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The purpose of the presented research was to identify the basic value characteristics and potentially conflicting contradictions as a result of the influence of the rapid spread of new media on the audience of modern Russian youth. The first part of the article problematizes the search for theoretical grounds for studying the virtual projection of politics, the methodological background of research on the specifics of the phenomenon of the mediatization of politics. Considering the mediatization effects in the riskological projection, the authors pay special attention to the value attitudes of perception of information about threats, the ideological dominants of the features of political reactions of various social strata. This research aims to contribute to the Russian academic discourse on the specifics of youth media activism, models and practices of its media consumption, new forms and parameters of communication, "digital aborigines". It is concluded that in the conditions of media conflicts, the system of "traditional" values is being desacrated, the struggle of real political interests and parallel/alternative political agendas is taking place, which affects the value political activity of young people and the processes of their self-identification. In the course of the analysis, a fundamentally new knowledge was obtained, based on a holistic vision of the cultural and historical reality of the formation of a "digital society" in Russia, about the axiological features of the modern Russian social order, including a complexly structured set of moral values of youth, the dominant discourses of the value system and ways of alternative vision of the political situation and images of threats and conflicts. The paper examines the "conflict of selection of social problems" in the media communication youth space, algorithms and mechanisms of the clash of beliefs on digital platforms, analyzes media conflicts about the political past and present. In this regard, the article develops a model for measuring and preventing the risks of political and axiological transformations among Russian youth based on the development of complementary methods of their assessment for the construction and implementation of effective state strategies in terms of their change and improvement.

This article intends to launch a discussion on the possibilities of introducing more sustainability into the rules on granting State aid. State aid law constitutes a crucial part of the internal market regulation. In principle, granting public support to companies is prohibited in the European Union (EU) as such state intervention distorts competition. In some cases, however, aid may be allowed if it pursues a legitimate public policy objective such as research, regional development, transport or environmental protection. In 2017, the EU Member States spent EUR 116.2 billion, i.e., 0.76% of GDP, on State aid at the EU level. While aid to the environment and energy saving promotes sustainability, the question is whether other types of aid also do so. This article provides a brief explanation of the rationale behind State aid control, explains how 'good aid' may be approved by the European Commission or EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA) before it is granted by the Member States and proposes taking a closer look at the current guidelines for granting aid in the transport sector. This sector has a serious impact on the environment and human well-being, while it is heavily subsidised by the state. ; publishedVersion

I use two maximum likelihood models to assess whether the density of Roman Catholics & white evangelicals in state legislative districts significantly increases the likelihood that state House representatives hold the "pro-life" position on abortion. As hypothesized, the relative district density of both Catholic parishes & white evangelical adherents is found to be a significant "pro-life" influence. These are provocative findings. They suggest that not only is officeholder polarization the product of machinations by political elites (Fiorina et al. 2006), but that interested publics representing essentially non-political institutions & constituent blocs also contribute to such polarization, at least in regard to State abortion politics. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

▪ Abstract  The professionalization of archaeology in the late nineteenth century was linked to the growth of antiquities markets and the development of museums as institutions of education and social reproduction. Professional archaeologists moved into the universities in large numbers after World War II and then increasingly into the private sector after the mid-1970s. In the United States, archaeologists currently confront a highly segmented labor market with significant wage and benefits differentials, and increasing numbers face marginal employment. At the same time, descendant communities and government regulations are transforming the ways by which archaeologists have traditionally conducted their investigations.

The paper argues that a foreign language textbook is a cultural phenomenon. According to that the representative function of foreign language textbook becomes essential. The culture of the studied language is represented in the textbook. From this viewpoint social and cultural contents of the texts given are considered as important. Social and cultural contents of foreign language textbooks are supposed to have influence on forming a cultural image of the country represented and the second picture of the world (including language and cultural picture). The image of the country and the picture of the world are both discussed as influential in forming a personality at the turn of languages and cultures.

