Suchergebnisse

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina. Escuela de Posgrado. Maestría en Ecología Aplicada ; Uno de los problemas que enfrenta Espinar es la presencia de conflictos relacionados con la actividad expansiva de la gran minería. El objetivo de este estudio fue conocer y determinar las causas-implicancias y las relaciones de los conflictos socio-ambientales de la gran minería en Espinar (1980- 2013). Para ello, primero se recopiló información sobre la historia de la minería, se identificó y se caracterizó los ciclos mediante la metodología de análisis de ecología política y los ciclos adaptativos. Luego se elaboró modelos cualitativos de evolución histórica que permitió identificar a los principales actores y factores en los diferentes momentos. Finalmente, se realizó una encuesta que permitió conocer la percepción ambiental de la sociedad civil. Se caracterizó los momentos Ω (omega) o colapso de cada ciclo mediante el análisis de los seis capitales, (stocks que un sistema tiene, tales como el natural, económico, humano, social, político y físico). Se determinó- desde la llegada de Minero Perú que dio inicio a las sucesivas exploraciones y explotación por socavón hasta los años 80s con mediana minería; y la explotación a tajo abierto por la gran minería hasta la actualidad. Se considera una etapa, donde presenta un ciclo parcial y dos miniciclos. El ciclo parcial se encuentra en estado de madurez, que comprende miniciclos: 1-Explotación por EMETINSA S.A, hasta su privatización. 1994. 2- Explotación por Magma Copper Company hasta la actualidad. 2003. El análisis indica que a finales de la etapa 0 el capital natural (Kn) y el económico (Ke) están cayendo, tenemos, por un lado el precio del cobre estaba en decadencia a nivel internacional, pero al mismo tiempo muchos mineros locales se dedicaban a la minería artesanal, preferentemente de oro, en tanto para explotar el cobre era difícil por la compleja organización geológica de la mina. El capital social (Ks), político (Kp) y humano (Kh) se mantienen constantes y el capital físico (Kf) tiende a bajar ligeramente previo a la apertura de los tajos. Para el inicio de la gran minería a tajo abierto, diferentes variables entran en fase colapso de manera conjunta o simultanea que indica que el sistema completo entra en la fase omega () de la etapa I. El Kn (↓) se encontraba en descenso a causa del precio internacional del cobre. La infraestructura era deficiente inicialmente ya que no se contaba con energía eléctrica y carreteras para el traslado del mineral a mayor escala, los cuales no han sido fáciles de encaminar por el comportamiento nada favorable del precio de metales, haciendo que el Ke (↓) disminuya. El Kp (↓) decrece, porque muchas decisiones políticas para la explotación no se hizo participativamente y con el desbroce del suelo han perdido la infraestructura, lo que significó el deterioro de los modos de vida ancestrales, costumbres, sus relaciones personales, así como la introducción al sistema de moldes mentales exógenos, haciendo que también el Kf (↓) disminuya. El Ks (↓) tenemos por un lado las expropiaciones forzadas de tierras ganaderas y agrícolas para el desbroce y apertura del tajo, el desplazamiento de las poblaciones que ha generado otros problemas socioculturales como la migración campo-ciudad, ruptura de las familias, entre otros. En tanto el Kh se mantiene constante, aunque mostró una leve caída al inicio de esta Etapa. En miniciclo 1. El Ks (↓) decrece, debido a la reducción drástica de trabajadores y el desvanecimiento de la organización minera. El Kn y Ke (↑) fueron favorables dado que el precio internacional del cobre desde 1993 se eleva notoriamente y la mina inicia explotación polimetálica y diversifica su producción. En tanto el Kp (→) se mantiene igual, debido a la "política cerrada" del gobierno central. El Kh (→) se mantiene igual, aunque se hace visible los primeros efectos negativos en la naturaleza, los primeros indicios de contaminación se evidencian a partir de varios estudios ambientales. En miniciclo 2. El Ks () mostró una leve mejora por los acuerdos alcanzados entre la sociedad civil y la minera. El Kp (↑) ha incrementado debido a la conectividad, participación y propuesta que ha desarrollado el gobierno local y la sociedad civil con otras entidades internacionales. Con el pasar del tiempo el Kn () se ha ido reduciendo en términos de acceso a recursos naturales y calidad, focalizadas en las poblaciones adyacentes y el precio del cobre se fue incrementando, además del ingreso per cápita y IDH por lo que el Ke (↑). Los actores más influentes en el ciclo parcial y miniciclos: inicialmente los mineros locales y Minero Perú, gobierno central, poblaciones expropiadas, EMETINSA S. A. y en la actualidad las poblaciones adyacentes a la mina, gobierno central y local, CooperAcción, sociedad civil, minera y Fundación Tintaya. Entre los factores el precio del cobre y la Ley N° 18880 (nacionalización). R.D. N°41/81/EM/DGM (expropiación), D.L. N° 674 y 708 (privatización) y demanda por metales. Las escalas de influencia de los actores van desde lo global hacia lo local. La minera incide en algunas variables del sistema como la migración, gobernanza, la intensificación y los impactos ambientales. La causa del conflicto es por afectación del recurso agua y suelo que ha llevado al deterioro y degradación socio-ambiental de poblaciones adyacentes. En cuanto a la percepción existe contaminación y afectación del agua y suelo, la calidad de la salud es mala. La mina no es percibida como sector que genere empleo, a pesar que afirman que si aporta al desarrollo y por el cuidado del ambiente consideran a las ONG. Se sugiere hacer análisis con los ciclos adaptativos que permiten organizar información y describir la dinámica del sistema, se recomienda la institucionalización de una instancia permanente de diálogo y desarrollo orientados a lograr efectivas transformaciones a los conflictos y promover el Consentimiento, para la toma de decisiones que involucran el uso de los recursos naturales. ; One of the issues that Espinar faces is the presence of conflicts due to the expanding activity of the 'Great Mining'. The objective of this study was to understand and determine the cause-effects and the relationships of the socioenvironmental struggles of the 'Great Mining' in Espinar (1980-2013). In order to accomplish this, compiling information on the history of mining was done first, which identified and characterized cycles by the methodology of analysis of political ecology and adaptive cycles. Afterwards, qualitative models of historical evolution were produced, which allowed identification of the main actors and factors at different moments. Lastly, a survey was carried out, which aided to understand the environmental perception of the civil society. Ω (omega) moments or collapse of each cycle were characterized through analyzing the six capitals (natural, economic, human, social, political and physical). The arrival of Minero Perú gave rise to subsequent explorations and exploitations by tunnel until the 1980s with a medium amount of mining, as well as open-pit mines to present day. A single stage is divided into a partial cycle and two mini-cycles. The partial cycle is in a state of maturity, and it comprises mini-cycles: exploitation by EMETINSA S.A, until their privatization in 1994, and exploitation by Magma Copper Company until 2003. The analysis indicates that at the end of stage 0, the natural capital (Kn) and the economic one (Ke) are falling. On one hand, we have the price of the copper in decadence on an international level, and on the other hand, many local miners were devoted to handmade mining, preferably of gold. As for copper, it was difficult to be exploited due to the complex geologic organization of the mine. The social capital (Ks), the political capital (Kp) and the human capital (Kh) remain steady, whereas the physical capital (Kf) tends to fall a little, prior to the opening of the pits. To begin 'open cut' mining, a number of variables enter, jointly or simultaneously, a phase of collapse, thereby indicating that the whole system is entering the omega phase (Ω) of stage I. Kn (↓) declines because of the international price of copper. Originally, the infrastructure was faulty since it lacked electric power and highways to transfer minerals on a larger scale, which were difficult to guide due to the unfavorable behavior of the price of metals, making Ke (↓) diminish. Kp (↓) fell because many political decisions regarding exploitation had not been made, and with the clearing of the floor they lost their infrastructure, which caused the deterioration of ancestral ways of life, customs, personal relationships, as well as the introduction of mental exogenous molds to the system, causing a decline in Kf (↓). Ks (↓) had the forced expropriations of cattle and agricultural lands to clear and open the pit, plus the displacement of the populations, which generated further socio-cultural issues, such as country-city migration, breakdown of families, among others. Although Kh remained steady, it showed a slight fall at the beginning of this stage. In mini-cycle 1, Ks (↓) fell due to the drastic reduction of workforce and the dissipation of the mining organization. Kn and Ke (↑) were favorable due to the evident rise of the international price of copper since 1993, as well as the polymetallic mining exploitation, and a diversification of its production. Kp (→) remains the same, due to the central government's 'closed policy'. Kh (→) remains the same too, although its first negative effects on the environment become clear; the first indications of contamination are evidenced primarily from several environmental studies. In minicycle 2, Ks (↑) showed a slight improvement because of the agreements reached between the civil society and the mining one. Kp (↑) increased due to the connectivity, participation and proposal developed by the local government and the civil society with other international entities. Over time, Kn (↓) has been declining in terms of access to natural resources and quality, focused on the adjacent populations and the rising price of copper; the per capita income and HDI for Ke (↑) has been increasing too. Initially, the most influential actors in the partial cycle and mini-cycles were the local miners and Minero Perú, the central government, a number of expropriated populations, and EMETINSA S.A.; however, the adjacent populations to the mine, as well as the central and local government, CooperAcción, the civil society, the mine and Fundación Tintaya are currently the most influential ones. The price of copper, Law N° 18880 (nationalization), Royal Legislative Decree N° 41/81/ME/Municipal Decree (expropriation), Legislative Decree N° 674 and 708 (privatization), and the demand for metals have been major influencers, too. The influence scales of the actors reach from a global standpoint to a local one. The mining has an impact on some variables in the system, such as migration, governance, escalation, and environmental impacts. The conflict was due to the degradation of the water and soil resources, which led to socio-environmental degradation of adjacent populations. Such resources have been contaminated and degraded, and so has the quality of people's health. The mining sector is not perceived as an employment generator, despite it is claimed to contribute to the development and the sustainability of the environment (NGOs). It is suggested to conduct an analysis with adaptive cycles in order to organize the data and describe the dynamics of the system. It is also recommended to institutionalize a permanent dialogue and have a goal-oriented development in order to effectively transform the conflicts and promote individual consent for better decisions that affect our natural resources. ; Tesis

The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.

The virulent strain of nativist, anti-establishment, anti-corporatist and anti-immigrant sentiment is rocking the foundations of traditional party systems in all industrialized democracies. Its causes are many, but in broad terms it is safe to say they surfaced right after the 2008-09 economic collapse, an era that was characterized by intense polarization and confrontational approaches against governments, corporations and financial institutions which crossed party lines and traditional political cleavages. The sweeping changes brought about by globalized capital and corporate interests, and the blurring of national borders that accompanied them, have alienated big swathes of the population and given rise to new forms of strident populism everywhere.In the United States the main manifestation of this phenomenon is taking the form of a populist revolt, a singular form of class warfare inside the Republican Party, between the established party hierarchy and the Tea Party movement.As the next legislative election approaches, the internecine feud within the Republican Party continues to create challenges for its top candidates who must veer more right-wing to secure the nomination and then turn back to the center of American politics to win the general election. Before 2012, the GOP tried to co-opt the extreme right and used their rhetoric, but after the 2012 election losses, the party took uncertain steps to distance itself from the movement. Today, the movement rather than the establishment seems to be dictating the party line, so there is paralysis in Washington once again. The leadership will still have to govern and legislate on some central issues-increase the debt limit, fund the government, and renew the authorization charter of the Export-Import Bank, among other things, and in so doing, further alienate Tea Party voters. The Republican-dominated House will no doubt stay away from the avoidable taboos, such as considering immigration reform (for which the Senate already passed its own bill one year ago!) and in consequence, one more time unintentionally secure the Latino vote for the Democratic Party. They will continue blocking the minimum wage raise and the Fair Paycheck Act, thereby losing the minorities and women's vote. In this context, the 2016 presidential horizon looks brilliantly promising for Democrats and their two presidential hopefuls, Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Warren.The defeat of Virginia Representative and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the June 10th Republican primary for the seventh Congressional district is symptomatic of deep divisions not only within the Republican Partybut in the electorate at large. Eric Cantor, a Republican with impeccable conservative credentials who had been re-elected seven times and who was first in line for House Speaker,lost by ten solid points to a little known college professor who ran against him by portraying him as the pro-Wall Street, pro-K Street typical Washington insider, indifferent from Main Street needs and demands. This race is very significant for several reasons. For starters, the anti-Washington, anti "corporate welfare" and anti-Wall Street sentiment is widespread among independent voters and those GOP legislators that have been "pro-bailout, pro-Obama stimulus spending and pro-immigration," as articulated by Tea Party leaders, live in fear of being chastened by voters.That is why this week Republicans in Congress who were holding their breath, are exhaling with a sense of relief as Senator Thad Cochran wins the primary runoff against Tea Party challenger ChrisMcDaniels who ran on a promise to voters that he would add his voice to the fight against Obamacare and big government spending. It appears then that the anti-incumbent sentiment has not been strong enoughto become a sustained trend: so far, only two sitting representatives have not won re-nomination in the House and all 18 Senate races have been won by those holding the seats, including Lindsay Graham of South Carolina, who was a leader in favor of Immigration Reform in the Senate, but has been vocal in confronting Obama with his dismal record in foreign policy, from Benghazi to Syria to Ukraine, and now all the way back to Iraq. But even pollsters have been taken by surprise in most cases, whether as to the narrowness of results (such as the one is Mississippi, which required a runoff election) or to the unfathomable upsets (Cantor's represents a historical defeat: no Majority leader had been voted out in a primary election since the nineteenth century). There are many reasons why nobody saw this coming, first among them the constant problem of voter turnout, especially in primaries, followed by new strategies by candidates (David Bratt, the college professor that beat Cantor, did door -to -door canvassing, taking time to speak to prospective voters, and he beat a competitor who had outspent him 40 to 1) and by the strong commitment of a small group of activists that mobilized the grassroots against Cantor's pro-business stance. The outcome of these races is further complicated by the fact that many Democrats are taking part in open primaries, which makes them even more unpredictable. Democrats participated in both races, voting against the incumbent, Cantor, in Virginia (he was perceived as the main obstacle for bringing to the floor a vote on immigration bills that apparently would have had the votes to pass) and in favor of incumbent, veteranSenator Thad Cochran in Mississippi (he courted the African American vote, pointing out the amount of federal funds he had brought to the state in his 36 years as Senator, and they acquiesced, fearing Mc Daniels would be a worse choice for their interests in such a red state as Mississippi).These idiosyncratic variations and distortions should not distract us from the fact that the defeat of ultra-conservative House Majority leader from a white, affluent Richmond suburb is extremely significant and will have many ramifications in the near future. First and foremost, it has led to an immediate reshuffle of the party internal House leadership, as Cantorresigned his post as Majority leader. The first in line to fill his post, House whip Kevin McCarthy from California, used his insider skills to mobilize his contacts and call in his favors fast enough to pre-empt a challenge by a Tea Party congressman from Idaho, Raul Labrador, in a secret, internal party ballot. He has thus become Majority leader only eight years after he was first elected to Congress for California 23rd district. If re-elected in November, he will be first in line for House Speaker when Rep. Boehner gives up his post. This coveted position would have been Cantor's crowning achievement after a solid career of 14 years in Congress: he had hoped to become the first Jewish Speaker of the House.In spite of McCarthy's success in pre-empting challenges from outside the party leadership, the next one in line to move into McCarthy's whip position, deputy whip Peter Roskam from Illinois, lost the ballot to Tea Party challenger Steve Scalise from Louisiana, who mobilized the vote of Southern legislators and won, thereby establishing a presence for the movement inside the GOP hierarchy. Scalise, who was elected to Congress in 2008, has also risen rapidly through the ranks, as chairman of the ultra-conservative Republican Study Group and as a vocal advocate against big government.Party Whips in Congress are in charge of counting votes for and against legislation. They are enforcers, offering incentives and doling out punishments for votes among their caucus members. Their role becomes particularly important in close votes. The whip is also the main liaison between the party leadership and the rank and file.Primaries are proving to be much more dangerous for establishment Republicans than a prospective national election at the end of this year, in which they are poised to win both some Senate and House seats, mainly due to slow economic growth and low support for Obama, but more pointedly due to the opportunity created by the retirement of a significant number of long-serving senior legislators. Rather than the November election challenge against Democrats, primaries have become the main obstacle to surmount and the main focus of funding for incumbents and party establishment candidates. Memories of seats lost due to Tea party primary winners in the national 2010 and 2012 election still loom heavily in GOP minds. Karl Rove's words of advice to both the Tea Party activists and the GOP leadershipin February of 2010 still resonate in the halls of Congress:"If Tea party groups are to maximize their influence on policy, they must now begin the difficult task of disassociating themselves from cranks and conspiracy nuts. This includes 9/11 deniers, "birthers" who insist Barack Obama was not born in the U.S., and militia supporters espousing something vaguely close to armed rebellion.""The GOP is also better off if it foregoes any attempt to merge with the tea party movement. The GOP cannot possibly hope to control the dynamics of the highly decentralized galaxy of groups that make up the tea party movement. There will be troubling excesses and these will hurt Republicans if the party is formally associated with tea party groups" (Wall Street Journal, Feb. 18 2010).Because they are extremely vocal as well as media favorites (whether to disparage or to endorse them) and have made some undeniable inroads into the halls of power, the Tea Partiers have indeed made a splash in US politics, and they have re-shaped the agenda on issues of taxes and spending (with mixed success). But so far this term, 273 of 275 House incumbents and 18 out of 18 Senators have won re-nomination, even if in most House cases these contests were won by small margins. This is evidence that there is still somediscipline in party ranks, and newcomers are forced to follow the party leadership. For example in Kentucky, Sen. Rand Paul, largely recognized as the presidential candidate for Tea-Partiers and libertarians alike, did not campaign in favor of the Tea Party candidate who was running against Senate Minority leader Mitch McConnell, and gave the former only lukewarm support. Senator McConnell, a tough, seasoned veteran, was reported to have had a private, one-on-one, closed-doors conversation with Rand Paul before the primary campaign started…It then becomes clear that membership still has its privileges, and the Tea Partiers' disdain for insider politicking and the compromises required by politics in general won't take them very far. That is the stuff of politics, so now these political neophytes are getting into the fray, they will have to learn a few organizational lessons from the savvy insiders they are trying to replace. Nonetheless, one of the first comments made by Kevin McCarthy Fox News as he moved into Cantor's position was that "Yes, he would let the Export-Import Bank (reauthorization) to expire because it is something the private sector can do better". This represents a reversal from his 2012 position, and one that distances him from the business community and the party establishment, who want the Bank to remain. (Tea Partiers want to do away with the Ex-Im, the IRS and the Department of Education, among other institutions they find superfluous). In another interview, McCarthy asserted that the GOP had more to gain (politically) if it moved closer to libertarian ideas. So it has become apparent then, that the Tea Party as a movement and as a faction of the Republican Party is here to stay, at least for the near future. Its strength will depend on how they can accommodate their desires to the realities of governing the United States of America in the XXI century.María Fornella-Oehninger - Comparative Politics Professor, Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia.

