracy skills among journalists, the culture of journalism itself needs to be transformed. The novel suggestion is made that science and math students should be encouraged to enter the profession, which has traditionally been dominated by liberal arts students.

Journalists are tasked with holding power to account; often, that means evaluating and interpreting numbers. But anecdotally, journalists are ill at ease with figures. This shortcoming is worrying both in terms of the quality of news provided to the public, and the implications for informed democratic debate. This paper tests the assertion that journalism as a profession is numeracy-challenged through a small-scale study of the numeracy capabilities of journalism students. Some oft-cited reasons for these shortcomings are discussed, including the pressures of deadlines and the tyranny of the 24-hour news cycle, where the mantra of "never wrong for long" appears to justify a casual approach to getting numbers right. Then, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his notion of "cultural capital," the under-appreciated role played by symbolic culture in journalists' attitude to figures is highlighted. Symbolic culture determines what is valued by a group or sub-group of people (such as journalists), and what it is acceptable to denigrate ("I'm no good at math!" spoken as a boast). Journalism culture, it is argued, is opposed to numeracy. Finally, it is argued that in addition to the worthwhile efforts to improve numeracy skills among journalists, the culture of journalism itself needs to be transformed. The novel suggestion is made that science and math students should be encouraged to enter the profession, which has traditionally been dominated by liberal arts students.

This dissertation examines the ongoing influence of retro music cultures on post-1960s American artists and their representations of social, political, and economic change. Through a roughly decade-by-decade analysis of poetry, novels, film, and emerging technocultures, I make the case for a pendular dynamic of nostalgic art in the wake of the Civil Rights era—namely, a hope for revolutionary futures based on the past coupled with a backward-looking dirge for a Rubicon crossed, a moment of potential irretrievably lost. These twinned poles of optimism and pessimism share a nostalgic center in the music cultures of the past, emblematized in American art as agents of change and revolution, high water marks against which artists measure progressivism or cultural regression.

In this dissertation I aim to advance political narrative theory by exploring the use of political narrative on Facebook and the possibility for Facebook to be used among Palestinian youth for political change. To examine the concepts of political narrative and political change, I developed a model for political change based on the changing political narratives which in part prompted the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The model, Political Narrative Perspectives (PNPs), identifies individual and reported collective beliefs regarding the relationship and responsibilities associated with government and citizenry, and may be used to track political change as a byproduct of changing beliefs. To explore this model within the Palestinian context, I conducted a multiple-case case study in which I followed the Facebook activity of 14 Palestinian youth (7 male, 7 female; aged 18-27) for one year (January 1--December 31, 2011), coding 10 percent of their Facebook posts (N=1,371 of 13,710 posts) using content analysis. I combine this research with interviews to contextualize the content analysis. The youth participants of this study were selected for their similarity on several measures to the Egyptian youth leaders who spearheaded political change efforts on Facebook: 1) university-educated, 2) of the Millennial generation, 3) internationally traveled, 4) politically concerned, and 5) fluent in English. The Facebook posts were coded and analyzed according to type, content and language as well as by the four PNPs which I outline in this dissertation: External State Political Narrative (ESPN), Internal State Political Narrative (ISPN), External Citizen Political Narrative (ECPN) and Internal Citizen Political Narrative (ICPN). PNPs were analyzed initially through what I have termed "direct" PNP use: participants post political opinion comments about Palestine on their Facebook wall which reflected a PNP. Following this, I conducted a secondary analysis in which I analyzed posts according to what I have termed (1) "indirect" and (2) "passive" political narrative perspectives; that is, (1) participants posted Palestine-related news stories on their Facebook wall which reflected a PNP, or (2) participants posted content on their Facebook wall unrelated to Palestine which reflected a PNP.The results of this study indicate that PNPs in total comprised 15.3 percent of all participants' Facebook posts. The remainder (84.7 percent) of Facebook post content reflected topics such as hobbies, music, technology, literature/quotes, religion, relationships, and personal stories and anecdotes, suggesting that these youth in many ways use Facebook like other youth their age. While 15.3 percent may seem a relatively low number of PNPs for politically-concerned participants, 86 percent of participants noted that they felt restricted on Facebook, most notably by the Israeli and Palestinian authorities (which monitor and at times punish for certain Facebook content), but also by family and friends and by religious and social mores. Without these restrictions, 64 percent of participants stated they would critique Israel, 57 percent of participants stated they would critique the Palestinian government, and 49 percent stated they would critique Palestinian society. The prospects for using Facebook for political change in Palestine, as in Egypt, seem relatively dim given the perceived and actual restrictions that Palestinians encounter when using Facebook. The prospects for change seem dimmer still when we consider that Egyptian citizens faced one governing oppressor--the Mubarak regime--while Palestinians face political and social oppression from both the Palestinian government (whether by the Palestinian Authority (PA) or Hamas) and a U.S.-backed Israeli authority. The PNPs do offer some hope, however, as well as help to shed light on the political change process. Unlike in Egypt, where an initial change in Internal Citizen Political Narrative (ICPN), a secondary change in External Citizen Political Narrative (ECPN) and a tertiary change in Internal State Political Narrative (ISPN) ultimately resulted in a change in External State Political Narrative (ESPN), in Palestine, it appears the opposite direction would be most effective to bring political change. In other words, in Palestine, it appears the External State Political Narrative (ESPN) would do well to change first, resulting in a subsequent change in Internal State Political Narrative (ISPN), External Citizen Political Narrative (ECPN), and Internal Citizen Political Narrative (ICPN). It appears the moral image which Palestinians appear to use to win the war for comparative moral high ground with Israel may indeed be hindering them from achieving political change. While these results offer potential insights into possibilities, the Political Narrative Perspective (PNP) model will need further testing and development through future research.