This work analyzes the link between State, capital and legal forms. In the first place, it recovers one of the aspects of the Marxist theory of the State, which is addressed in the derivation debate. Secondly, and based on this theory, we move on into Pashukanis' theory of the link between commodity and legal forms. Finally, we justify the perspective of the capitalist state on which this work is based, that is, the one that takes it as the political representative of the society's total capital. The general aim of our work is to extend Pashukanis' analysis of commodities to the level of abstraction of capital. In particular, we intend to show that the determinations that make the commodity-producing labour alienated are reproduced in the case of capital. This results in the necessarily juridical form that takes the state's representation of the total capital of society ; Este trabajo analiza el vínculo entre Estado, capital y formas jurídicas. En primer lugar, se recupera una de las vertientes de la teoría marxista del Estado, aquella sintetizada en el debate sobre la derivación. En segundo término, y a la luz de dicha teoría, se avanza sobre el planteo realizado por Pashukanis acerca del vínculo entre mercancía y formas jurídicas. Por último y como corolario de los desarrollos anteriores, se justifica la perspectiva sobre el Estado capitalista en la que este trabajo se apoya, aquella que lo toma como el representante político del capital total de la sociedad. El objetivo general de nuestro trabajo es extender el análisis que Pashukanis realiza para la mercancía al plano de abstracción correspondiente al capital. Particularmente, nos proponemos mostrar que las determinaciones que hacen enajenado al trabajo productor de mercancías se reproducen para el caso del capital, lo cual redunda en la forma necesariamente jurídica que toma la representación del capital total de la sociedad por parte del Estado

ALTHOUGH CROSS-SECTIONAL MODELS OF WELFARE EXPENDITURE IN THE AMERICAN STATES ARE ALMOST ALWAYS PRESENTED AS STATIC, MANY RELATIONSHIPS ARE IN TRANSITION. THIS PAPER REPORTS SEQUENTIAL CROSS-SECTIONAL ANALYSIS OF A CONVENTIONAL MODEL OF WELFARE EXPENDITURE FOR FISCAL YEARS 1951 TO 1978. MANY PARAMETERS EXHIBIT SIGNIFICANT CHANGE IN THIS SHORT TIME SPAN. EMPIRICALLY, STATE POLICY DIFFERENCES HAVE BECOME MORE CLOSELY LINKED TO REGION, WHILE PRESUMED CAUSES OF SUCH DIFFERENCES (I.E., SOCIOECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ATTRIBUTES) HAVE BECOME LESS STRONGLY LINKED TO REGION. THE AUTHORS' ANALYSIS LEADS TO THE SPECIFICATION OF AN ALTERNATIVE MODEL WITH REGION AS KEY INDEPENDENT VARIABLE.

This article provides a discussion of the book, Not for Profit: Why Democracy Needs the Humanities by Martha C. Nussbaum from the perspective of a visiting scholar to the United States from China. It begins by addressing two critical topics discussed by Nussbaum: consequences of focusing only on economic growth and the importance of humanistic values. The article then incorporates the voices of other scholars as it considers implications of Nussbaum's work. The article concludes by suggesting service-learning as a means of accomplishing the educational goals proposed by Nussbaum.

Local state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China continue to face government interference in their operations. They are influenced both by the government's "grabbing hand" and by its "helping hand." Our study examines how SOE chairmen with connections to government influence their firm's employment policies and the economic consequences of overstaffing. Using a sample of China's listed local state-owned enterprises, we find that the scale of overstaffing in these SOEs is negatively related to the firms' political connections to government. However, this relationship turns positive when the firm's chairman has a government background. Appointing chairmen who have government backgrounds is a mechanism through which the government can intervene in local SOEs and influence firms' staffing decisions. We also find that in compensation for the expenses of overstaffing, local SOEs receive more government subsidies and bank loans. However, the chairmen themselves do not get increased pay or promotion opportunities for supporting overstaffing. Further analysis indicates that whereas the "grabbing hand" of government does harm to a firm's economic performance, the "helping hand" provides only weak positive effects, and such government intervention actually reduces the efficiency of social resource allocation.