La Gran Divergencia es la creciente diferencia en la productividad que ha existido desde el siglo XVIII en adelante primero entre Europa y el resto y más adelante entre Occidente y el resto. Angus Maddison ha sistematizado un conjunto de indicadores comparados donde es posible analizar la dimensión de esta divergencia entre 1820 y 1998.La mayoría de los historiadores recurre a la "Revolución Industrial" en Inglaterra como un punto de quiebre para la explicación del fenómeno. La obvia pregunta que sistemáticamente aparece es sobre la permanencia y creciente divergencia entre Occidente y el resto. Es decir, asumamos por un momento que el comienzo de la Gran Divergencia se debe a una revolución industrial acontecida en el lugar A y no acontecida en los lugares B, C y D. La pregunta que sigue es por qué B, C y D no fueron capaces de copiar posteriormente, en un mediano y largo plazo (y aunque sea marginalmente) las ganancias en las productividad de A. Si bien en el primer momento de la revolución las innovaciones que realiza A son obviamente difíciles de copiar, vemos que entre Occidente y el resto la divergencia se profundizó en ese mediano y largo plazo.El premio Nobel de Economía en 1995 y Profesor de la Universidad de Chicago Robert Lucas representa cabalmente los problemas del pensamiento neoclásico: "The legacy of economic growth that we have inherited from the industrial revolution is an irreversible gain to humanity, of a magnitude that is still unknown. It is becoming increasingly clear, I think, that the legacy of inequality, the concomitant of this gain, is a historical transient.(…) sooner or later everyone will join the industrial revolution, (…) economies will grow at the rate common to the wealthiest economies, and (…) percentage differences in income levels will disappear (which is to say, return to their pre-industrial levels)" (Lucas, 2002). Esta cita resume rigurosamente el problema: la gran divergencia comienza en un momento cuando el lugar A desarrolla tecnologías que hacen incrementar su productividad en relación a B, C y D. Sin embargo, la cuestión central no es por qué A diverge en un primer o segundo momento con B, C y D sino por qué esa divergencia no sólo se mantiene sino que se profundiza en un mediano y largo plazo. Parece evidente que el argumento de Lucas es equivocado o, al menos, insatisfactorio.Paso seguido, parte de la literatura sostiene que mientras la Divergencia aparece por la creciente distancia entre la productividad de A versus el resto como consecuencia del punto de quiebre que significó la "Revolución Industrial", la Gran Divergencia es la consolidación y profundización de esa distancia que no responde principalmente a la brecha en la productividad sino a la incapacidad del resto (los B, C y D del mundo) de, por un lado, copiar las innovaciones y, por otro lado, de llevar a cabo propias innovaciones en forma eficiente. Esta corriente o explicación concatena el inicio de la divergencia que supone la aparición de semejante punto de quiebre que ha sido la "Revolución Industrial" en Inglaterra con una posterior explicación institucional, donde los agentes económicos son capaces de innovar e imitar eficientemente a partir de los incentivos que el ambiente les da para invertir y arriesgar sus ahorros y capital. No todas las innovaciones e incluso las grandes innovaciones reflejan un ambiente económico-institucional eficiente. Por ejemplo, la Unión Soviética lideró la tecnología espacial y en la actualidad Corea del Norte y Pakistán han desarrollado tecnología nuclear. Sin embargo, la relación costo-beneficio no refleja allí eficiencia.La complementación entre geografía e instituciones fue realizada en forma rigurosa y original por la saga publicada por Acemoglu, Johnson y Robinson en "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation" y en "Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution" (el primero, publicado por "the American Economic Review" en diciembre de 2001, el segundo publicado en "The Quarterly Journal of Economics" en noviembre de 2002). Para estos autores la variable central para entender el desarrollo de unos y la ausencia de desarrollo de otros son las buenas o malas instituciones o reglas de juego. Sin embargo, dejan de lado el clásico y problemático argumento que, por ejemplo, sostiene que la divergencia entre América del Norte y del Sur se explica por las buenas instituciones implementadas en el norte por los ingleses y las malas instituciones implementadas en el sur por los ibéricos. Al controlar por la mortalidad que han sufrido los colonizadores en sus distintos destinos, los autores sostienen que allí donde la mortalidad era alta los europeos sólo aspiraban a extraer riquezas para transferirlas a la metrópoli mientras allí donde la mortalidad era baja los europeos pensaban ese espacio con una estrategia de largo plazo y buscaban establecer reglas eficientes y transparentes. El punto relevante aquí (y en oposición a la lectura sociológica que realiza Max Weber sobre la ética protestante y la lectura histórica que, por ejemplo, realiza Niall Ferguson en "Civilización, Occidente y el resto") es que la geografía influye en las instituciones pero son éstas las que determinan la viabilidad de un país para llegar al desarrollo independientemente el origen del colonizador europeo. Así, en un espacio geográfico donde la mortalidad era muy alta, las instituciones serían extractivas más allá de si el colonizador fuera ibérico, británico o francés (Santo Domingo, Jamaica o Haití) mientras que allí donde la mortalidad era baja las instituciones establecidas por el colonizador europeo generaría juegos de suma cero (Estados Unidos, Canadá o Argentina y Uruguay hasta principios del siglo XX).Por su parte, la gran divergencia tiene en el libro de Eric Jones, "The European Miracle", una referencia válida. Para Jones, Europa logró diferenciarse del resto porque concatenó una realidad geográfica-ecológica con una explicación política: dado que el sub continente europeo tiene una constitución geográfica este-oeste, las innovaciones en el ámbito agrícola que acontecieron, alrededor del 1500, en una región, eran transferidas o copiadas en una o varias regiones lindantes. Por su parte, para Jones la geografía europea incentivó la competencia entre las partes porque hacía muy difícil mantener en el tiempo la conquista de gran parte del territorio. Ello se debía a una geografía montañosa con ríos y lagos estratégicamente situados para hacer costosa esa posible conquista. La complejidad geográfica europea contribuyó para la existencia de (literalmente) cientos de principados, reinos o ducados alrededor del 1500. Así, cuantos más actores hay en un determinado mercado, ceteris paribus, el resto puede aprender de mayor cantidad de experiencias tanto exitosas como fracasadas.Convergencia y divergencia en Argentina y ChileArgentina y Chile comparten 2 etapas relativamente cortas de convergencia y una larga etapa de divergencia. Para medir este proceso compararemos la evolución del PIB per cápita de ambos países en relación con los Estados Unidos. La primera etapa de convergencia sucede entre finales del siglo XIX y la "Gran Depresión" (1880-1929); la larga divergencia sucede entre la Gran Depresión y, dependiendo cada país, algún momento de finales del siglo XX. En el caso argentino esa larga divergencia termina con la profunda crisis de 2001. En el caso chileno la divergencia termina cuando regresa la democracia en 1990.Gráfico 1: Argentina y Chile como porcentaje de los EE.UU. (1870-2000)Fuente: Bertola et alGráfico 2: Argentina y Chile como porcentaje de los EE.UU. (1950-2010)Fuente: Penn World TableAmbos países se consolidaron como actores estatales geográfica y legalmente delimitados en la segunda parte del siglo XIX y, a partir de allí, tuvieron una similar inserción en la economía mundial. Por un lado, la primera convergencia argentina descansa en dos situaciones afortunadas: después de un largo período de inestabilidad que se inicia con la independencia en 1810 el país termina de constituirse como nación en 1880, cuando termina la "campaña del desierto" liderada por el General Julio Argentino Roca, quien devino presidente en el período 1880-86. Así, esta consolidación como nación aconteció cuando la economía mundial vivía una etapa de libertad de comercio y caída en los costos de transacción (principalmente a partir de la caída en los costos del transporte) y cuyo principal actor, Gran Bretaña, tenía una notable complementación con la economía argentina.Mientras Gran Bretaña era la principal economía industrial del mundo y tenía un alto stock de capital, relativamente mucha población y poca tierra, Argentina era probablemente la economía más complementaria: poca población, mucha tierra, alta productividad de esas tierras y bajo stock de capital.La experiencia chilena es similar aunque menos excepcional. Chile se consolida geográficamente como nación después de la "Guerra del Pacífico" (1879-1883) y se inserta en la economía mundial complementándose con Gran Bretaña. Su principal exportación era el salitre y el capital británico es clave para la construcción de infraestructura que posibilite la eficiente salida del mineral. Los británicos invierten en la construcción de ferrocarriles y en el principal puerto chileno en la ciudad de Valparaíso.Como mencionamos, Argentina refleja una etapa relativamente corta de convergencia y otra etapa larga de divergencia. En la primera década del siglo XXI la divergencia terminó y ha comenzado otro período de convergencia cuya real dimensión desconocemos.La larga divergencia de la economía argentina tiene dos etapas. La primera comienza con la crisis del 29 y permanece, con algunas excepciones, hasta 1976. Desde 1976 hasta 2002 la divergencia se convierte en lo que el historiador económico Pablo Gerchunoff denomina "la era de las catástrofes".Podemos recurrir a un simple modelo para hacer más visible el proceso. Por ejemplo, el modelo de De la Fuente descansa en 3 variables para pensar la convergencia y divergencia. Hay una variable X que refleja las condiciones iniciales de una economía, como por ejemplo el clima, la extensión territorial y la existencia de una riqueza minera o petrolera. El petróleo en Arabia Saudita sería un ejemplo representativo. En segundo lugar, De la Fuente menciona la existencia de una variable Beta. Esta variable representa condiciones de una economía en relación a otra. Por ejemplo, el deterioro o mejora en los términos de intercambio a partir de la aparición de una economía emergente (como China en la última década) genera modificaciones relativas. Por su parte, hay una variable aleatoria.Así, El modelo básico de De la Fuente es el siguiente:/\Yi,t = Xi –β Yi,t +€itDonde β refleja la correlación entre la tasa de crecimiento y el nivel de renta. La relación puede ser positiva o negativa y proporciona una medida de la velocidad (según la pendiente). €it es una perturbación aleatoria y X resume las características fundamentales del país I, que podrían influir sobre su ritmo de crecimiento. Es constante en el tiempo y la medida es 0. Es decir, hay quienes de acuerdo a X tienen más potencial y otros menos que la media.En la segunda parte de este trabajo apelaremos a tres teorías para explicar las dos cortas convergencias y la larga divergencia de Argentina y Chile desde 1880 hasta la actualidad. En primer lugar, recurriremos al modelo neoclásico de Solow. En segundo lugar, apelaremos a la teoría de la dependencia y en tercer lugar a una explicación institucional.Pedro Isern es profesor del Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay. Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.