The long established dichotomy between public and commercial television into elite and mass programming, or commercial and public stations, has been changing in recent years. The divide is narrowing and many public stations, especially in Europe, attract large and devoted audiences and work with the commercial sectors in their respective countries. The changing television marketplace and vast amount of available programming has created niche markets and thus programming designed to attract specific audiences. Public and commercial stations alike have to attract audiences to keep afloat, be it through advertisers or government funding. Within the constraints of its basic assumptions that television is business-oriented and that all audiences are assumed "ideal" audiences within the industry, this study argues that there is an active (symbiotic) relationship between the industry and the "ideal" audience with regards to German television and the ARD series Tatort. Rooted in Mittell's modified circuit-of-culture, this study discusses forty years of German television history via its most established television drama, Tatort (1970- ). In each decade starting in 1970, it becomes evident that the public providers, reacting to competition, altered their programming to reflect not only changes in regulation but also in audience composition and expectations. The conclusion reached is that a) the "ideal" audience does have agency, even if assumed and then executed by the broadcaster, and b) that the audience is a vital part of television production, and is therefore commodified by the networks.

International audience ; This paper seeks to describe, critically highlight and interdisciplinarily discuss the current status and the nonlinear sociocultural dynamics of the increasingly mediated and multifaceted European public sphere, drawing on three overlapping areas of theoretical interest: internet and web studies, economic globalisation, and the political sociology of emotions. On the one hand, internet and web studies help us to better understand the disputed character of digital politics and, especially, the "radically ambivalent" reconstruction process of the contemporary European public sphere. On the other hand, the analytical need to elaborate on the structural factors of the antinomic fluidity of this sphere leads us to the complex link between globalised and globalising financial capitalism with what is called "homo dictyous", as well as to the political sociology of emotions, emphasising on the informalisation of manners. The paper ends with a plea for political emotional reflexivity, which calls forth the urgent substantive need to revitalise late modern democracy with the practical cultivation of positive emotionality (containment, compassion, solidarity, empathy) and the nurturing of global liberal virtues, such as pluralism, tolerance, and moderation.

