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This dissertation examines the cultural consequences of structural transformation in American society during the past three decades. Since the early 1970s, the political economies of advanced capitalist societies have been reorganized by a concurrent process of deindustrialization in the manufacturing sector and expansion in commercial media and culture. In the U.S. and elsewhere, this has further polarized the class structure and hierarchies of power, but also provoked a qualitative crisis of self-identity, social relationships, symbolic meaning, and collective memory. ; This project explores the transformation of American society through the lens of contemporary youth cultures, and specifically an ethnographic study of punk rock subcultures in southern California. Young people provide a unique perspective on social change because they have been disproportionately affected by constricting economic opportunities and saturation with commercial media, while the dramatic performances, cynical nihilism, and ironic parody of punk subculture serve to illuminate the cultural crisis known as the "condition of post modernity." This study is based on three years of field observation and in-depth interviews with participants in a local punk subculture, as well as historical evidence and analyses of music and style. ; Based on this research, I conclude that punk subcultures reflect and respond to larger social crises on two levels. The first is in the symbolic content of punk music, fashion, and performance, all of which personify the symptoms of social decline, be they apocalyptic despair or juvenile degeneracy. Whereas previous countercultures have imagined possibilities for transcendence and change, the styles and sounds of punk can only refuse and destroy. The second conclusion locates a more constructive dimension, however, in the methods of commercially independent production known as the "do-it-yourself ethic" of punk subculture. This involves young people who have appropriated media technologies and consumer identities in the creation of amateur garage bands, self-published magazines, independent record labels, and local communities of performance. These cultural practices are replete with contradictions, but they also suggest utopian possibilities in the way that young people have constructed media which allow them to create, communicate, and develop a sense of participatory community. ; Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 61-11, Section: A, page: 4573. ; Chair: Rebecca Klatch. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2000.

This article describes the political struggle of a nationwide rural-based movement in Thailand, the Assembly of the Poor (AOP), and interrogates the way its struggle has unfolded in the media. The AOP movement brings the politics of Thailand's rural poor to the public arena, within which it manifests its grievances and, at the same time, it proposes an ideological critique of state-imposed development and articulates oppositional visions of an alternative bottom-up development. The article shows how the discursive struggle over media visibility and representation has been central to the making and unmaking of the movement. The AOP's presence in media space has allowed it to bring counter-perspectives to public attention, thereby creating a nationwide conversation about the grievances of poor villagers, rallying support for AOP causes and actions, and heightening the possibility for entering into dialogue with the government concerning state development projects. The article also points out, however, that the media plays a pivotal role in managing the space of public communication, deciding if and how the AOP should be represented (though not without constraints) - and this may have detrimental effects. Media space is thus a central site of ideological and political contestation that no social movement can afford to dismiss, if it desires political change. (Crit Asian Stud/DÜI)

This article examines the Netflix series La casa de papel and Élite as examples of 'media convergence' in which content flows between several industries and creates synergies that cannot be fully explained by a television studies framework of analysis alone. By the same token, the methodological tools of traditional star studies may not provide the best lens for analysing how the actors of these series, most of them unknown until recently, have suddenly become global stars. I argue that these two series have made prominent the formation of a new paradigm of stardom, which I call 'Insta-flix celebrity', that compels us to develop new conceptual frameworks to theorize how multiple media – in this case Netflix, cinema, Instagram and fashion – participate in a transmedia ecology that has altered established relationships between production and consumption of media texts. Insta-flix celebrity is a phenomenon that affords audiences novel opportunities to interact with media content. With their active participation, consumers decide which stars to follow and which clothes to buy while also engaging with the series' content and adding their own two cents – comments and social media discussion that can make or break a star, a show or a fashion brand.

Das Radio erlebt in den letzten Jahren ein Comeback in den Kultur- und Geisteswissenschaften. Eine zentrale Fragestellung ist hierbei die identitäts- und kulturpolitische Nutzung von Klängen und Musik im Radio. Diesem Thema widmen sich die Beiträger_innen aus verschiedenen kulturwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen und knüpfen dabei an die aktuellen Forschungen zur sinnlichen Dimension der Alltagswelt an. Sie fragen nach Akteuren und Praktiken, Interessen und Diskursen sowie nach den institutionellen und gesellschaftlichen Kontexten im Zusammenhang mit Rundfunk und klingendem Kulturgut.