IntroductionThe Report that the AIB has decided to publish starting from this year aims at presenting, even if synthetically, the main characteristics of an overview of Italian libraries, each time pointing out the questions, tendencies and some of the events that are of most interest to those who are interested in the development of the library service in our country.When it is proposed to describe a national picture of the situation of the libraries of the various types (public, university, state, scholastic, ecclesiastic, private, etc.) one finds oneself before the almost total absence of comparable and trustworthy organic information. Using the various sources available, it is possible to estimate with a certain approximation that the over 15,000 Italian libraries (in which approximately 20,000 people work) possess almost 200 million documents, that they acquire annually almost 7 million books, that their annual users are little less than 10 million and the loans made are around 65 million. It is believed that in the year 2001 the running costs exceeded 1000 billion lire, of which a little more than 10% were destined to the purchase of documents.LegislationThe year 2001 was rich in new details with regard to the sector of legislation for libraries. This was also due to the effect of the constitutional reforms and the new scenarios relative to the responsibilities and federalist arrangement of the State.Regulations of particular importance for libraries and indirectly linked to the overall institutional situation are those contained in the law of 28 December 2001, no. 448 (finance law 2002). This prescribes that the management of services aimed at the improvement of the public use and development of the artistic patrimony (and therefore also of the state libraries) can be entrusted to subjects other than those of the state. It also introduces an art. 113 bis in the sole text of the laws on the organization of local bodies (legislative decree 18 August 2000, no. 267), on the basis of which "local public services without industrial importance are managed through direct entrusting to: a) institutions; b) special businesses, including consortiums; c) joint-stock companies" and only as a residual solution (paragraph 2) "is economic management permitted when, due to the small dimensions or the characteristics of the service, it is not opportune to proceed to entrusting it to subjects as described in paragraph 1". Awaited on many sides as the chance to respond to a number of the age-old problems that have afflicted the sector of state public libraries for decades, the new organization regulations of the Ministry for cultural and artistic heritage, issued with the Presidential Decree of 29 December 2000, no. 441, actually only indicate, without solving, some fundamental questions that regard the sector, postponing their settlement, without any time limits, to subsequent second degree regulations.As regards the more strictly library themes of interest, the necessity to solve the problems of the legal deposit drove the AIB to revive the bill proposal, which had already been discussed and had arrived at the threshold of final approval in Parliament in the 13th legislature.During the year 2001, moreover, the European Parliament and the European Union Council finally approved the Directive 2001/29/CE, that aims at integrating the laws of the member countries regarding reproduction rights, rights of communication of works to the public and distribution rights, in reference to those works, on every kind of medium, including digital medium, subject to authors' rights. Art. 5 provides the faculty of member states to order exceptions and limitations to the above mentioned rights, to guarantee the right balance between authors' rights and other social interests. This article furthermore contains the "exceptions" that are to the advantage of libraries or of didactics and scientific research.Cooperation and consortiumsThe last two years have shown considerable progress in the field of cooperation activities, confirming also in Italy the current tendencies at international level. These developments generally - but with different nuances - regard various types of libraries and involve different sectors of activity, from those already established (such as cataloguing and purchases) to emerging activities, more directly linked with the diffusion of Internet (management and development of digital resources, etc.).Access to information and the development of electronic collections are surely the areas that are most involved in the new cooperation initiatives. The university sector is that which demonstrates most vitality in this area, but a certain recent enterprise of state and public libraries should be noted. The initiatives promoted by two large university computer consortiums should also be mentioned: the Cilea and Caspur.The CiBit project for digitalisation, archiving and networking, with a special research interface for Italian literature texts should be noted.In Italian universities, as in other developed countries, the idea of creating alternative models of academic electronic publishing is being increasingly encouraged: in this field mention must be made of the initiative of the University of Florence with the Firenze University Press project.On-line cataloguesThe catalogues of Italian libraries available through Internet number 420. For the year 2001 growth stabilized around 15% and mainly regarded the local body systems, the libraries of which cover municipal or provincial areas.The Italian university OPACs (On line Public Access Catalog) form approximately 40% of the total.National Library Service (SBN) and national projectsIn the last two years the SBN network has been established as the largest public network of libraries in Italy, both due to the number of libraries participating and to the considerable increase in the information in the catalogue: at the end of the year 2001 the libraries numbered approximately 1400, the size of the national collective catalogue was 5,500,000 titles (corresponding to approximately 12 million localizations, that is mentions of the presence of the works in the participating libraries). Daily hits, also as a result of the availability on Internet of the catalogue, are currently on average 160,000 on weekdays, with high points on some days of over 200,000 hits.Other cooperation projects are underway in the field of antique books and manuscripts.The Anagrafe delle biblioteche italiane (Registry of Italian libraries) data base, it too available for consultation on Internet, provides an instrument of general information on the patrimonies, services to the public and specializations of approximately 12,500 libraries.But it is "SBN on line" that has really marked a further step forward towards the improvement of the services: from a single access point, with identical modalities, users can consult catalogues of different institutions (libraries, archives, museums); they can compile a bibliography according to their own specific requirements by integrating information sources; they can also locate documents and ask for them on loan or in reproduced form.Formation, occupation and professionItaly also considers university formation as the basis for the initial preparation of librarians. In the nineties especially, the degree course in Preservation of Cultural Heritage was a source of considerable attraction among young people and in the year 2000/01 it ended up having over 23,000 students registered in the 17 universities offering the course as well as almost 3,000 registered in various related diploma courses (Operators of Cultural Heritage), for a total of 26,339 students. As a whole this is a small sector with respect to all university education (1.6% of the total of students, 2% of those enrolled, 0.6% of those graduated or having obtained diplomas), but a large group with respect to the degree or diploma "arts" group into which it is statistically inserted (16% of those registered, 23% of those enrolled and 7% of those graduated or having obtained diplomas).In the year 2000/01, the first year of the "3+2" university reform, among the 42 first level degree classes, that in Sciences of Cultural Heritage is at the 12th place as regards number of enrolled (9079) and is generally in the first place among the characteristic courses in the Arts Faculty (in the order Arts, Sciences and technologies of figurative arts, of music, entertainment and fashion, Philosophy, Historical Sciences). Sixty-six percent of the students in the degree courses in the archive-library field are female.As a whole the number of students registered is certainly greatly increased with the new courses (9079 enrolled in 2001/02 as against the 5920 of the previous year, +53%). The current offer is of 71 courses in 41 universities: among these, 9 (in a like number of universities) are specifically dedicated to the formation of librarians and archivists, while 33, 2 of which by distance-learning, have a general nature (18 with a specialization for librarians and archivists), and 29 regard other specific sectors (artistic, archaeological, musical, etc., heritage ). Overall, there are therefore at least 27 courses aimed at the formation of librarians, in 26 universities and with locations in 25 different cities.Those who graduated in Cultural Heritage have up to now obtained rapid and effective insertion into the world of work, initially above all with assistance initiatives or contract jobs but also with permanent employment, demonstrating among other things their capacity to temporarily or permanently exploit employment opportunities even in related fields (publishing, multimedia production, Web services, communications, etc.).Generally speaking, the offer of long-term employment in public administration is about 180 positions per year. The main employers are the local bodies, with 64%, followed by the Universities with 27%. Absent for years now is the Ministry for Cultural Heritage (except for two small competitions in 1998 and 1999); some offers come from the sector of research (institutions of the CNR and other bodies, for 7% in the three-year period under consideration), and exceptionally from other public bodies.From the point of view of geographic distribution, the vast majority of the jobs offered is in the North (72%, as against 11% in the Centre and 17% in the South and in the islands), and the percentage exceeds 80% for places in the local bodies: about half of the jobs offered by Italian local bodies are in the region of Lombardy; this is followed at a great distance by Emilia Romagna and then the Veneto region. In the universities, the distribution is a little less unbalanced, again with Lombardy in the first place but with a good offer also in regions of the Centre (Lazio) or of the South (Campania, Puglia).The offer of contract employment or with assistance positions is very active, both through competitions and screening for contract jobs in public administrations and through the search for assistants by service companies, mainly in the field of cataloguing, and of library structures: we can consider that through these forms of selection approximately 300 persons per year find temporary employment.The Italian Libraries Association and the Professional RegisterAn indicator of the dynamism of the profession is given also by the activity of the Italian Libraries Association (AIB) which, during the year 2000 extended to include all twenty Italian regions and considerably increased its number of members: 4407 members (+2% with respect to the previous year). This shows a much larger and clearer growth than that of employment in the sector, which therefore testifies to a greater group thrust, of "self-recognition" and identification, while a considerable number of occasional registrations remain: these are not renewed with any continuity.Since 1998, the AIB manages the Italian Professional Register of librarians, a private register that was established along the lines indicated by the European directives on the recognition of professional titles and by the bills on the unrecognised professions presented in the last legislatures but not yet approved. On 31 December 2001 the Register had 566 qualified librarians enrolled, 160 of which enrolled during the last year.The following persons co-operated to this work: Giovanni Solimine (Introduction); Luca Bellingeri, Gianni Lazzari (Law); Anna Maria Mandillo (Law, SBN and national projects); Gabriele Mazzitelli, Serafina Spinelli (Academic library systems); Tommaso Giordano (Cooperation and consortia); Antonella De Robbio (Italian OPACs); Vanni Bertini (Automation systems in Italy); Alberto Petrucciani (Training, employment and profession). ; Hanno collaborato alla redazione del Rapporto: Giovanni Solimine (Introduzione); Luca Bellingeri, Gianni Lazzari (Legislazione); Anna Maria Mandillo (Legislazione, SBN e progetti nazionali); Gabriele Mazzitelli, Serafina Spinelli (Sistemi bibliotecari di ateneo); Tommaso Giordano (Cooperazione e consorzi); Antonella De Robbio (OPAC italiani); Vanni Bertini (Sistemi di automazione in Italia); Alberto Petrucciani (Formazione, occupazione e professione).

Victoria Tin-bor Hui's War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe is a bold and original work. The book is bold in its goals and scope: the primary question motivating it is: "Why is it that political scientists and Europeanists take for granted checks and balances in European politics, while Chinese and sinologists take for granted a coercive universal empire in China?" (p. 1). This question is the starting point of an exploration of two very different outcomes in international politics. The first one is the "logic of balance", which replicates the classical Eurocentric perspective on the tendency towards equilibrium in international systems. The second one is the "logic of domination", illustrated in the book by Chinese theoretical perspectives and empirical example of a tendency toward universal domination. To answer the puzzle over the competing logics in this dichotomy the author will try to convince the reader of the usefulness of her "dynamic theory of world politics that blends Eurocentric and Sino-centric perspectives, connects the ancient and the modern, reconciles alternative trajectories and opposite outcomes, and incorporates persistent continuity and endogenous transformation" (p. 2). Part of the originality (which ideally should not be regarded as original) comes form blending mainstream IR theory with the comparative politics literature on state-formation and state-society relations. Moreover, refreshing insights from classical political theory -both European and Chinese- are common throughout the book. Her method and case selection are also creative and laudable. Tin-bor Hui compares the Ancient Chinese system during the Spring and Autumn period (656-453 BC) and Warring States period (453-221 BC) with the European system in the Early Modern period (defined as AD 1495-1815). Incorporating the case of Ancient China as an integral part of a theory of international politics, and thus departing from a too Eurocentric and temporarily restricted mainstream IR theory, is a praiseworthy project per se. Under the assumption that these systems are "comparable" she embraces the "uncommon foundation" method by using "paired comparisons of uncommon cases" (i.e. Mill's method of difference or most similar systems) in the search of common causal mechanisms that "combine differently with varying initial and environmental conditions to produce radically different outcomes" (p. 8). The overarching goal can be seen as breaking a deterministic view of political processes as a teleology towards balancing –which naively avoids a serious engagement with a "logic of domination." The author creates two theoretical concepts as her basic tools in achieving this goal: "mechanisms of self-strengthening reforms" and "self-weakening expedients." Each of these would be the causal mechanism explaining the "logic of domination" in the former (i.e. the dissolution of a plural system during the Warring States period and the formation of the Qin Empire in China) and the "logic balancing" in the latter (i.e. the preservation of a system of autonomous units in Europe) (p. 34). The core of the theory (and this is an unjust but necessary simplification) is that certain structural and agential motivations induce states to engineer self-strengthening mechanisms (or self-weakening expedients) that open the opportunity for domination (or balance of power). This reader could not agree more with the necessity of exploring alternative logics from the balance of power one. IR needs to engage more satisfactorily with the idea of domination and how it is achieved. The literature most linked to this concept is the one surrounding the "hegemonic stability theory" research program (see the work of Gilpin, Organski and Kugler, Keohane and Kindleberger). (1) The most relevant problem with this literature is that its preoccupation (obsession?) with war as a consequence of the end of hegemony (or of power transitions) leaves the primordial –and temporally and logically precedent!- matter of how states rise as a given independent variable –or, taking rise as the outcome, with a dependent variable that does not vary. The consequence is that IR has almost nothing to say about an essential part of the story of change in the system: how is it that the power to dominate is constructed. Although Tin-bor Hui attempts to have the final word for this political phenomenon, her work remains incomplete and not entirely satisfactory for several reasons. First, the book has a weak theory of state power. The explanation behind the outcome of systemic domination lies in a series of "self-strengthening mechanisms" (effective tax collection, meritocratic bureaucracy, ruthless military stratagems, inter alia) that enable a particular state to conquer the rest of the system. These mechanisms are the result of both agential initiatives and classical neorealist systemic emulation –i.e. states intra-system will tend to reproduce the same type of governmental mechanisms. The Qin state, located in an Ancient Chinese system composed by units pursuing such self-strengthening mechanisms, was enabled to achieve domination by applying these policies. The problem with this argument is that if we assume that these mechanisms are a systemic phenomenon, there is no convincing reason why it would be any easier for a self-strengthened state to conquer other self-strengthened states than it would be for a self-weakened state to conquer its pairs in another system. In other words, if the mechanisms are thought of as systemic, the advantages or disadvantages of pursuing self-strengthening or self-weakening mechanisms would balance out. Even more, it is not difficult to imagine the opposite logic being true –systems with "self-weakened states" would be more prone to Empire- since the existence of weak states opens a window of opportunity for conquer. (2) The gist of the confusion rests in the author, consciously or unconsciously, taking the risk to ignore one of the most basic premises in the discipline: power is relative. The power of a particular state in international politics has no meaning if it is not seen as a characteristic of one unit in comparison to another unit or to the whole system. The consequence of neglecting this maxim might well be that the idea of "self-strengthening mechanisms" as the explanation of domination turns out to have almost a negligible heuristic power. Moreover, her promise of a "dynamic" theory of change does not hold up to the expectations. In a sense, the author has a quite static perspective on history. While, as said before, she is probably right in arguing that the discipline has avoided a serious study of the issue of domination in international politics, the hypothesis that the road to domination lies in internal reorganization and administrative innovation is incomplete to say the least. There are structural and macro-historical processes of state growth that cannot be shunned in this type of analysis. The author would probably recognize that the Swiss cantons, even if implementing the most comprehensive self-strengthening reforms, were never capable of achieving domination of the European system. There is something special about states like France and Qin that made them able to engage in a quest for domination. This "something special" is one of the most basic and relevant processes in History: the rise and fall of political units. The reader cannot but be skeptical on how much of the causal mechanisms of domination lie in her self-strengthening ideas or in more macro-processes of rise and fall in the system. (3) On the other hand, the author has a big underlying assumption about states' motivation that should have been discussed in more depth. This is a kind of Mearsheimerian assumption that states always identify global (or regional) domination as the primary goal. There are several critiques that could follow from here. One could come from a "constitutive" perspective: if the units composing the systems are different in some essential elements, most probably the systems as a whole will be different in some way. One of the basic elements in the formation of the Modern European system was the creation of the idea of "sovereignty" as an inter-subjective constitutive characteristic of the system. Sovereignty needs to be part of an explanation, for example, of why Luxemburg could survive in a neighborhood of dangerous colossus –and at times domination seekers- such as France and eventually Germany. A Luxemburg located in Northern China, without the aid of sovereignty, would probably have fall victim to Qin might. (4) While this does not mean that two different systems cannot be compared, the creation of inter-subjective norms in systemic dynamics should have a more relevant place that the one given in this book. (5) Another theoretical concern is that self-strengthening and self-weakening mechanisms appear to be very prone to tautological and endogeneity problems. It might be argued that she is trying to explain state change by its effect -i.e. "X is a stronger state, because it was made stronger." The ultimate measurement of a self-strengthened state is to achieve domination; but domination is itself the dependent variable explained by the implementation of self-strengthening mechanisms. The idea that states apply self-strengthening mechanisms to dominate and dominate because they are self-strengthened is cyclical and problematic. (6) Even more, her theory assumes that conquest pays, that is, conquest self-strengthens. This is not wrong per se. Nonetheless, it might get the theory in some logical quagmires. For example, Napoleon's quasi domination of Europe was so parallel to Revolutionary France self-strengthening reforms (administrative reorganization, revolutionary military techniques, etc.) that it would be difficult to say which was the cause of which. Lastly, it may be the case that the author has a confused interpretation of her own mechanisms. Self-strengthening and self-weakening mechanisms appear to be causal mechanisms more linked to an explanation of "state power" than "systemic domination". (7) If this were true, she would need another set of mechanisms or variables to explain the occurrence of domination in international relations. An option to try to dissipate the doubts on how the mechanisms work would be to expand the cases studied to systems in which domination happened without self-strengthening (Philip's Macedonia comes as a possible example) or in which self-strengthening reforms did not come accompanied with domination (if we keep, as Tin Bor-hui does, domination as a necessarily territorial phenomenon, the United States in the Western Hemisphere comes to mind). War and State Formation is an interesting book, which by opening several lanes of inquiry -and by sometimes giving weak arguments for the issues at stake- encourages new and original research in these important areas of political science. This alone is sufficient to make the book a worthy and entertaining read.Notas: (1) Admittedly, these works differ a lot from scholar to scholar.(2) For a similar argument using Agent Base Modeling see Lars-Erik Cederman, Emergent Actors in World Politics, Princeton UP, Princeton, 1997, especially Chapter 4.(3) Furthermore, there is an empirical problem related to the conceptual one before discussed: the picture of a weak Europe unable to efficiently sustain wars of domination must be seen in a global context in which the European powers were rapidly conquering the world.(4) For an account of the importance of sovereignty as an essential constitutive characteristic of the European system of states see: Hendrik Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors, Princeton UP, Princeton, 1994.(5) This makes one wonder how useful is her theory for the contemporary world…(6) This concern becomes clear when she argues that: "Domination-seekers in early modern Europe failed because they did not follow the logic of domination fully" (p. 109).(7) Which may explain why this reader was incapable of finding a satisfactory definition of "domination".*Department of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania

According to the United Nations Population Fund, in October 2011 the world population reached 7 billion people, 3456.8 millions of whom are women.In the U.S.A, the total population is 313.1 million in 2011. Of those, 158.5 million are women, which means a little bit more than a half. In this country the people eligible to vote in 2008 reached more than 218 million, 55% of whom are women.The numbers are similar in Switzerland. With a total population of 7.7 million people, the country has 3.9 million of women – again, just a little bit more than the half –, and 54% of the Swiss eligible to vote are women (2010).However, the current representation of women in politics around the world does not reflect the population data. At parliamentary level worldwide, the percentage of women who occupies seats as deputies or senators is 19.2% and 17.8% respectively. These means that even though the historical representation of women in politics has been rising, the number of males representatives still is overwhelmingly higher.For reference only, the minimum percentage that is consider necessary for a fair and considerable representation of ideas that can influence the decision making is about 30%.In January 1918 the 19th Amendment of the USA Constitution was included in the political agenda for the discussion of the House of Representatives and the Senate. The president of USA, Woodrow Wilson, recognizing the woman's support to their country during the war, urged the politicians to vote in favor of the amendment. The Representatives passed the amendment on May 1919, and the Senate did the same on June. Thereafter, the approval was in hands of each state. More than twenty states ratified it within six months. Thirty six were needed to include the amendment into the Constitution, and Tennessee turned out to be the one which had the final decision. After a very close vote, just one of the legislators changed his opinion and the woman's right to vote was approved. Literally, the 19th amendment says: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." With those two simple lines, the activist women of the USA, who had been fighting for their right to vote for more than seven decades, finally achieved their goal and the history of American women in politics change forever.On the other hand, Switzerland is the last European country that allowed its women to vote at national level. Many say that it was due to the decisions take longer to be taken in a direct democracy. But there, it took too long.The Swiss society can be consider as patriarchal, conservative, traditional and with marked streaks sexist, which is exemplifiedin the traditional perception of the woman's role as restricted to 'kinder, kirche und kuche' ('children, church and kitchen'), still valid specially in German-speaking regions.However, the active feminist movements exist since long time ago, and they fight not only for the woman's right to vote, but also for legal equality and the empowerment of women in all aspects.By 1962, with the intention to sign the European Convention of Human Rights, the government of Switzerland asked for an exception about the legal equality of genders – specifically for the women's right to vote -. Against this, the associations pro the female suffrage protested, and the commotion forced the authorities to review that posture. So, a referendum was decided by the government in 1968, and the public consultation took place in February 1971. Finally, the results were different. More than six hundred thousand (about 66%) Swiss men said YES to the women's right to vote, so since then all Swiss women are allowed to vote at national level.Furthermore, on October 31 of the same year, there was a parliamentary election in Switzerland, and eleven women were elected to be part of it.The United States of American and Switzerland differs in many aspects, such as size, population, traditions and history. However, both have also some things in common. They both took too long to allow their women to vote, granting with that a better political equality.Their political regime is pretty similar, both are democratic countries. In the process of getting the female suffrage the USA parliament, as well as the Swiss, played a key role since the decision of including the issue into the constitutional order should, in the first instance, be approved by the legislature. But after the parliament passed it, the next step was different within the two countries. USA led the final decision to the local governments, while in Switzerland was the people who had to finish the process. This means that in the European country the men citizens had the final word instead of the parliamentarians, who should represent the interest of all citizens, men and women. There is then, a social matter. Switzerland is a multicultural country with a big percentage of foreigners among its residents, four official languages, and a rich history of immigration. Nevertheless, the Swiss society is mostly conservative and traditional, in particular its regions of German´s descendants and residents, not so the French or Italians. The facts speak by themselves: in the referendum of 1959, only three cantons voted for allow the Swiss women to vote, all three were 'French'; while in the 'German' canton call Appenzell Innerrhoden, the amount of No votes was about 95%. Another point that can be considered as a difference within the two countries concerning the female struggle, are their leaders. Both, the American and the Swiss movement, had notorious female leaders. They were all active politicians and were deeply committed to the cause, which contributes to the organization of the movements and also to the well development of the activities.However, the American female leaders, although they were largely convinced of the injustice of gender inequality, none of them had high-level education. The abolitionist Elizabeth Cady Stanton was a writer, but she never took college studies. Lucretia Mott was a school teacher; and Susan B. Anthony just dedicated her entire life to the fight for women's rights. Except for Stanton (she was a lawyer's daughter), they didn't came from high educated families. Meanwhile, the most famous leader of the Swiss movement for women's right to vote, Josi Meier had a different background. Her real name was Josephine Johanna Meier, but was also known as the 'Grand Old Lady'. She died in 2006 at the age of eighty. Meier, who also came from a poor family, graduated as a lawyer in 1952, but had been defending women's right for a long time. When the right to vote for women was finally awarded in 1971, she became one of the members of the Lucerne cantonal parliament, and some month later she was among the eleven women elected as parliamentary representatives. Moreover, Meier took place in the Senate some years later and in 1991 became the first woman ever to be the Senate's speaker.It is worth comparing also the opposition that the movements had to face in both countries. The resistance to the women's right to vote, in USA as in Switzerland, had the objective of stop the progressive movements, defended the traditional order of the society and, as Nicole Herz (1992) describes, "'Antis' had to re-define the scope of woman's sphere and put government back into the male's sphere". Furthermore, the opposition in USA and in Switzerland used to use the same arguments to fight against the change. The religious beliefs were common among the opposition movements. The 'God word' and the biblical commandments that assure women were made to be men's support, good wives and exemplary mothers, dedicated to their homes and children, were some of the weapons of the anti-suffragist. Coming from conservative education, they believed that 'women belong to the kitchen' and there they must remain. Political issues were thought to be rude and complicated so only men should handle it, women would lose their femininity if they involved in politics. Other of the arguments was that the basis of the family, and therefore of society, was the women's homemakers, so if women get their right to vote, then they would had less time to do it and the families would lose their foundations, so the society would derail.Finally, there is one last fact that both, USA and Switzerland, had in common. It was the influence of an external factor into their government decision of do something about the right to vote for women. In the USA it was the World War I. In Switzerland, the Cold War.During the First World War (1914 – 1918) the American women began to be part of the work force of the country while the men went to fight in the battlefield. Doing this, women helped to sustain the USA economy developing their labor in traditional male occupations. After that, they used it as a weapon and strong argument for their struggle for suffrage right. If they were strong enough to work as men, their opinion should also be important enough in politics as men's. The men and the government must recognized it, and they had not any strong argument against the women's claim anymore. On the other hand, the Swiss government was afraid about the national security during the Cold War. Given the geopolitical situation and the small size of Switzerland, the Communist could saw it as a strategic war point. For that reason, the government thought in expand and strengthen its military force, including women into it. Again, the Swiss women, as the Americans, argued that the demand of their labor force should be compensated by granting the right that they had been fighting for. Moreover, in Switzerland there was also another factor that there was not in USA. The integration with the European region, materialized in the signing of the European Convention of Human Rights, needed the government to catch up its settings, so the legal equality should be guaranteed. The willing of being part of the region in such a difficult time as the Cold War, pushed the Swiss government to move forward in the woman's right to vote issue.The United States of America, as well as Switzerland, witnessed the long struggle for the female right to vote but, what are the current results of it? How much equality have today those countries in political terms? Have their women real participation in politics nowadays?According to the Interparliamentary Union ranking, in 2010 Switzerland was positioned as the 26th country with more women in parliamentary, while USA was in the 70th position with only 89 women among 532 legislators. Although some researchers suggest that the American women are more likely to participate in elections by making use of their right to vote than men; the USA politics still have a lot to improve in order to eliminate the gender gap in political area. On its part, Switzerland has less inequality in politics, but still is not absolutely equal. The Swiss Executive Branch is comprised of seven members, all with equal decision power, and one of them is named, by rotation, Federal President. The first woman elected as President was Ruth Dreifuss, who took place of the position in 1999.In 2010 for the first time, three women were occupying high political positions in the Swiss government simultaneously. Moreover, in September 22 of the same year, after one more woman was elected as minister, the Executive was composed by four women and three men, marking the first time ever that the Swiss government has a female majority. To sum up, unlike USA, which has never had a woman as President; Switzerland seems to be more progressive when it comes to high positions in politics nowadays. *Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales.FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay

In contrast to topical trends of mediatic discourse analysis (predominantly focused on newspapers from the 21st century), this thesis aims at analyzing the discourse of a French newspaper called Le Petit Comtois (1883-1944). Rooted in various fields of research, namely corpus linguistics, "discourse analysis from a historical viewpoint" (Robin, Maldidier, Guilhaumou), "textual analysis of discourse" (Adam, Heidmann) and lexical statistics (Lebart, Salem), this thesis questions the contributions of a new numerical philology (Rastier; Viprey).This work is based on two complementary axes of research: on the one hand, we worked on the constitution of a textual database with the aim of accurately editing, controlling and normalizing it in order to allow for a revival of interdisciplinary studies led on regional 19th century newspapers. Therefore, our point is to propose some methodological approaches in order to overcome technical obstacles which occur during the acquisition and the sharing of large volume of textual data. The construction and the normalization of the database condition the heuristic confrontation of points of views and the choice of textual sciences methods for the analysis.On the other hand, our objectives are to highlight the specificities of Le Petit Comtois discourse during the period 1883-1903. Exploring a 5.5 million-word corpus, we mainly use the textual statistical methods to produce the emergence of the linguistic, textual and discursive reliefs of the text itself in order to use them as clues for the continuation of the analysis, with the aim to overtake the traditional entrance of the vocabulary used in lexicometry and its ways to approach textuality. ; À la différence des tendances actuelles de l'analyse du discours médiatique, majoritairement tournée vers la presse nationale contemporaine, notre thèse vise un titre régional du XIX e siècle : Le Petit Comtois (1883-1944). Plongeant ses racines dans différents terreaux de recherche, à savoir la linguistique de corpus, l'analyse du discours du côté de l'histoire (Guilhaumou, Robin), la statistique textuelle (Lebart, Salem) et l'analyse textuelle du discours (Adam, Heidmann), cette thèse interroge les apports d'une nouvelle philologie numérique (Rastier; Viprey, Mayaffre) se fixant pour programme de renforcer l'accès aux matérialités discursives.Cette thèse articule ainsi deux axes de recherche complémentaires : d'une part, les conditions de la constitution d'une base de données textuelles finement établies, contrôlées et normalisées selon les recommandations XML-TEI, visant à favoriser le renouveau des lectures interdisciplinaires de la presse régionale de la Troisième République (chapitre II).Il s'agit, ce faisant, de proposer des pistes méthodologiques en vue de la levée des obstacles techniques pesant sur l'acquisition et le partage de grands volumes de données textuelles, dont dépendent les avancées des sciences du texte. Partant, on replacera ces pistes dans la perspective des débats théoriques contemporains en linguistique textuelle et linguistique de corpus.D'autre part, notre objectif est d'apporter un éclairage sur le discours du Petit Comtois sur la période 1883-1903 à partir d'un corpus de 5,5 millions de mots en articulant diverses méthodologies et niveaux d'analyse, de sorte à appréhender dans toute son hétérogénéité et sa complexité l'objet texte. Si notre recherche s'appuie principalement sur les outils de la statistique textuelle qui permettent de faire monter du corpus lui-même ses reliefs linguistiques, textuels, discursifs, envisagés comme des vecteurs d'exploration, elle vise à dépasser la traditionnelle entrée du vocabulaire sur laquelle se fonde la lexicométrie, et ses modes d'approche traditionnels sur cette entrée même.Parce qu'un texte est tout d'abord inscrit sur un support matériel signifiant, notre premier temps d'analyse textuelle du discours du Petit Comtois (chapitre III) est ainsi consacré à l'analyse de la mise en forme de l'information, telle qu'elle se donne à lire à travers l'organisation matérielle de l'aire scripturale (Peytard) et les niveaux d'organisation que sont le rubriquage et le système de titres du quotidien.Plus qu'un simple « chemin de fer » ayant pour fonction de catégoriser l'information, le rubriquage constitue un des ressorts principaux de la rédaction pour hiérarchiser l'information. Parce qu'il rend compte des catégories par lesquelles le quotidien découpe le monde, ce niveau constitue un lieu d'accès privilégié à l'identité du quotidien. Une analyse quantitative du rubriquage, mesurant la surface, l'emplacement topographique de chaque rubrique, sa fréquence moyenne, nous a permis d'observer, outre les thématiques principales du quotidien, les stratégies par lesquelles celui-ci hiérarchisait l'information. Ce volet d'analyse nous a permis d'observer que Le Petit Comtois, à l'instar de la presse quotidienne régionale de la Troisième République, fait la part belle aux événements de portée nationale et internationale, ainsi qu'à la vie politique de la Troisième République. Un examen linguistique des intitulés de rubrique du journal a pour sa part démontré la forte mise en valeur de la coïncidence de la temporalité de l'imprimé quotidien avec celle du monde, ainsi qu'une forte persistance des liens avec la matrice littéraire (Thérenty), perceptible notamment à travers la prédominance des intitulés de rubrique référant à l'écriture épistolaire.Notre intérêt s'est ensuite porté sur les titres du Petit Comtois, dont nous avons interrogé les caractéristiques linguistiques et fonctionnelles, les variations et les régularités en diachronie. Celles-ci ont été analysées à partir de l'étude d'un sous-corpus substantiel de 6910 titres, extrait d'une des rares rubriques comportant des titres de façon permanente de 1883 à 1903 : les « dépêches de nuit ». En premier lieu, au terme de l'analyse, a été dégagée la fonction de classification de l'information dans un horizon thématique, géographique ou historique assurée par les titres, au détriment d'une fonction d'annonce et de condensation de l'information principale de la dépêche. En second lieu, dans cette rubrique emblématique du journalisme d'information inscrite dans un quotidien revendiquant sa fonction d'organe porte-parole d'une sensibilité politique, les titres sont le lieu d'une coloration de l'information livrée par la voix du correspondant ou de l'agence Havas et donc des indices précieux de l'ethos discursif (Amossy) du quotidien : tout en exprimant sa lecture de l'actualité, Le Petit Comtois recourt à une parole railleuse et ludique, un certain franc-parler, visant à entretenir la connivence et la proximité avec son lecteur.Dans un second mouvement (chapitre IV), nous avons entrepris une série d'explorations dans le vocabulaire du Petit Comtois, entendues comme le socle d'un parcours objectivé du discours du journal. Une série de prise de vue sur le vocabulaire du Petit Comtois ont ainsi été constituées.L'index hiérarchique du corpus, analyse fort classique en lexicométrie, a livré une première indication sur la consistance lexico-thématique du corpus, en confirmant notamment l'ouverture du quotidien sur un horizon politique dont Paris est le cœur géographique et l'importance de la temporalité dans Le Petit Comtois.Une seconde analyse, tout aussi classique en lexicométrie, a consisté à examiner la ventilation du vocabulaire en diachronie (ou niveau macro-distributionnel) grâce aux méthodologies de l'AFC : celle-ci a pointé pour sa part une très nette division du corpus en deux séquences chronologiques distinctes : 1884-1896 d'une part, et 1897-1903 d'autre part. L'analyse des profils macro-distributionnels des items, associée à un mouvement de retour au texte, nous ont permis d'interpréter ce clivage comme l'opposition entre une première séquence marquée par un contexte colonialiste et revanchard ainsi que par les fameuses « affaires » politico-financières, et une séquence chronologique témoignant pour sa part d'un tournant radical et de l'intensification des débats autour de la question sociale.Nous nous sommes ensuite tournée vers l'analyse de la configuration fine du vocabulaire (niveau micro-distributionnel - Harris), mode d'accès privilégié à la textualité-texture, à ses dimensions non linéaires (tabulaires, réticulaires), encore insuffisamment exploitées et conceptualisées. L'analyse micro-distributionnelle du vocabulaire du Petit Comtois a ainsi suggéré que la configuration fine du vocabulaire s'organisait autour de quatre pôles isotropiques (Viprey), à consistance lexico-thématique voire rhétorico-stylistique, évoquant respectivement (1) les faits divers et leur passage en justice, (2) la vie législative, (3) les réseaux locaux de sociabilités, et enfin, (4) le vocabulaire du politique, voire de l'idée républicaine.Nous avons voulu observer l'évolution diachronique de cette configuration fine en diachronie. De façon très stimulante, si l'on tient compte des résultats livrés par l'examen du niveau macro-distributionnel et de la nature du discours étudié, la structure fine du vocabulaire se révèle extrêmement stable en diachronie. De rares items témoignent d'une évolution significative de leur co(n)texte d'une diachronie à une autre. Il est intéressant de remarquer que ceux-ci sont particulièrement emblématiques des évolutions socio-politiques dont prend acte la fin d'un très long XIXe siècle. C'est notamment le cas de la forme ouvriers, dont l'évolution très nette du profil collocatif marque celle de son sens. Dans un dernier temps, nous avons examiné les facteurs responsables de la stabilité du rubriquage observée : l'analyse des spécificités des rubriques a ainsi révélé une forte corrélation entre le niveau du rubriquage et celle de la structure fine du vocabulaire. L'invariance des « motifs » lexicaux et stylistiques du quotidien nous suggère donc que l'actualité et son essence présupposée « fluctuante », restent contrôlées et organisées par les pratiques routinières journalistiques, renvoyant tant à la sélection de l'information qu'à sa mise en scène comme événement. Enfin, un dernier temps de cette recherche (chapitre V) est dédié à la consolidation d'une méthode de typologie en corpus, appliquée au classement des rubriques, basée sur le niveau morphosyntaxique. À la recherche d'une typologie discursive des rubriques du Petit Comtois, ce volet d'analyse examine les vertus et les insuffisances d'un étiquetage automatique et explore les perspectives offertes par l'AFC en vue d'un dialogue continué avec les données. Devant être envisagé comme le préalable à une analyse linguistique des genres journalistiques qui croiserait le niveau du vocabulaire et le niveau de la morphosyntaxe tout en tenant compte du plan compositionnel du texte (Bakhtine) grâce à un encodage xml-tei, cet empan de nos recherches constitue une investigation méthodologique visant à se doter d'un protocole robuste et transparent d'analyse.À la suite des travaux pionniers de Douglas Biber, de nombreuses études de typologie textuelle convoquent aujourd'hui le niveau morphosyntaxique. La logométrie, telle que définie par D. Mayaffre, perçoit d'ailleurs dans les progrès de l'étiquetage automatique un renouvellement décisif de l'analyse des données textuelles. Cette position implique de s'accommoder du taux d'erreur intrinsèque aux données issues d'un étiquetage automatique, dont l'influence est supposée modérée par la méthodologie statistique utilisée. Une analyse du discours soucieuse de la matérialité du texte ne peut néanmoins se satisfaire de ce taux d'erreur : entendant l'annotation morphosyntaxique comme un véritable état du texte, elle implique au contraire un étiquetage fin du niveau morphosyntaxique. Or, l'expérience menée dans le cadre d'une entreprise typologique des rubriques du Petit Comtois montre que l'étiquetage automatique réalisé par Cordial est loin d'être suffisant pour répondre à cette prétention : l'étiquetage opéré reste un étiquetage « en langue », aux insuffisances duquel s'ajoutent les limites du lexique interne de Cordial. On regrettera par ailleurs la pertinence discutable des catégories statiques de la grammaire traditionnelle convoquée par ce logiciel.En raison de ces insuffisances et en attendant de mener une contre-expérimentation basée sur un étiquetage fin et contrôlé de nos données, il nous semble ainsi devoir prendre quelques précautions avec les résultats obtenus de notre analyse, fort stimulants au demeurant. En effet, notre analyse des variables morphosyntaxiques dans les rubriques du Petit Comtois met au jour des facteurs très discriminants, parmi lesquels, d'une part, des variables assez inattendues (à l'instar des déterminants définis) et d'autre part, des facteurs faisant écho aux critères génériques journalistiques. On peut interpréter la configuration typologique des rubriques obtenue comme étant notamment fortement structurée par l'opposition entre les productions discursives à énonciation impliquée et les productions caractérisées par un effacement énonciatif, configuration affinée par le degré de complexité des phrases et leur longueur. Le genre semble donc un « facteur » structurant de cette typologie, ce qui nous semble devoir être mis en lien avec la taille colossale du corpus étudié et la méthodologie statistique utilisé, puisque l'AFC donne une représentation synthétique des tendances lourdes voire structurelles d'un ensemble de données. En l'occurrence, le genre est cette tendance, qui, dans la lignée des postulats de l'analyse du discours, s'avère déterminant dans la typologisation des productions discursives journalistique du Petit Comtois.