Innovation, infrastructure, and organization in new media campaigning -- Crafting networked politics -- Dean's demise and taking on Bush -- Wiring the party -- Organizing the Obama Campaign -- Mobilizing for victory -- Conclusion: new media campaigning from Dean to Obama.

This study situates the Gamson hypothesis in the non-Western country of Egypt with an attempt to explore the relationship between the Gamson typology and political behavior in a country that has traditionally been under an authoritarian regime. Furthermore, this study suggests that additional factors might play important roles in the traditional relationship; it examines a possible link among media use, political corruption, and political rights to the Gamson typology based on a representative national survey conducted in Egypt. Several results differed from studies conducted in the Western world. Dissidents were more likely to engage in conventional political activities, which goes against the Gamson hypothesis. High efficacy regardless of trust level predicted conventional activities. This study aims not only to enrich the model but also to enhance our understanding of the diverse nature of the relationships among the Gamson typology and perceptions of political system, media use, and political activities in a non-Western authoritarian state.

This study situates the Gamson hypothesis in the non-Western country of Egypt with an attempt to explore the relationship between the Gamson typology and political behavior in a country that has traditionally been under an authoritarian regime. Furthermore, this study suggests that additional factors might play important roles in the traditional relationship; it examines a possible link among media use, political corruption, and political rights to the Gamson typology based on a representative national survey conducted in Egypt. Several results differed from studies conducted in the Western world. Dissidents were more likely to engage in conventional political activities, which goes against the Gamson hypothesis. High efficacy regardless of trust level predicted conventional activities. This study aims not only to enrich the model but also to enhance our understanding of the diverse nature of the relationships among the Gamson typology and perceptions of political system, media use, and political activities in a non-Western authoritarian state.

This study situates the Gamson hypothesis in the non-Western country of Egypt with an attempt to explore the relationship between the Gamson typology and political behavior in a country that has traditionally been under an authoritarian regime. Furthermore, this study suggests that additional factors might play important roles in the traditional relationship; it examines a possible link among media use, political corruption, and political rights to the Gamson typology based on a representative national survey conducted in Egypt. Several results differed from studies conducted in the Western world. Dissidents were more likely to engage in conventional political activities, which goes against the Gamson hypothesis. High efficacy regardless of trust level predicted conventional activities. This study aims not only to enrich the model but also to enhance our understanding of the diverse nature of the relationships among the Gamson typology and perceptions of political system, media use, and political activities in a non-Western authoritarian state.

The advent of the digital age has brought about significant transformations in the entertainment industry, challenging traditional paradigms and redefining the ways in which content is created, distributed, and consumed. This research paper critically reviews the paradigm shift occurring in the entertainment industry, focusing on the implications of digital technologies, the rise of online platforms, changing consumer behavior, and the impact on various stakeholders. By analyzing relevant literature, industry reports, and case studies, this paper aims to comprehensively understand the challenges and opportunities presented by the digital age and assess its impact on the entertainment industry.

Why is Polish-language media content not interesting for young representatives of the Polish minority in Lithuania?

In this article, after briefly characterising the Polish minority in Lithuania, I describe the media that are available in the Polish language in Lithuania and then show why Polish-language media channels are not an attractive source of reference for young representatives of the Polish minority. At the same time, I explain the origin of young people's aversion to ethnic media and what causes their exodus towards Lithuanian- and Russian-language media. In particular, I present cultural and historical reasons for the attractiveness of Russian-language media, which many young representatives choose as an alternative to Polish ethnic media. Finally, I reflect on the consequences of moving away from Polish-language media coverage and the future of the minority itself without it. I use narrative interviews conducted by me with young representatives of the Polish minority in Lithuania who came to Poland for educational purposes, mainly to study. Additional material also includes interviews with journalists working in minority media. I also use desk research analysis and a literature review.