This open access book is the product of three years of academic research that has been carried out in the EU-funded Jean Monnet Network on "Post-Truth Politics, Nationalism and the Delegitimation of European Integration" since 2019. Drawing on the multidisciplinary expertise of the network's members, the book explores the impact of the phenomenon of post-truth politics on European integration and the European Union. It places particular emphasis on how post-truth politics has played out in the public sphere and asks what impact the phenomenon has had on public deliberation, but reflects also on its implications for democracy in a wider sense. This book is primarily written for audiences with an interest in politics and policy making, including academics, policy makers and civil-society actors. Thanks to its accessible style, the book should however also be an asset to wider audiences.

Experts such as military commanders must make decisions quickly and under deadly conditions. A variety of cognitive training media exist, from Powerpoint to virtual reality (VR) simulations; however, there are alternative media that have not yet been comprehensively studied for expert decision making training. In this study, the researcher has examined the use of comics as an alternative to current cognitive training media. In Experiment 1, naval submariners were shown a text-based medium or comic strip and asked to make a decision about the scenario after viewing. The scenario was derived from a situation that submariners were somewhat familiar with but could not predict. In Experiment 2, the level of comic symbolic abstraction was manipulated across three separate comic strips. Results showed that submariners' decision making ability scores were not superior and response times were not faster with comic media than text-based media. Results also did not show superior scores with lower levels of symbolic abstraction. View time for comics was significantly faster than text-based media for Experiment 1. Several post-hoc results for decision making ability scores and response times were also significant. Post-hoc results showed that submariners' decision making ability scores between comic media and text-based media for Experiment 1 were equivalent at the 90% confidence intervals and were equivalent at the 95% confidence intervals for Experiment 2. Speed was equivalent at the 98% confidence intervals for both Experiment 1 and 2. View time was also equivalent at the 98% confidence intervals for Experiment 2. Comics have shown to be an alternative to current cognitive training media. The findings show that comics have the potential to meet the needs of the diverse military population for rapid and comprehensive soldier training.