Como ya hemos sugerido hace un par de semanas atrás, el carácter anárquico de los asuntos internacionales constituye un punto de partida fundamental y necesario para el estudio de las relaciones internacionales, en tanto disciplina. Partir desde allí, no sólo es importante porque representa un gran cambio del "principio ordenador" del sistema (de un orden jerárquico, como el doméstico, a uno horizontal o descentralizado, como el internacional), sino porque también se encuentra irradiando continuamente fuerzas e incentivos que afectan con profundidad el comportamiento a largo plazo de los actores internacionales. Estas fuerzas e incentivos, como lo destacara Kenneth Waltz (1), no determinan mecánicamente el comportamiento individual de los estados, pero sí constriñen y moldean ciertos patrones de comportamiento a lo largo del tiempo. Una forma de estudiar el papel de estas fuerzas, si nos abocamos al estudio de la guerra y la paz, es analizar el llamado "dilema de seguridad". En este ensayo, presentaré brevemente en qué consiste este "dilema" y cuál es su importancia a la hora de abordar no sólo las causas de la guerra, sino también las condiciones para la paz.La idea de un "dilema de seguridad", propuesta originalmente por John H. Herz en 1950, generó una revisión profunda en los estudios de seguridad de la disciplina ya que por primera vez se logró demostrar convincentemente que el fenómeno de la recurrencia de la guerra a través de los siglos no puede explicarse sólo mediante la referencia a estados expansionistas, con ansias de conquista, ambiciosos territorialmente, o "revisionistas absolutos"; sino que, además de ello, el tipo decontexto de seguridad en el cual se encuentran los estados juega un papel sumamente importante.(2)Así, por ejemplo, el dilema de seguridad nos ayuda a comprender cómo incluso cuando los estados no pretenden individualmente hacer la guerra entre sí, el frágil contexto de desconfianza, de inseguridad y de incertidumbre, y sobre todo de miedo —junto al factor fundamental de la ausencia de una autoridad política central— es suficiente como para que la guerra pueda abrirse camino de forma recurrente. En otras palabras, la anarquía internacional es una "causa permisiva" de la guerra, o una causa indirecta, porque no provoca el inicio específico de ninguna guerra o conflicto internacional, pero sí permanece impávida frente a ello, no erigiendo ningún tipo de obstáculo o desincentivo a la ocurrencia del conflicto.La condición anárquica del sistema genera incertidumbre, la cual da lugar a la desconfianza, que también provoca un profundo dilema según el cual aquellas personas que toman decisiones en nombre de un estado nunca pueden estar "100% seguros" de si sus cálculos sobre las intenciones futuras de los demás son correctos. Todo ello compele a los estados a desconfiar y a competir (necesariamente) en aras de proveerse seguridad, y prevalecer.(3)Como lúcidamente explica Martin Wight, "[t]he fundamental cause of war is not historic rivalries, nor unjust peace settlements, nor nationalist grievances, nor competitions in armaments, nor imperialism, nor poverty […]. The fundamental cause is the absence of international government; in other words, the anarchy of sovereign states. […] In such a situation, mutual distrust is fundamental, and one power can never have an assurance that another power is not malevolent". Y concluye: "Consequently, with the best will in the world no power can surrender any part of its security and liberty to another power".(4)O como el mismo Herz lo ha expresado: a través de los siglos, siempre que han existido sistemas sociales anárquicos en donde las unidades que los conforman son asimismo las instancias últimas de resolución de sus disputas,"there has arisen what may be called the 'security dilemma' of men, or groups, or their leaders. […] Whether man is by nature peaceful and cooperative, or domineering and aggressive, is not the question. […] Groups or individuals living in such a constellation must be, and usually are, concerned about their security from being attacked, subjected, dominated, or annihilated by other groups or individuals. Striving to attain security from such attack, they are driven to acquire more and more power in order to escape the impact of the power of others. This, in turn, renders the others more insecure and compels them to prepare for the worst. Since none can ever feel entirely secure in such a world of competing units, power competition ensues, and the vicious cycle of security and power accumulation in on".(5)Esta situación, por su parte, se asemeja a lo que el historiador británico Herbert Butterfield llamó "miedo hobbesiano", o "trágico elemento del conflicto humano".(6) Al igual que Herz, él comprendía que desde una visión con perspectiva, el historiador goza de la capacidad de ver fríamente los sucesos y tiene el desafío de entender cómo el contexto anárquico en el cual los estados existen es la principal fuente por la que el conflicto puede, en primera instancia, emerger una y otra vez. Por ejemplo, dice Butterfield: "The central fact [.] is a certain predicament, a certain situation that contains the elements of conflict irrespective of any special wickedness in any of the parties concerned [.]. In historical perspective we learn to be a little more sorry for both parties than they knew to be for one another". Y así, concluye Butterfield: "Here is the absolute predicament and the irreducible dilemma [.] here are the ingredients for a grand catastrophe. The greatest war in history could be produced without the intervention of any great criminals who might be out to do deliberate harm in the world".(7)Sin embargo, a pesar del pesimismo al cual fácilmente pudiera llevar esta comprensión del dilema, la historia demuestra claramente que la cooperación y el mantenimiento de la paz sigue siendo posible, aún bajo los efectos de la anarquía.(8)Esta es otra de las comunes confusiones de la literatura. Básicamente: la creencia en que allí donde existe un dilema de este tipo no puede existir la paz o diversos tipos de orden (¡incluso por períodos prolongados de tiempo!). Es, además, esta misma confusión la que lleva —erróneamente— a creer que sólo es posible hablar de "zonas de paz", como actualmente se hace en Sudamérica, a través de la eliminación (más que nada intelectual) del "dilema de seguridad".Ciertamente, la situación de "continua competencia" implícita en la concepción realista de la política internacional no significa que la guerra tenga lugar todo el tiempo y en todo lugar. El dilema de seguridad puede ser mitigado (aunque aún nunca ha sido resuelto), y ello puede incluso generar períodos de paz que a veces alcanzan muchos años de duración. El Concierto Europeo, por ejemplo, creado por las potencias europeas luego de la derrota de Napoleón, es uno de esos casos. Pero justamente es este mismo ejemplo el que sirve para comprender el verdaderodilema: si bien es posible la cooperación y la paz bajo anarquía, y más allá del corto o largo período por el que ello se prolongue, la competencia y el conflicto revertirán en el largo plazo todo esfuerzo cooperativo. Sin la comprensión de estos elementos, es imposible entender cómo es que aún los más fuertes ejemplos de cooperación entre los estados, a lo largo de los siglos, ulteriormente han dejado de existir.De todas formas, si bien el dilema puede ser atenuado o mitigado en el tiempo —aunque no sin gran dificultad—, el mismo no puede ser trascendido de una manera sencilla, ya sea a través de la creación de instituciones o por actos de conciencia individuales.(9) Como tan claramente lo explica Butterfield: "The supporters of the new diplomacy, which has emerged since the opening of the epoch of world-wars, like to tell us that the whole problem we have been discussing does not exist, because it ought not to exist. In any case, there is no Chinese puzzle at all, they say, for, whatever the issue might be, we could easily dispose of it by referring it to a conference or sending it to the United Nations. Against these specialists in wishful thinking it must be asserted that the kind of human predicament which we have been discussing is not merely so far without a solution, but the whole condition is a standing feature of mankind in world-history. [.] And if the issue which divides the world at a given moment were referred to a conference table, then, though many good things might be achieved, we should not have eliminated the predicament which was most crucial—we should merely find it transplanted into the bosom of the conference itself".(10)A la luz de esta discusión, se hace imprescindible para todo aquel abocado al estudio de la seguridad internacional, el comenzar no sólo con adquirir un profundo respeto y comprensión del carácter anárquico de las relaciones internacionales, sino también por analizar los efectos que el dilema de seguridad ejerce por sobre los estados. Un punto central para todo estudiante de estos asuntos es no ceder jamás a la complacencia intelectual de lo que prediquen sus teorías predilectas y, en su lugar, seguir buscando formas inteligentes de mitigar y construir orden en un tan precario, endeble e indiferente contexto como es el de la política internacional.(1) Ver Kenneth N. Waltz, El Hombre, el Estado y la Guerra (Buenos Aires: Nova, 1959); y Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, ma: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1979).(2) Ver Herz, "Idealist Internationalism and the Security Dilemma", pp. 157-180. Ver también Randall L. Schweller, "Neorealism's Status-Quo Bias: What Security Dilemma?", en Frankel, ed., Realism: Restatements and Renewal, pp. 90-121.(3) Una buena explicación de la interconexión entre estos elementos puede encontrarse en Stephen Van Evera, "The Hard Realities of International Politics",Boston Review,Vol. 17, No. 6 (November–December 1992), p. 19; y Mearsheimer,Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2001), cap. 1.(4) Martin Wight, Power Politics, ed. por Hedley Bull y Carsten Holbraad (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, riia), pp. 101-2.(5) Herz, "Idealist Internationalism and the Security Dilemma", World Politics, Vol. 2, No. 2 (January, 1950), p. 157.(6) Ver Herbert Butterfield, History and Human Relations (London: Collins, 1951), pp. 21, 22, 16, 20. En su Power Politics, Wight también se refiere a esta condición como "Hobbesian predicament", p. 142., o "Hobbesian fear", por ejemplo: "Wars are fought for many different causes […] But all particular causes of war operate within the context of international anarchy and the Hobbesian fear", p. 102.(7) Butterfield, History and Human Relations, pp. 15, 17.(8) Ver Robert Jervis, "Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma", World Politics, Vol. 30, No. 2 (January 1978), pp. 167-214; Charles L. Glaser, "The Security Dilemma Revisited", World Politics, Vol. 50, No. (October 1997), pp. 171-201; Glaser, "Realists as Optimists: Cooperation as Self-Help", en Frankel, ed., Realism: Restatements and Renewal, pp. 122-63; Arnold Wolfers, Discord and Collaboration: Essays in International Politics (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1962); Marc Trachtenberg, "The Problem of International Order and How to Think About It", The Monist, Vol. 89, No. 2, pp. 207-31; y Trachtenberg, "The Question of Realism: An Historian's View", Security Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Autumn 2003), pp. 156-94. Para dos importantes críticas y reformulaciones, cfr.Schweller, "Neorealism's Status-Quo Bias"; y Helen Milner, "The Assumption of Anarchy in International Relations Theory: A Critique", Review of International Studies Vol. 17, No. 1 (January 1991): pp. 67-85.(9) Ver Butterfield, History and Human Relations, pp. 27-28.(10) Butterfield, History and Human Relations, pp. 31-2. *Tesista de la Maestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos Aires, Argentina

From the book's Foreword: In the early 1970s, the U.S. Army Center of Military History contracted with BDM Corporation for a history of U.S. efforts to counter Soviet air and missile threats during the Cold War. The resulting two-volume History of Strategic Air and Ballistic Missile Defense covers the years 1945-1972 when the strategic arms competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was at its height. The study was first published for limited distribution in 1975 and recently declassified with minimal redaction. These volumes address the passive and active defense strategies, technologies, and techniques adopted by both U.S. and Soviet defense planners. Much of their actions centered around three common questions: How might we be attacked? How shall we defend our country? What can technology do to solve the basic problems of defending against this new intercontinental threat? ; Shipping list no.: 2009-0036-S ; Includes bibliographical references and index ; v. 1. 1945-1955 -- v. 2. 1956-1972 ; Volume 2: 1956-1972 -- Foreword -- Preface -- Executive Summary -- A: Introduction -- B: Setting -- 1: Influential factors -- 2: Context in 1955 -- 3: General overview -- C: Strategic actions -- 1: Parallel decisions during the period -- 2: Contrasts in choice -- 3: Tactics-US-Soviet air and missile defense strategy -- D: Conclusions -- 1: Summary judgments -- 2: Conclusion -- Chapter 1: US And Soviet Strategies For Strategic Air And Missile Defense, 1955-1972: A Comparison -- A: Introduction -- B: What was different from the first decade? -- 1: 1955 environment -- 2: 1955 problem-where to go next -- 3: Options-more defense or more offense -- C: Contrasting responses -- 1: Importance of air defense strategy -- 2: Impact of technology on strategic options -- 3: Summary-US-Soviet air and missile defense strategy -- 4: Judgments -- D: Reasons and influences -- 1: Parallel decisions during the period -- 2: Corollaries and consequences -- 3: Implications for US air/missile defense -- E: Conclusion -- Chapter 2: Blue Air Defense Strategy, 1955-1972 -- A: Administrative note -- B: Introduction and abstract -- C: Prelude to 1955 -- D: Blue strategy, 1955-1972 -- 1: 1955-4 October 1957: Emphasis on the air-breathing threat defense (the decision to build up the air defense system) -- 2: 4 October 1957-January 1961: Reevaluation of the strategic threat (the decision to deploy first generation IRBMs/ICBMs) -- 3: January 1961-January 1968: McNarma years -- 4: Decision not to deploy a ballistic missile defense system -- 5: Calendar years 1968-1972 plans for the future of air defense -- E: Summary -- 1: Politics of congress as it affected air defense -- 2: JCS/service participation in air defense strategy -- 3: Impact of detente on air defense -- 4: Decision 1: Build-up of the air defense system, January 1955 -- 5: Decision 2: Decision to deploy first generation IRBM/ICBMs of 1958 -- 6: Decision 3: Decisions not to deploy new air defense systems in the 1959-1962 period -- 7: Decision 4: Decision not to deploy a ballistic missile defense system through September 1967 -- 8: Decision 5: Decision for detente -- Annexes -- 1: CONUS air defense "master plan" -- 2: DERs and DEW line -- 3: Phasedown of C2 systems, 1958-1963 -- 4: Threat assessments in a secondary source -- 5: Changing threat estimates, 1954-1956 -- Chapter 3: Soviet Air And Defense Strategy -- A: Introduction -- B: Studies of behavior -- 1: Introduction -- 2: Great debate in military thought -- 3: Public statements on antiballistic missile defense capabilities -- C: Major decisions -- 1: Role of major decisions -- 2: Decision to deploy SAMs extensively -- 3: Decision to revamp the National Air Defense Forces -- 4: Decision to upgrade civil defense -- 5: Decision to continue a major role for fighter aviation -- 6: Decision to deploy ABMs -- 7: Decision to negotiate an ABM treaty -- D: Major factors shaping Soviet strategy -- 1: Factors -- 2: Threat perception -- 3: Reaction and interaction-the APVO case -- 4: Response to major events and crises -- 5: Relative importance of strategic defense -- 6: Budgetary constraints -- E: Soviet strategy-a synthesis -- 1: Basic thrust of Soviet strategy -- 2: Rationale of Soviet strategy -- 3: Weapons and resource strategy -- 4: Summary -- Chapter 4: American Systems -- Section 1: General -- A: Limitations -- B: Purpose -- C: Approach -- D: Chapter organization -- E: Analysis factors -- F: Status, end of 1955 -- 1: Approach -- 2: Organizational and command -- 3: Surveillance and early warning -- 4: Fighter interceptors -- 5: Ground-based antiaircraft defenses -- 6: Strategy -- Section 2: Air Defense, 1956-1972 -- A: Approach -- B: 1956-1960 -- 1: Organization, command, and control -- 2: Surveillance and early warning -- 3: Fighter interceptors -- 4: Antiaircraft gun and SAM defenses -- 5: Operational problems -- C: 1961-1964 -- 1: Organization, command, and control -- 2: Surveillance and early warning -- 3: Fighter interceptors -- 4: Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM) defenses -- 5: Operational problems -- D: 1965-1968 -- 1: Status of the air defense system, January 1965 -- 2: Organization, command, and control -- 3: Surveillance and early warning -- 4: Fighter interceptors -- 5: Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM) defenses -- 6: Modernized air defense concept -- E: 1969-1972 -- 1: Organization, command, and control -- 2: Surveillance and early warning -- 3: Fighter interceptors -- 4: Surface-to-Air Missile (Sam) Defenses -- 5: Air defense of the southern United States -- 6: Air defense with reduced forces -- 7: Planning directives -- 8: Air defense of ABM facilities -- F: 1972 view of future system requirements -- 1: Performance characteristics deficiencies in the 1972 air defense force system -- 2: New system development -- 3: Modernized air defense concept -- 4: Recommended force levels, modernized air defense force -- G: Characteristics and strategic implications deduced from the development, deployment, and modification of the air defense system, 1945-1972 -- 1: General -- 2: Significant events -- 3: Air defense in a continental perspective -- 4: System deployments -- 5: Significance of the threat -- Section 3: Ballistic Missile Defense -- A: Approach -- B: New dimension -- C: Nike Zeus development -- 1: Early years -- 2: Assignment of responsibilities -- 3: Early plans -- 4: Conflicting factors -- 5: Accelerated deployment -- D: Nike-X is born -- E: Assured destruction and damage limitation -- 1: McNamara's inconsistency -- 2: Back to the drawing board -- F: Limited Nike-X: the Chinese threat -- G: Sentinel decision -- H: Sentinel deployment -- I: Demise of sentinel -- J: Safeguard -- K: SALT -- Section 4: Space defense -- A: Approach -- B: Missile and space surveillance and warning systems -- 1: Authority -- 2: Composition -- 3: BMEWS -- 4: SLBM warning system -- 5: Over-the-horizon, forward scatter radar (440L) -- 6: Space detection and tracking system -- 7: Defense Support Program (DSP) -- C: Space defense system -- D: Status-1972 -- Section 5: Civil defense, 1955-1972 -- A: Introduction -- B: History -- C: Threat perceptions -- D: Congress, shelters, and the ABM -- E: Conclusions -- Chapter 5: Soviet Systems For Strategic Defense -- A: Introduction -- B: Systems of PVO strany -- 1: Systems of anti-aircraft defense aviation (APVO) -- 2: Systems of anti-aircraft defense missile troops (ZRV) -- 3: ABM systems -- 4: Systems of the radiotechnical troops (RTV) -- C: Soviet civil defense systems -- 1: Overview -- 2: Post-1955 developments (1955-1962) -- 3: 1962-1968 -- 4: Civil defense and the ABM -- 5: Civil defense and limited conflicts -- 6: Perceptions of the western threat -- 7: Psychological /ideological implications -- 8: 1968-1972 -- Appendixes -- A: Chronology of American air defense systems (1956-1972) -- B: Chronology of ballistic missile and space defense (1955-1972) -- C: Chronology of Soviet air defense systems (1956-1972) -- Glossary -- Bibliography -- Index ; Volume 1: 1945-1955 -- Foreword -- Preface -- Executive summary -- Chapter 1: American And Soviet Strategy: A Comparison -- A: Factors influencing air defense development and deployment, 1945-1950 -- 1: Perspectives of the threat and strategic realities -- 2: Impetus for decisions -- 3: Influence of intelligence and some economic limitations -- Increasing focus on Europe -- 5: Strategic concepts -- 6: Domestic political considerations -- 7: Decision style -- 8: Significant initial air defense decisions -- B: Systems developments -- 1: Unilateral efforts, service concepts, and continuing momentum in a context of challenge and change -- 2: Air defense systems components -- C: Factors influencing development and deployment, 1950-1955 -- 1: Air defense requirements and related actions -- 2: Summer study group-other air defense views -- 3: Soviet perspectives after Stalin -- 4: Evolution of the "new look"-NSC 162 -- 5: Growing differences -- D: Systems development -- 1: Overview -- 2: Air defense system components -- E: Summary judgments -- Chapter 2: American Strategy For Air And Ballistic Missile Defense -- A: 1945-1950: Entering the atomic era -- 1: World War II heritage -- 2: Immediate postwar developments -- 3: Planning and developing an air defense -- 4: Summary: 1943-1950 -- B: 1950-1955: Defense against the World War II threat -- 1: Strategic interaction: impact of the Korean War -- 2: Strategic interaction: the Soviet thermonuclear device I -- 3: Summary: 1950-1955 -- 4: Evaluation of US Strategic Air Defense 1945-1955 -- Chapter 3: Soviet Strategy For Air And Ballistic Missile Defense -- A: Historical backdrop -- 1: Long-term factors -- 2: Soviet air defense: the inter-war years -- 3: World War II experience -- B: Formative years, 1945-1950 -- 1: Strategic context -- 2: Organizational approach -- 3: Pursuit of systems development -- 4: Soviet strategy -- 5: Summary: 1945-1950 -- C: System established, 1950-1955 -- 1: Strategic context -- 2: Organizational integrity achieved -- 3: Systems mix in transition -- 4: Interim strategy -- 5: Korean proving ground -- 6: Summary: 1950-1955 -- D: Decision making in Soviet air and ballistic defense -- 1: Problem of data -- 2: Major actors -- 3: Influences on decision making -- 4: Consequences -- E: Appraisal for the first decade -- 1: Accomplishments of the period -- 2: Relative values -- 3: Absolute values -- 4: Strategic decisions: why and how -- Chapter 4: American Systems -- A: Introduction -- B: History of civil defense -- 1: World War II background -- 2: Initial civil defense planning -- 3: Civil defense operating agencies, 1951 -- 4: Period from 1952-1955 -- C: History of surface-to-air missiles -- 1: Background -- 2: AAF-ASF split -- 3: Work begins on Nike and GAPA -- 4: Race of the engineers -- 5: Bureaucratic struggle over missile programs -- D: History of antiballistic missiles -- 1: Technological problems -- 2: World War II experience -- 3: Post-war developments -- E: History of jet interceptors -- 1: Background -- 2: Shift to jet interceptors -- 3: Summary -- 4: Decisions for Supersonic Interceptors, 1948-1955 -- 5: Summary: 1950-1955 -- F: History of early warning systems, 1945-1955 -- 1: Introduction -- 2: DEW line -- 3: Track II-Lashup -- 4: Track III-Supremacy and the "permanent" system -- 5: Track IV-Mid-Canada line -- 6: Track V-Pinetree line -- G: History of command and control, 1945-1955 -- 1: Introduction -- 2: Pre-1945 decisions -- 3: Immediate post-war decisions -- 4: Korean War period -- 5: Post-Korean War developments -- 6: Summary -- Chapter 5: Soviet Systems -- A: Introduction -- B: History of fighter aircraft of PVO -- 1: Pre-war experience -- 2: Performance of Soviet aviation during WWII -- 3: Post-World War II developments -- 4: Observations based on the evolution of interceptor designs -- C: Antiaircraft artillery and surface-to-air missiles -- 1: World War II experience -- 2: Post-War development (1945-1955) -- 3: Evaluation -- D: History of early warning systems -- 1: Pre-1945 developments -- 2: Assessment of post-war requirements -- 3: Developments after 1945 -- 4: Summary -- E: History of civil defense in the Soviet Union, 1945-1955 -- 1: Introduction -- 2: Post-war developments: general -- 3: Organization -- 4: Training -- 5: Shelters, evacuation, and dispersal -- 6: Summary -- Appendixes -- A: Concepts of air defense before 1945 -- B: Chronology of American air and ballistic missile defense systems -- C: Chronology of Soviet air and ballistic missile defense -- D: Figures -- Bibliography -- Index ; From the book's Foreword: In the early 1970s, the U.S. Army Center of Military History contracted with BDM Corporation for a history of U.S. efforts to counter Soviet air and missile threats during the Cold War. The resulting two-volume History of Strategic Air and Ballistic Missile Defense covers the years 1945-1972 when the strategic arms competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was at its height. The study was first published for limited distribution in 1975 and recently declassified with minimal redaction. These volumes address the passive and active defense strategies, technologies, and techniques adopted by both U.S. and Soviet defense planners. Much of their actions centered around three common questions: How might we be attacked? How shall we defend our country? What can technology do to solve the basic problems of defending against this new intercontinental threat? ; Mode of access: Internet.

Mäen tutkimuksen pääkohde on se, kuinka vesiongelma ratkaistiin ja vesihallinto luotiin neljässä eteläafrikkalaisessa kaupungissa: Kapkaupungissa, Grahamstownissa, Durbanissa ja Johannesburgissa. Mäki selvittää vesihuollon sekä veden hankinnan ja viemäröinnin kehitystä, hallintotapoja sekä valittuja teknologisia ratkaisuja ja niiden vaikutusta kehitykseen. Vesihuollon ja kaupungistumisen muodostamaa ongelmakenttää tutkitaan ympäristöhistorian näkökulmasta pyrkien synteesiin siitä, miten veden ja terveyden ongelmat on ratkaistu tutkimuskohteissa. Tutkimuksen pääkysymys on, kuinka vesihuolto ja -hallinto ratkaistiin neljässä eri aikoina ja erilaisiin ympäristöihin perustetussa kaupungissa. Entä mitkä olivat tehtyjen ratkaisujen vaikutukset kaupunkikehitykseen ja ympäristöön? Valitut kaupungit edustavat erilaisia maantieteellisiä alueita, väestörakenteita, ja vielä 1800-luvun lopulla kolmea erillistä poliittista yksikköä. Mäen tutkimus valaisee omasta näkökulmastaan paikallishallinnon toimintaa ja sen kykyä vastata väestön tarpeisiin taistelussa kaupungistumisen ongelmia vastaan. Monissa Aasian ja Afrikan kaupungeissa kamppaillaan edelleen näiden samojen ongelmien kanssa. Rotukysymyksen ja sen vaikutusten pohtiminen muodostaa oman osa-alueensa Mäen tutkimuksessa. Erityisesti rotukysymys näkyy terveysongelmien kohdalla. Kaupungeissa esiintyi säännöllisesti vakavia epidemioita. Afrikkalaisten asuinalueita pidettiin tautipesäkkeinä, ja tätä käytettiin lääketieteellisenä perusteluna rotuerottelulle. Taudit eivät kuitenkaan suostuneet noudattamaan rotu- tai luokkarajoja, ja tämän vuoksi päädyttiin siihen, että afrikkalaisten terveydestä piti huolehtia valkoisten suojelemiseksi. Tämä tarkoitti useimmiten puhtaan juomaveden toimittamista afrikkalaisille. Tätä ongelmaa ei alueella ole vieläkään saatu ratkaistua; edellisestä vakavasta koleraepidemiasta Etelä-Afrikassa ei ole kovin monta vuotta. Mäen tutkimus pohjautuu laajaan ja monipuoliseen lähdeaineistoon, jonka rungon muodostavat arkistoaineiston rinnalla viranomaisten tuottamat erilaiset raportit ja suunnitelmat. Aikalaisnäkökulmaa oloihin ja ongelmiin on haettu paikallisista sanomalehdistä ja aikalaiskirjallisuudesta. Tutkimuksessa esitetään kokonaiskuva niistä eri tekijöistä, jotka vaikuttivat vesihuollon muotoutumiseen neljässä esimerkkikaupungissa ja merkitsee uutta avausta vähän käsitellyssä aiheessa Etelä-Afrikan urbanisoitumisen historian tutkimuksessa. Tutkimuksen perusteella merkittävimmiksi vesihuollon kehitystä määrittäviksi tekijöiksi nousevat väestönkasvu, kuntatalouden rajoitukset, rotuasenteet sekä alan ammattilaisten eli kaupungininsinöörien ja kaupunginlääkärien rooli. Voimakkaan väestönkasvun aiheuttamat paineet näkyivät kolmessa neljästä esimerkkitapauksesta jatkuvana tarpeena lisätä tarjolla olevan veden määrää sekä myöhemmin tarpeena saada näin lisääntyneet jätevedet kuljetettua pois. Kuntatalous aiheutti rajoituksia siihen, mitä suunnitelmia pystyttiin toteuttamaan ja milloin. Selkeimmin tämä näkyi Grahamstownissa, jossa vesiviemäröinti kyettiin toteuttamaan vasta 1930-luvulla. Myös rotuasenteet vaikuttivat vesi- ja jätevesihuollon infrastruktuurin kehittymiseen kaupungeissa. Infrastruktuuri levisi ensiksi valkoisten asuttamille alueille ja vasta sen jälkeen, jos sittenkään, muille alueille. Vaikka varsinkin mustien katsottiin levittävän erilaisia tautiepidemioita, niin heidän asuinolojensa parantamista ei katsottu tarpeelliseksi. Varsin yleisesti oli vallalla käsitys, etteivät mustat käsittäneet nykyaikaisen hygienian vaatimuksia. Tämän vuoksi pidettiin oleellisena siirtää heidät pois valkoisten asuinalueiden läheltä, jotta kaupunkikuva parantuisi. Myös kaupungininsinöörien ja kaupunginlääkärien asemalla oli tutkimuksen perusteella merkittävä vaikutus vesihuollon kehitykseen. Grahamstownissa näiden kunnallisten virkamiesten vaikutusvalta oli varsin olematon verrattuna kaupunginhallitukseen, kun taas vastaavasti Durbanissa kaupungininsinööri sai läpi lähes kaikki esityksensä. Samoin oli tilanne Johannesburgissa 1900-luvun alussa: kaupunginlääkärin asema oli niin vahva, ettei hänen näkemyksiään sivuutettu. Kaiken kaikkiaan Etelä-Afrikan tilannetta 1800-luvun lopulla voidaan verrata nykyiseen tilanteeseen. Alueelle saapui siirtolaisia Euroopasta ja Aasiasta sekä mustia työn perässä maaseudulta kaupunkeihin. Tämä kaupungistuminen aiheutti paineita infrastruktuurista vastaaville viranomaisille. Taloja ja teitä piti rakentaa sekä tuottaa palveluita, joista tärkeimpiä olivat vesi- ja jätevesipalvelut. Samoin nykyisessä Etelä-Afrikassa kaupungit kasvavat muualta Afrikasta tulevista siirtolaisista ja köyhistä maalaisista, jotka muuttavat paremman elämän toivossa kaupunkeihin. Viranomaisten ongelmat ovat edelleen samat kuin sata vuotta sitten, eli toimivan infrastruktuurin rakentaminen ja tarvittavien palveluiden takaaminen. Ajat ovat muuttuneet, mutta nykyään vesi- ja jätevesipalvelut nähdään yleisesti ihmisen perustarpeina. Historia ei välttämättä toista itseään, mutta silti on mahdollista oppia siitä mitä on tapahtunut aiemmin, varsinkin tehdyistä virheistä. Johannesburgin vesihuollosta vuoteen 1905 vastanneen yhtiön pitäisi olla varoittava esimerkki niille, jotka vaativat yksityistämistä ratkaisuksi vesihuollon ongelmiin. Etelä-Afrikan kaltaisessa maassa, jossa vettä ei ole tuhlattavaksi asti, on erityisen tärkeää ymmärtää miten nykyiseen tilanteeseen on tultu. ; As society has developed the importance of the clean water and the removal of the wastewater has increased. At the same time it has become a point of dispute between various actors. In a more general level, water has also a civilising role; both running water and water closet has been already long considered as an indispensable condition for modern society. Water is perhaps the most important natural substance in our daily life. It is a fundamental prerequisite for working of a human body, without it we would dry up and perish. Without it the surrounding world would loose its vitality. Water, however, is a commodity that is scantily available, only 0,644 per cent of the water in Earth s surface layer is in liquid form and from this 99 per cent is under the surface. Water is difficult to obtain, especially in drier parts of Africa. In case of South Africa consciousness of the lack of water and its general scarcity are forcing the government to pay increasingly attention to more careful water consumption and distribution. United Nations had said that the lack of clean drinking water and shortages in sanitation are the biggest problem in the world at the moment. The main objective of this research is how the water related problems and the creation of the water management was solved in four South African towns, Cape Town, Grahamstown, Durban, and Johannesburg. In this research the development of the water supply and acquisition and sewerage, the patterns of governance, and the technological choices made and their impacts are studied. The field of the water supply and urbanization is studied from the viewpoint of the environmental history at the same time aiming to the synthesis of how the problems of the water and the health were solved. The main question of this study is: How was the water supply and governance solved in these four cities, which were established in different time periods and in different environments? What were the effects of the decisions made for the city development and the environment? In the section on water management, I examine the question that is still today critical in many developing countries, namely: Should water supply and management be a private or public enterprise? There are examples of both approaches in the four cities that form the focus of this study. Why, for example, did Johannesburg end up with a partially private company? The examination of the race question and its effects would be a sub-field of its own. The issue of race is the most visible in health questions. There were serious epidemics in the towns regularly. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Africans were considered the carriers of disease. This perception was then used as a major reason to justify the policy of segregation. Diseases, however, did not follow racial or class divisions. Because of this, the conclusion was that to protect Whites they also had to take, at least minimal, care of the health of the Africans. This required delivery of clean drinking water to all the inhabitants. This problem is still partly unsolved. There still are cholera outbreaks in South Africa; for instance 2000 2001 in Kwazulu-Natal and 2003 2004 in Mpumalanga. These case cities were selected because they are situated in different spatial localities. They also have diverse local ethnic compositions. Moreover, in historical terms they were subject to different systems of political governance in local, colonial and national contexts. Cape Town is the oldest European-style urban node in South Africa. The first iron water pipes and taps were installed as early as 1811. Grahamstown was founded in 1812 as a military camp. Being situated inland, its problems with water management differed from those in the Cape Town. Durban was established in 1824 as Port Natal in the eastern coast of South Africa, where the acquisition of water was not a problem. Johannesburg is the youngest of the case cities. It suddenly sprung up in the South African Republic after the first gold discoveries in the early 1880s. Its multi-cultural inhabitants and location, 70 kilometres, from the nearest major river, posed a unique challenge to water supply services. This comparative study of how these cities solved their water supply and related environmental and health problems illustrates the working of municipal administrations and their abilities to respond to the needs of citizens in the battle against the problems of urbanization. In many Asian and African towns, they are still facing the same problems that the cities selected for this research experienced when they were building their water supply. Obviously today, South Africa is an advanced country when considering the effectiveness of water supply and the quality of water; you can drink tap water, which is not the case in most other countries. The research is based on wide and many-sided source material, the core of which is based on archival material and different plans and reports of officials. There is also contemporary viewpoint based on local newspapers and contemporary literature. The research presents an over-all picture of the various factors that influenced the development of water supply in four case cities in South Africa. It is, also, a new opening in a little research area of South African urban history. Based on the research, population growth, the limitations of municipal financing, racial attitudes, and the role of local professionals, town engineers and medical officers of health, are the most important factors in the development of water supply. The pressures of strong population growth can be seen in three cases as a constant need to augment the amount of delivered water, and later as a need to get rid of increasing amounts of waste water. Municipal financing put limitations to what plans could be realised and when. This can be seen most clearly in Grahamstown. For instance, waterborne sewerage system could be built there only in 1830s. Racial attitudes influenced the development of the water supply and sewerage infrastructure in the citi! es. At first the infrastructure was built in the areas inhabited by the whites, and only later, if even then, in the other areas. Although it was a common assumption that the black were spreading various diseases, it was not thought necessary to improve their housing conditions. It was a quite common assumption that the blacks could not understand the necessities of a modern hygiene. Because of this the essential method for improving the city view was the removal of the blacks from the neighbourhood of the white areas. Also the status of town engineers and medical officers of health had an important impact on the development of the water supply according to this research. In Grahamstown their influence was quite nonexistent compared to the influence of the city council. In Durban the town engineer got nearly all his plans approved. In Johannesburg in the early 20th century the position of the local medical officer of health was so strong that his opinions could not be bypassed. All-in-all, the situation in South Africa in the late 19th century can be compared to the current situation. Cities in South Africa were growing with immigrants coming from Europe and Asia and with Africans moving into cities for work. This urbanization process put many pressures on the municipal officials responsible for the city infrastructure. More houses and roads had to be built, different kinds of services had to be offered amongst which water and sanitary services were of vital importance. In South Africa today cities are growing with immigrants coming from neighbouring countries and with poor people seeking a better life than can be achieved from the countryside. The problems the city officials are still facing are identical, the building of a working infrastructure and the guarantee to provide the needed services. The times had been changing but nowadays water and proper sanitary services are recognized universally as basic human necessities. History does not necessarily repeat itself but at least it is possible to learn from what has happened earlier and learn from these mistakes. The example of the Johannesburg Waterworks Company, for example, should be a warning to those demanding privatization as a solution for problems related to water supply. In a water scarce country such as South Africa, it is particularly important to understand the history of their water supply.