When presidents try to expand their tenure in office, are protesting social movements, or even youth movements, able to stop them from candidating unconstitutionally and thus to prevent a democratic backslide? So far, the literature on term bids by presidents tends to focus on the institutional arrangements to hinder such term bids in the first place, on presidential strategies to circumvent the constitutional law, or on counteractions of political elites. Mobilizations against such attempts by presidents to run for office again, after reaching the end of their last allowed term, are often solely included as "pressures from below". To address these shortcomings, this dissertation explores the issue of term amendment struggles through the lenses of contentious politics systematically combined with insights of revolution theories and democratization studies. Its conceptual perspective therefore lies on the interactions of actors and their constellations to each other as well as to institutions. The author deduces three diverse pathways to promote institutional change and prevent democratic backslidings – through political elites, (political) allies, and security forces. By selecting two cases that are most similar in terms of institutions and youth movements at the forefront, Senegal (2011-12) and Burkina Faso (2013-14), this analysis offers insight in the divergence of the struggles and their outcome. Because in both cases, the announcement of the presidents to run for another term in office led to broad mobilization led by youth movements against such tenure amendments, the political system in general and socioeconomic inequalities - but with diverging results. In Burkina Faso, Blaise Compaoré eventually resigned while Abdoulaye Wade in Senegal candidated again, legitimized by the Constitutional Court. Based on extensive fieldwork, including interviews with movement leaders and their allies, as well as a comprehensive media analysis and the SCAD databank for the analysis of protest events, the author differentiates and reconstructs the various phases of the conflict. The results of the dissertation point at two dimensions most relevant to comprehend the dissimilar pathways the struggles took – the reach of mobilization and, closely interlinked to the first, the refusal of soldiers to obey orders. It shows further that these differences go back to the respective history of each country, its former protest waves, and political culture. Although both presidents faced mass mobilization against their unconstitutional candidature, only in Burkina Faso it eventually led to an ungovernable situation. The dissertation concludes by reflecting on lessons learned for future democratic backslidings by presidents to come and avenues for future research – and thus offers fruitful insights not only for academics but for those who aim to save democratic norms and institutions. ; Wenn Präsidenten versuchen, länger als verfassungsrechtlich vorgesehen zu regieren, sind soziale Bewegungen, oder gar Jugendbewegungen, fähig, dies zu verhindern? Bisherige Studien zu präsidentiellen Amtszeitverlängerungen untersuchten primär die Bedingungen, diese zu verhindern, sowie die Strategien der Präsidenten selbst, die demokratische Norm zu umgehen. Wenn überhaupt wurden vornehmlich Gegenstrategien von politischen Eliten miteinbezogen, Protestaktionen und Demonstrierende hingegen nur als "Druck von unten" und somit als kohärente Einheit berücksichtigt. An dieser Forschungslücke setzt die Dissertation an und analysiert erstmalig diese Versuche der Amtszeitverlängerung als Aushandlungsprozess zwischen Protestierenden und staatlichen Akteuren anhand der systematischen Verknüpfung dreier Forschungsstränge – der Demokratisierungstheorien der Regimeforschung, des contentious politics Ansatzes der Bewegungsforschung und der Erkenntnisse von Revolutionsstudien. Folglich fußt die Arbeit auf der konzeptionellen Prämisse, dass Akteurskonstellationen und -interaktionen sowie das Verhältnis von Akteuren zu Institutionen entscheidend sind, diese sich aber auch im Konfliktverlauf verändern. Hieraus leitet die Autorin drei Pfade zur Einflussnahme – über politische Eliten, (politische) Verbündete und Sicherheitskräfte – ab. Da mit dem Senegal (2011-2012) und Burkina Faso (2013-2014) zwei Fälle dem Most Similar Systems Design (MSSD) folgend ausgewählt wurden, die sich in Bezug auf ihre Institutionen und Jugendbewegungen an der Spitze der Proteste ähneln, war es möglich diese statischen Erklärungsfaktoren auszuschließen und neue Kausalmechanismen aufzuzeigen. Denn in beiden Fallbeispielen führte die Ankündigung des Präsidenten, für eine weitere Legislaturperiode zu kandidieren, zwar zu einer breiten Mobilisierung gegen die erneute Kandidatur, das politische System im Allgemeinen sowie sozio-ökonomische Ungerechtigkeiten im Besonderen – allerdings mit unterschiedlichem Ausgang. In Burkina Faso trat Langezeitpräsident Blaise Compaoré zurück, während Amtsinhaber Abdoulaye Wade im Senegal, durch die Entscheidung des Verfassungsgerichts legitimiert, kandidierte. Basierend auf umfangreichen Feldforschungen mit Leitfaden gestützten Interviews mit Protestsymbolfiguren und Repräsentant*innen ihrer verbündeter Organisationen, einer Protesteventanalyse anhand von Mediendaten sowie der Nutzung quantitativer Datensätze der SCAD Datenbank rekonstruiert die Autorin detailreich die verschiedenen Konfliktphasen und Protest-Repressionsdynamiken. Die Ergebnisse der Dissertation weisen auf zwei relevante Analysedimensionen hin, um den unterschiedlichen Verlauf zu verstehen – einerseits auf die Reichweite der Mobilisierung sowie anderseits auf die damit eng verknüpfte Weigerung der Sicherheitskräfte weiter den Anweisungen zu folgen. Beide Unterschiede sind jedoch nicht im aktuellen Protestkontext zu erklären, sondern sind bedingt durch die jeweilige Geschichte des Landes mit seinen Protestwellen und Regierungswechseln sowie der hiervon geprägten politischen Kultur. Beide Präsidenten sind somit konfrontiert mit Massenprotesten, diese führen aber nur in Burkina Faso zu einer nicht mehr kontrollierbaren Situation. Die Dissertation schließt damit ab, weitere Forschungswege aufzuzeigen und die Lehren aus dieser vergleichenden Studie zu ziehen – nicht nur für Wissenschaftler*innen sondern auch für diejenigen, die demokratische Errungenschaften verteidigen wollen.

Big data, surveillance and crisis management / by Kees Boersma and Chiara Fonio -- Social media and crisis management -- The use of social media for crisis management : a privacy by design approach / by Muhammad Imran, Patrick Meier and Kees Boersma -- Mining social media for effective crisis response : machine learning and disaster response / by Rachel Finn, Hayley Watson and Kush Wadhwa -- Between the promise and reality of using social media in crisis management : lies, rumours and vigilantism / by Gemma Galdon Clavell -- Big data and health surveillance -- Biosecuring public health : the example of essence / by Henning Füller -- Triggering action : participatory surveillance and event detection in public health emergency management / by Martin French and Baki Cakici -- Case studies on disasters, crisis and big data -- Resilience, surveillance and big data in crisis management : case studies from Europe, the United Kingdom and New Zealand / by Charles Leleux and C. William R. Webster -- Monitoring a big data cyclon : the sardinian case / by Allesandro Burato -- Intersecting intelligence : exploring big data disruptions / by Xaroula Kerasidou, Katrina Petersen and Monika Büscher -- "Value-veillance" : opening the black box of surveillance in emergency management / by Karolin Eva Kappler and Uwe Vormbusch -- Times of crises and the development of the police national automatic number plate recognition system in the UK / by Clive Norris and Xavier D L'Hoiry