Author's introductionSchool shootings are among the most shocking crimes to occur in recent decades, and scholars have responded the need to understand these events. Muschert presents a framework for understanding school‐related shooting incidents, including a typology of five varieties of school shootings and a multilevel examination of the causes.Description of courseJuvenile delinquency is designed to introduce students to the social phenomenon of youth crime, the social/institutional contexts that affect it, and the social control responses to delinquency. This is a senior‐level read/writing intensive course, and as such will require significant student participation, preparation, and research. In addition to engaging the topic of delinquency in general, the course will also place a research‐intensive focus on the topic of school shootings.Focus questions

What are the types of school shootings, and how do they differ with regards to the identities and motivations of the perpetrators?
What role does the mass media play in influencing public opinion about school shootings?
What appear to be the causes of school shootings, and which cause is a necessary prerequisite for a school shooting to occur?

Course goalsBy the end of the semester, students should understand the following:

Social scientific perspectives on juvenile delinquency.
The difference between social scientific perspectives on delinquency and 'common sense'/pop cultural perspectives.
The recent cultural focus on the delinquency and victimization of youth in American society.
Institutional causes of delinquency, including family, schools, and peer groups.
The juvenile justice system, including police, courts, and corrections.

Required textsBooks

Lotz, Roy 2005. Youth Crime in America: A Modern Synthesis. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall. ISBN 0‐13‐026184‐X.
Wooden, Wayne S. and Randy Blazak 2001. Renegade Kids, Suburban Outlaws: From Youth Culture to Delinquency (2nd Edition). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. ISBN 0‐534‐52754‐X.

Articles

Armstrong, Edward G. 1993. 'The Rhetoric of Violence in Rap and Country Music.'Sociological Inquiry 63: 64–83.
Boettcher, Jennifer 2006. 'Framing the Scholarly Communication Cycle.'Online 30 (3): 24–26.
Harper, Timothy 2000. 'Shoot to Kill.'Atlantic Monthly 286 (4): 28–30.
Hawkins, Donald T. 1999. 'What Is Credible Information?' Online 23 (5): 86.
Henry, Stuart 2000. 'What Is School Violence? An Integrated Approach.'Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 568: 16–29.
Muschert, Glenn W., Melissa Young‐Spillers and Dawn Carr 2006. '"Smart" Policy Decisions to Combat a Social Problem: The Case of Child Abductions 2002–2003.'Justice Policy Journal 3 (2): 1–32. http://www.cjcj.org/pdf/smart_policy.pdf.
Muschert, Glenn W. 2007. 'The Columbine Victims and the Myth of the Juvenile Superpredator.'Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 5 (4).
Muschert, Glenn W. 2007. 'Research in School Shootings.'Sociology Compass 1 (1): 60–80.
Muschert, Glenn W. and Ralph W. Larkin 2007 (forthcoming). 'The Columbine High School Shootings.' In Crimes of the Century, edited by Frankie Bailey and Steve Chermak. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention 2006. 'Juvenile Arrests 2004.' Washington, DC: US Department of Justice. http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/214563.pdf.

Author recommendsRecommended texts are grouped by topic area relevant to the further study of school shootings.ScheduleSchool violenceHenry, Stuart 2000. 'What Is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.'Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 567: 16–29.Henry offers a broad definition of school violence, which includes any action or policy that leads to the harm of students, faculty, and administrators. In all, this article encourages readers to understand the issue of school violence as multifaceted in its causes, effects, and solutions.Hunnicut, Susan 2006. School Shootings. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press.Designed for secondary educational settings, this book offers a series of paired articles offering opposing viewpoints on social issues related to school shootings, including media violence, bullying, and guns. Other topics include adolescent brain development, warning signs, and the relevancy of race in school shooting debates. Such a format of readings can be useful for stimulating classroom debate.Case studies of school shooting incidentsCaputo, Philip 2005. 13 Seconds: A Look Back at the Kent State Shootings. New York, NY: Chamberlain Bros.This book is a case study and social history of perhaps a quintessential government‐type school shooting. Caputo, who is best known for his memoirs of the Vietnam War, reflects on the May 4, 1970, shootings at Kent State University in Ohio. The author situates the event in the wider phenomenon of official responses to student social protests during the 1960s and 1970s.Eglin, Peter and Stephen Hester 2003. The Montreal Massacre: A Story of Membership Categorization Analysis. Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.This book is a case study of the 1989 mass murders occurring in Montréal, in which a shooter entered a technical college and targeted female students. This book does a good job of clarifying an underlying gender dynamic that is present in many school shooting incidents, and examines the news media dynamic coverage following the incident.Kirk, Michael, Miri Navasky, and Karen O'Connor 2000. 'Frontline: The Killer at Thurston High.' Alexandria, VA: PBS Video.This PBS Frontline documentary video examines the rampage‐type school shootings that occurred in 1998 in Springfield, Oregon. In 90 minutes, the documentary examines the shooter's learning disability, fascination with guns, and troubled family relationship. Additional resources related to the video are available at the PBS website: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline//shows/kinkel/.Larkin, Ralph 2007. Comprehending Columbine. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.This book is a case study of a rampage‐type school shooting that occurred in 1999 in Littleton, Colorado. The author conducted interviews with eyewitnesses, and situates the analysis within the wider community and cultural context in which the event occurred. The author interweaves the multiple‐levels of factors leading up to this quintessential rampage school shootings, including psychological states of the perpetrators, an intolerant community setting, the failure of authority figures to react, and the influence of white male rage.Moore, Mark H., Carol V. Petrie, Anthony A. Braga, and Brenda L. McLaughlin 2003. Deadly Lessons: Understanding Lethal School Violence. Washington, DC: National Academies Press.This book includes six case studies of school‐related shootings, and was commissioned by the US National Research Council and Institute of Medicine of the National Academies of Science. Particularly of note are the studies conducted of the lesser‐known targeted school shooting incidents that occurred in New York and Chicago. In addition, this book is an excellent academic treatment of the problem of school shootings. Strong points include the attempt to conduct a cross‐case analysis linking the six case studies (Chapter 8) and an attempt to situate the problem of school shootings within school violence in general (Part II).Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. New York, NY: Basic Books.This book links two case studies conducted in towns where two rampage‐type school shootings occurred, Paducah, Kentucky, and Jonesboro, Arkansas. Social scientists lived in the communities while researching the cases, resulting in an insightful examination of the community antecedents and effects of the shooting incidents. The author situates the two case studies within research about the problem of school shootings in general (Chapter 10), positing five factors that may cause such incidents. These include the social marginality of the shooter(s), psychological problems of the shooter(s), the availability of violent cultural images, the failure of surveillance systems to prevent attacks, and the availability of guns.FearAltheide, David L. 2002b. Creating Fear: News and the Construction of Crisis. New York, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.This book examines the role that fear plays in guiding contemporary social action. The author argues that news media play a crucial role in creating fear, as they attach emotionally evocative frames to social problems. Thus, contemporary society is becoming more fear‐oriented and reactionary. Particularly relevant to the study of school shootings is the examination (Chapter 7) of the medias characterization of youth as increasingly involved in crimes, as victims and/or victimizers.Glassner, Barry 1999. The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things. New York, NY: Basic Books.This popular book examines how people fear relatively rare events such as school shootings and airline crashes, rather than fearing more common risks such as automobile crashes, drug and alcohol addiction, and food poisoning. The author examines the mass media's coverage of crime (Chapter 2) and the role that these images play in creating public opinion about youth. The author makes a call for a sober assessment of the risks facing modern society, and advocates the sober development of public policy.MediaBonilla, Denise M. 2000. School Violence. New York, NY: H.W. Wilson.This book is an edited volume, including articles derived from mainstream news media, commenting on school shooting incidents. The news media are among the first commentators for any social problem, and they frequently play a significant role in shaping public opinion about emergent problems. This volume will aid in understanding the media discussion occurring during the late 1990s.Simpson, Roger and William Coté 2006. Covering Violence: A Guide to Ethical Reporting about Victims and Trauma. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.This book is an examination of the challenges faced by journalists who report on horrible crimes and natural disasters. This will be helpful for those wishing to understand the professional and psychological challenges faced by those covering school shootings, and for those who wish to understand how to minimize the negative impact of news reporting on the individuals (mostly children) and communities who witness school shootings.Policy responsesCornell, Dewey G. 2006. School Violence: Fears Versus Facts. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.This book identifies 19 myths about youth violence, including those relevant to school violence in general, including rampage shootings. The author shows how fear of school violence has resulted in misguided responses including boot camps to zero tolerance policies. This book is accessible to college students, educators, law enforcement personnel. The author asserts that student threat assessment is a more flexible and less punitive alternative to zero tolerance policies.McCabe, Kimberly A. and Gregory M. Martin 2005. School Violence, the Media, and Criminal Justice Responses. New York, NY: Peter Lang Pub.McCabe and Martin offer an historical overview of school violence in the USA, from the colonial period to present day. The authors examine the role of bullying and teachers' perceptions of violence in schools. Suggestions about how teachers may prevent and respond to school violence are offered.Online materialsNational Center for Education Statistics. 'Indicators of School Crime and Safety.' (http://nces.ed.gov/programs/crimeindicators/).Published with the cooperation of the US Bureau of Justice Statistics, this annual report from the US Department of Education surveys victimization of students and teachers in US schools. In addition, the report surveys specific forms of criminality, including gun availability, gang involvement, hate crimes, and substance abuse.National School Safety Center (http://www.schoolsafety.us/).Provides information about school crime prevention and response.See in particular, the report 'School Associated Violent Deaths'. (http://www.schoolsafety.us/pubfiles/savd.pdf), which is a good source of sober information about rates of homicide and suicide in US schools.Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (http://ojjdp.ncjrs.org/).Web site run by the US Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, which provides information, news, statistics, conferences, and reports about juvenile delinquency and juvenile justice. Their annual reports on juvenile arrests present aggregate data derived from Uniform Crime Reports compiled by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.Research project ideaStudents can learn about school‐related shootings by conducting case studies as individual or group research projects. Assign or have students select a school‐related shooting incident, and have them research the details of the case using any available library and Internet resources. The book Deadly Lessons of Moore et al. (2003) provides an extensive list of data points in table 8.2 (pp. 266–83) that students can research relevant to their own case. Such topics include the details of the incident, community setting, school setting, background and preparatory actions of the perpetrators, community responses, and the legal disposition of the case. Students should connect their case study with Muschert's article 'Research in School Shootings', by exploring the variety of causes that contributed to the incident they studied.