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- About the Author -- Acknowledgements -- Listen Up! -- 1 Thoughts on Sound and the City -- 1.1 Individual Perception as Basic Requirement -- 1.2 Sense of Place: Concept and Multidisciplinary Theoretical Approaches -- 1.3 Geographical Studies on Sense of Place and Sound -- 1.4 Sound in the Humanities -- 2 Sound Effects -- 2.1 Various Effects of Sound on the Urban Dweller -- 2.2 Unwanted Sounds -- 2.3 Wanted Sounds -- 2.4 The Absence of Sound -- 2.5 The Individual Soundscape -- 3 Sound in the City -- 3.1 Soundscape Studies in Acoustic Ecology -- 3.2 Sound Recording in the Field -- 3.3 Classifying Sounds in Different Ways -- 3.4 Empirical Studies in Lisbon, London, and Austin -- 4 Uses of Sound in the City -- 4.1 Managing Sound in the Urban Environment -- 4.2 Noise Perception vs. Noise in Urban Planning -- 4.3 Branding a City Through Sound -- 4.4 Touristic Potentials of Sound -- 4.5 Sacred Silence -- 5 Excursus: The Medial Creation of the City in Audio Drama -- 5.1 Sound in Media -- 5.2 Audio Drama - The Three Investigators vs. Gabriel Burns -- 6 Sound Is the City -- 6.1 The Missing Sense -- 6.2 Place-Based Sound -- 6.3 Geographies of Urban Sound -- 6.4 Breaking the Sound Barrier -- Bibliography -- Index.

Die Studie befasst sich damit, wie Mediennutzer den Wandel im Medienbereich erleben und wie sie mit ihm umgehen. Auf einer breiten theoretischen und empirischen Basis untersucht der Autor folgende Fragen: Wie erleben und bewerten Mediennutzer den Medienwandel? Welche Faktoren beeinflussen diese Beobachtungen und Bewertungen? Und vor allem: Welche Folgen haben Wahrnehmungen des Wandels für Einstellungen und Verhalten von Mediennutzern, z.B. für ihre Einstellung zur Medienerziehung, ihre Zahlungsbereitschaft für Medien oder ihr Stressempfinden? Der Band hilft der Medienforschung und der Medienpraxis, die Nutzer und ihre Reaktion auf neue Medien und andere Veränderungen im Medienbereich besser zu verstehen. Der Inhalt Die Rolle der Mediennutzer im Medienwandel Wahrnehmung der Mediennutzer von Veränderungen im Medienbereich Beeinflussung der Einstellung zu Medien durch die Wahrnehmung des Medienwandels Die Zielgruppen

Presents a different interpretation of the "Buffy paradigm," based on the social satire show, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, & referred to in the post-September 11 (2001) report by Anthony H. Cordesman of the Center for Strategic & International Studies in Washington, DC, "Biological Warfare and the 'Buffy Paradigm'." Cordesman used the Buffy paradigm as an example of what not to do in the war on terrorism, but, the author argues, he missed the moral message of the series that illustrates fighting evil while holding on to one's humanity. L. A. Hoffman

Aus der Einführung: "In this book, we use the case of China to examine how state actors can transform the Internet and online discourse into a key strategic element for maintaining the government and relieving domestic pressure on national institutions. While scholars have long known that the democratizing influence of the Internet can be blunted by autocratic states, in this book, we show that the online sphere can effectively be co-opted by states like China and transformed into a supporting institution. Our theory, Directed Digital Dissidence, explains how autocracies manage critical online information flows and the impact this management has on mass opinion and behavior. While the expansion of the Internet may stimulate dissidence, it also provides the central government an avenue to direct that dissent away and toward selected targets. Under the strategy of Directed Digital Dissidence, the Internet becomes a mechanism to dissipate threats by serving as a targeted relief valve rather than a building pressure cooker. We consider the process and impact of this evolving state led manipulation of the political Internet using data and examples from China. We use an original large-scale random survey of Chinese citizens to measure Internet use, social media use, and political attitudes. We also consider the impact of the state firewall. Beyond simply identifying the government strategy, we focus on testing the effectiveness of the strategy with empirical data. We also consider how the redirection of dissent can be done across a broader range of targets, including non-state actors and other nations"--

I argue that the liberal discourse of globalization is science fiction. That discourse, rather than simply reflecting recent trends & transformations, is part of a science fiction/globalization intertext that encompasses both science fiction & a liberal globalization discourse spanning the media, state officials, & multilateral economic institutions. After a brief introduction to the notion of an intertext, I examine the defining tropes & narratives of the dominant liberal discourse of globalization. Using Isaac Asimov's Foundation series as an exemplar, I then show that these tropes & narratives are also central features of 1950s American utopian science fiction. I argue not only that the narratives & tropes are similar across these two sets of texts, but also that they are animated by a similar problematic, one based on order & stability & legitimating authoritarianism. Adapted from the source document.