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Ympäristökysymys ja aseveliakseli on tutkimus suomalaisen kaupunkiympäristön politisoitumisesta. Väitöskirja vastaa kysymykseen miten ympäristöstä tuli politiikkaa? piirtämällä tarkan kuvan neljästä ympäristön politisoitumisen vuosikymmenestä 1960-luvulta lähtien, kasvukonsensuksesta ympäristökiistoihin. Tamperelaisia ympäristökiistoja ja paikallista politiikkaa käytetään teoksessa laboratoriona, jossa tiivistyy laajempia suomalaisen lähihistorian muutostrendejä. Paikallisten ympäristöongelmien synty kietoutuu muuttuvan yhteiskunnan arvostuksiin ja puhetapoihin sekä sukupolvien välisiin jännitteisiin. Erityisesti teos analysoi jännitteitä, joita voimistuva ympäristöliikehdintä synnytti haastaessaan Tampereella pitkään vaikuttaneen valtakoalition, ns. aseveliakselin, paikallisen hallintatavan. Ympäristökysymys ja aseveliakseli sukeltaa ympäristön politisoitumiseen viiden tamperelaisen tapauksen kautta: 1. Pyynikin moottoritiehanke (1959 - 1974) 2. Näsijärven saastuminen ja vedenoton siirtäminen Roineeseen (1960 - 1972) 3. Kauppahallin virastotalon purkamiseen liittynyt kiista (1972 - 1983) 4. Epilän kivihiilivoimalahankkeeseen liittynyt kiista (1981 - 1984) 5. Tampellan alueen kaavoituskiista (1989 - 1995) Tapaukset kertovat ympäristöongelmien yhteiskunnallisesta muotoutumisesta ja oman aikansa toiveista, tavoitteista ja ristiriidoista. Ympäristön pilaantumisen ja -suojelun nousu yhteiskunnalliseksi kysymykseksi liittyy kiinteästi Suomen ja Tampereen sodanjälkeiseen kehitykseen ja vaurastumiseen, jonka kääntöpuolena ympäristöhaittoja voidaan pitää. Useamman paikallisen tapaustutkimuksen yhdistäminen paikallisen hallintatavan analyysiin tuo uuden näkökulman ympäristöongelmien ja paikallisen poliittisen kulttuurin historiallisen rakentumiseen. Ympäristöongelmia käsitellään yhteiskunnallisina ongelmina, joille toimijoiden väliset jännitteet ja määrittelykamppailut sekä erilaisten vaatimusten esittäminen ovat ominaisia. Politisoitumisen analyysissä tukeudutaan sosiologi Pierre Bourdieun ja politiikantutkija Kari Palosen käsitteisiin. Politisoitumisen käsitteellä ei viitata puoluepolitiikkaan, vaan pikemminkin vakiintuneiden ajatus- ja toimintamallien kyseenalaistumiseen. Tutkimus etenee teoreettisten ja metodologisten lähtökohtien kautta tapaustutkimuksiin, joiden lomassa taustoitetaan ympäristöliikehdinnän historiaa paikallisella tasolla. Tapausten jälkeen käsitellään paikallisen hallintatavan teoreettista näkökulmaa ja paikallisen hallinnan historiallisia muotoja Tampereella. Ympäristön politisoituminen tapahtui Tampereella vaiheittain. Ensimmäiset ympäristöliikehdinnän merkit näkyivät Tampereella ns. ympäristöherätyksen myötä 1960- ja 70-luvun taitteessa. Ympäristöliikkeen jakautuminen oikeisto-vasemmisto -ulottuvuudella kuitenkin jarrutti ympäristöjärjestöjen kasvua 1970-luvun puolivälissä. Vuosikymmenen lopulta lähtien alkoi uusi ympäristöprotestien vaihe. Jännite suoraviivaisen johtajakeskeisen hallintavan ja uusien, rauhan aikana kasvaneiden sukupolvien edustajien ­ kuten vihreän liikkeen ­ välillä kävi ilmeiseksi paikallisissa ympäristökiistoissa 1980-luvun alusta alkaen. Tämä jännite huipentui tutkimuksen viimeisessä tapauksessa, Tampellan kiistassa 1980- ja 90-lukujen taitteessa. Sosiaalidemokraattien ja Kokoomuksen muodostaman kunnallispolitiikan valtakoalition, aseveliakselin, näkökulmasta ympäristöprotestit näyttäytyivät vastustuksena, ei uutena yhteiskunnallisena kysymyksenä. Väitämme, että tämä johtui sekä aseveliakselin historiallisesti muodostuneista arvostuksista ja suhtautumistavoista että tamperelaisen politiikan kentän jakautumisesta aseveliakselikoalition ja sen vastustajien välillä. Nämä tekijät vaikeuttivat ympäristökysymysten nostamista paikallisen päätöksenteon piiriin ja supistivat ympäristöliikehdinnän toimintatilaa. Ympäristön politisoituminen ilmeni Tampereella useammalla ulottuvuudella, joista ensimmäisenä voi pitää ympäristöherätyksen synnyttämää uutta tulkintakehystä. Se antoi kaikupohjaa paikallisille ympäristön muuttamista politisoiville vaatimuksille. Luonto politisoitui ympäristöksi ja ympäristö politisoitui yhteiskunnalliseksi protestiksi ja kritiikiksi, joka ilmeni vaatimuksina paikallisissa ympäristökiistoissa. Toiseksi politisoiminen liittyi yksittäisten ympäristön muutoksia koskevien suunnitelmien kyseenalaistamiseen. Tätä tapahtui Tampereella 1970-luvulta alkaen ja selvemmin 1980-luvun ympäristökiistoissa. Määrittelykamppailut koskivat esim. Kauppahallin virastotalon tapauksessa paitsi talon purkusuunnitelmia, myös talon esteettistä arvoa kaupunkimaisemassa. Tampereen kasvoja voimakkaasti muuttanut modernisaatiokehitys ei enää näyttänytkään väistämättömältä. Samalla voidaan puhua myös laajemmasta kaupunkimaiseman muutosten kyseenalaistumisesta. Ympäristöherätys ja yksittäiset tapahtumat kuten Verkatehtaan purkaminen 1970-luvun lopulla muuttivat tamperelaisten tapaa katsoa kaupunkiaan. Kolmanneksi kiistoissa nousi esiin tiedon ja asiantuntemuksen politiikka. Tiedon politiikka ilmeni selvästi 1980-luvun kiistoissa, joissa (tieteellisen) tiedon ja asiantuntijuuden rooli kyseenalaistui. Kauppahallin virastotalon kiistassa kyseenalaistettiin rakennusten huonokuntoisuuden kriteerit. Epilän voimalakiistassa politisoitui asiantuntijoiden tuottama tieto voimalavaihtoehtojen edullisuudesta. Tampellan kiistassa kriisiytyi kaupunkisuunnittelijoiden asiantuntemus ja rooli yleisen edun vaalijoina. Neljäs politisoitumisen ulottuvuus koskee yksittäisten kysymysten toimintavaihtoehtojen kyseenalaistamisen laajenemista koskemaan koko paikallista hallintatapaa ja paikallista poliittista kulttuuria. Selvimmin yksittäiseksi hallintatavan kyseenalaistumisen tapaukseksi muodostui tutkimuksessamme Tampellan tapaus, jossa suuret rakentamissuunnitelmat ja paikallisten poliittisten eliittien toimintamallit joutuivat ennen näkemättömän kritiikin kohteeksi. Paikallinen hallintatapa ei kyseenalaistunut vain ympäristökysymysten vaikutuksesta, mutta ympäristökonfliktit näyttäytyvät kiinnostavina teollisuuskaupungin perinteiden rapautumista ilmentävinä tapahtumina. Viidenneksi ympäristön politisoituminen kosketti laajemmin kaupungin habitusta ­ kaupunkimaiseman, paikallisen perinteen ja itseymmärryksen tasoilla. Kyse ei ole vain ympäristökohteista vaan laajemmin paikallisesta kulttuurista ja identiteetistä. Paikalliset ympäristöliikkeet toimivat kuten yhteiskunnallisilta kaupunkiliikkeiltä voidaan odottaa: ne synnyttivät konflikteja ja muuttivat osaltaan kaupungin merkityksiä. Kaupungin habituksen muutokseen liittyy selvästi perinteisen tamperelaisen ns. savupiipputeollisuuden hiipuminen. Jälkiteollistuvan kaupungin ympäristökonfliktit olivat sekä tämän yhteiskunnallisen murroksen indikaattoreita että sen katalysaattoreita. Teollisuuskaupungin traditioiden kyseenalaistuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa yksinkertaisen modernin projektin kritiikkiä. Tutkimus perustuu laajaan asiakirja- ja lehtiaineistoon sekä ympäristökiistojen ytimessä vaikuttaneiden kansalaisaktivistien ja paikallisten päättäjien haastatteluihin. Paikallisen historian kuvauksessa on käytetty sekundaarilähteitä ja haastatteluja, tapaustutkimukset perustuvat pääasiassa lehti -ja asiakirja-aineistoihin ja haastatteluihin. Tapausten käännekohtia on lisäksi analysoitu määrällisellä sisällönerittelyllä sekä diskurssi -ja argumentaatioanalyysin keinoin. ; ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND THE "BROTHERS IN ARMS AXIS" POLITICISATION OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN TAMPERE FROM 1959 TO 1995 This study examines the politicisation of the environment in the context of one Finnish locality, Tampere. It is a study on the politics of the environment, i.e. the historical developments and contestations that preceded the institutionalisation of environmental policy. The politics of the environment is examined at the local level in the context of the tension between the rise of environmentalism and the traditions of local politics and governance. The locality of Tampere, thus provides a laboratory for understanding how environmentalism took place and what kind of tensions it caused. Theoretically the study draws on both sociology and political science. The theoretical frame is set by combining Kari Palonen s terminology of politics and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of action. Politicisation is a central notion in the study. It is understood as a process of questioning the rules of the game, i.e. claiming something to be playable and contingent. In Bourdieu s terms this implies a process of questioning the givenness of the doxa and provoking orthodox arguments from the political elite. Politicisation may take place at different scales, from the local disputes to broader patterns of governance and political culture. The central research question was the following: ·How has the environment become politicised at the local level? This question was divided into the following questions: ·What events have contributed to the politicisation of the environment? ·What kinds of disputes and actor coalitions emerged in these events? ·How did the patterns of local governance influence the definition of environmental problems? And, vice versa, how did the environmental problems effect local governance? ·What was the role of environmental movements in the politicisation of the environment? The research was carried out in the form of five case studies, all in the same locality, touching on different aspects of environmental issues, and covering the temporal scope of the study, from the 1960s to the 1990s. The cases studied were the following: 1. The Pyynikki highway construction plan (1959-1974) 2. The pollution of lake Näsijärvi by a local pulp plant and the moving the municipal water intake to lake Roine (1960-1972) 3. The dispute over the planned demolition of the old Jugendstil Office block in the city center (1972-1983) 4. The dispute over the plan to build a coal power plant in Epilä (1981-1984) 5. The conflict over the planning of the Tampella industrial area in the city center (1989-1995) The cases cover the time from the pre-history of environmentalism, i.e. when the environment was still a non-issue, through the rise of environmentalism (the so called environmental awakening ) to the institutionalisation of environmental issues in the 1990s. The research data comprised sources on local history including archives and official documents, newspaper materials and 35 interviews of local actors. Methodologically, the study was structured in relation to different levels: 1) in the context of local history (secondary sources on local history and interviews), 2) the case studies ­ using thick description ­ out of which, 3) detailed instances of discourse analysis, especially argumentation (or claims-making ) were extracted. Environmental problems were studied in a contextual constructivist frame as social problems constructed in processes of claims-making, involving argumentation and discursive struggle. Local environmental movements were studied as urban social movements whose activities affect the collective production of the city while being aimed at contesting and challenging the prevailing social order. The local movements in Tampere were key actors in politicising the environment, contributing to a change whereby previously undisputed environmental change and related social practices were no longer seen as inevitable or normal. Movements created new meanings not only for their participants, but for the larger community, also extending beyond the time frame of their most active presence. Since the late 1960s, the rise of environmentalism became manifest through locally based movements and organizations. The purely scientific orientations of local conservationist associations were challenged by more socially and politically oriented civic activities and associations. An important milestone was the founding of Pirkanmaa nature conservation association in 1969. Since 1970, environmentalism gathered momentum with rapidly growing membership figures and local initiatives. It soon suffered, however, from ideological divisions in the mid-1970s, as the radical left-wing students took over the nature conservation association. The divisions started to recede when the Koijärvi bird lake conflict (in Forssa) marked the rise of the Finnish green movement. This had its effect in Tampere as well: the ideological divisions between right- and leftwing environmentalists were reconciled in the early 1980s, which marked the beginning of an active period of environmental contestation. The emergence of the Finnish Green movement in the 1980s made such contestation increasingly visible at the local level. In Tampere, the first greens were elected in the local council in 1984. During the different disputes beginning from the 1970s, but especially in the 1980s, environmental protest challenged local political traditions and political culture, especially the traditions of the local governance. In Tampere, the scene of local politics in Tampere had virtually ever since the Second World War been dominated by a particular, unofficial institutional arrangement, which was commonly known as the brothers-in-arms axis. Adopted in the mid-1950s, the notion referred to the co-operation between the conservative National Coalition party and the Social Democrats in local politics and municipal government. This coalition was held together through a shared habitus based on wartime experiences and held a promise of welfare. The brothers-in-arms axis became an important player in local politics in the 1960s when the central figures of the coalition gained important position in city government. The study examines both the processes that enabled the stabilization of this co-operation into a local growth regime and those that have, especially since the 1980s, contributed to its weakening. The politicisation of the environment was a novelty in the modernist political landscape of Tampere. In the eyes of the governing coalition, however, environmental protest was perceived as mere opposition, not as a new issue on the agenda. We argue that this was due to the local traditions of an industrial city, divided between left and right ­ and a political sphere divided between the brothers-in-arms coalition and the communists, which allowed little space for new social movements. Environmental protest, however, was not the only factor to challenge the regime. The regime was also weakened through the loosening of ideological division s between the left and the right, as the communists had gradually lost political ground. The politicisation of the environment gathered momentum in the late 1970s when the growth of Tampere had slowed down and when there was a growing discrepancy between the mode of governance and its increasingly postindustrial social environment. This tension, and the inertia of the closed style of governance, became visible in the Tampella dispute in 1989, the biggest local environmental conflict to date. The politicization of the environment took place at different levels. It happened both at the level of individual disputes as alternatives were demanded to the straightforward mode of local planning, but it also expanded into a broader critique of local governance. Furthermore, we argue that the politicisation of the environment was not only an agent-driven phenomenon, since it depended on the cultural resonance of claims presented in local disputes. The study allows us to indicate critical events in the politicization of the environment. These were events sine qua non, i.e. events that set the stage and sensitized local actors for future contestations. The demolition of the old broadcloth factory (Verkatehdas) in 1976 and the dispute over Tampella were critical events in this sense. The former was retained in the memory of then activists-to-be and the latter both signaled the crisis of the closed-style decision-making and served to stabilize the local greens as a credible political alternative. Finally, the contestations, together with the restructuration of the locality, resulted in altering the modern industrial habitus of the city.

This work provides an overview of the debates about Romanticism, as reflected in journals published in Moscow between 1824, the date of the publication of the journal of future Decembrists Mnémozyne, and 1834, when was banned N. Polevoi's Telegraf and was published in the supplement of N. Nadejdine's Teleskop, the famous article written by V. Belinski, "literaturnye mectanija." The first part shows that beyond the differences, all the writers of the early nineteenth century were united by a common goal, create the appearance of Russian literature at both national and 'modern' c 'ie European. Russian critics show methodically aesthetic theories of European romantic, especially the Jena school : Schiller, F. and A. Schlegel, Tieck and Wackenroder. With an appeal to German philosophy, especially the objective idealism of Schelling, the Moscow Romantic manage to give a philosophical basis for their aesthetic, and thus to justify the existence of a literary critic. It also examines the contextual differences between the French and Russian romanticism: French romanticism is more social and political, national and philosophical. Rejection of most excessive romanticism by Nadejdine, is done in the name of morality, even of propriety, while for Polevoi, the truth is still legal if it is well intentioned. Finally, the future great critic V. Belinski introduced the idea of dialectical struggle between good and evil, with the corollary of the necessity of the existence of evil, for the existence of good. Dialectics is one of the main contributions of German philosophy in aesthetic theory. It allows to consider the synthesis of classicism and romanticism, which are no longer considered as two antagonistic movements, but as two phases of the development of art. Meanwhile, Hegel develops a new philosophy of history. All this will allow the emergence of a critique based on historical method, where the writers are no longer considered independently of each other, but in relation to each other. Nadejdine concludes that the time has come for a truly national art, based on the synthesis of classicism and romanticism. In the second part of our thesis, entitled "Building a national literature", the question of romanticism is reconsidered in the light of the narodnost. The debate on imitation has shown that Russian romanticism is not homogeneous, but has two trends, one of which focuses on modernity and the spirit of the age, while the other considers Romanticism as release, and emphasizes the assertion of national spirit and genuine artist expression. After 1830, the Moscow critics accept and assume the difference with Europe. The debate focuses on the concept of narodnost ', and it appears that the national character is not in the external form of the work, but in the eyes of the poet, the poet himself, which leads to recognition of Pushkin as a national poet. Then the critical gradually begins to seek national character not in the Russian poet, but in Russian life, what appears to be a decisive step towards realism. This raises the question of national hero. In the thirties, national character is searched in the representation of Russian history. In addition, whereas the lyrical forms no longer meet modern requirements, or the expression of national identity, critics seek a new literary genre, adapted to the expression of the Russian character. Shakespeare's romantic drama appears to be the most suitable. However, the publication of Pushkin's drama Poltava in 1829 was not so well received. Critics consider that Pushkin was not free from the influence of Byron. But history should not be the only source of inspiration. Present in Russia is no less authentically Russian than its past. The people, unlike the educated society, has been preserved from European influences. That will be the "real" criticism and Russian realism of the second half of the nineteenth century. The third part examines, through theoretical debates and controversy, the birth of a Russian literary criticism. The first chapter traces the evolution of literary life in Moscow and describes the magazines war, culminating in 1829. But after 1830, gradually, with the decline of the aristocracy which causes the end of patronage, the beginning of the industrial era, a modern magazine, to be profitable, must go into the sense of public taste, it must be attractive, it must inform, be open to European cultures. Literary criticism has a decisive role in the magazines of the thirties, and it becomes necessary for it to redefine its tools and criteria. Then the controversy is studied in a new light, that of the "plebeians" (M. Pogodine, N. Polevoi) opposed to aristocrats (P. Viazemski, V. Odoevski, I. Kireevski), and ends with the opposition Moscow / Saint Petersburg. The last chapter is devoted to the emerging critical method. This is based on the philosophy of German idealism, subjective and objective. According to the method of European Romantic critics, the work must not be considered independently of the author. You must take into account the man, his character and his life. This is the method advocated by N. Polevoi. Nadejdine refuses this biographical method. He focuses exclusively on the work and its national character, that is judged by comparing it to reality. The role of the critic is to compare the work with the reality. The work is considered as a document on life and a testimony to the reality. The critic is tempted to give its opinion on the Russian society and the meaning of Russian history, especially since the political conditions and the state censorship leave no place for independent journalism opinion. The critical work becomes an excuse to build its own representation of the Russian reality. Critical article tends to become a literary essay. ; Cet ouvrage dresse un état des lieux des débats autour du romantisme, tels qu'ils se reflètent dans les revues publiées à Moscou, entre 1824, date de la parution de la revue des futurs décembristes Mnémozyne, et 1834, date de l'interdiction du Telegraf de N. Polevoï et de la publication, dans le supplément du Teleskop de N. Nadejdine, du célèbre article de V. Belinski, " Les rêveries littéraires ". La première partie montre qu'au-delà des divergences, tous les hommes de lettres du début du XIXe siècle étaient réunis par un même objectif, susciter l'apparition d'une littérature russe à la fois nationale, et " moderne ", c'est à dire européenne. Les critiques russes reprennent méthodiquement les théories esthétiques des romantiques européens, en particulier de l'école d'Iéna: Schiller, F. et A. Schlegel, Tieck et Wackenroder . Grâce à un recours à la philosophie allemande, et particulièrement à l'idéalisme objectif de Schelling, les romantiques moscovites parviennent à donner un fondement philosophique à leur esthétique, et ainsi à justifier l'existence d'une critique littéraire. On examine également les différences contextuelles entre le romantisme français et le romantisme russe: le romantisme français est plus social et politique, que national et philosophique. Le rejet par Nadejdine du romantisme dans ce qu'il a de plus excessif, se fait au nom de la morale, voire même des convenances, tandis que pour Polevoï, la vérité est toujours morale si elle est bien intentionnée. Enfin, le futur grand critique V. Belinski introduit l'idée dialectique de la lutte entre le bien et le mal, qui a pour corollaire celle de la nécessité de l'existence du mal, pour l'existence du bien. La dialectique est un des apports essentiels de la philosophie allemande à la théorie esthétique. C'est d'elle que découle la théorie des moments de l'art. Elle permet aux critiques d'envisager la synthèse du classicisme et du romantisme, qui ne sont plus considérés comme deux mouvements antagonistes, mais comme deux phases du développement de l'art. Parallèlement, Hegel développe une nouvelle philosophie de l'histoire. Tout cela va permettre l'émergence d'une critique fondée sur la méthode historique, où les écrivains ne sont plus considérés indépendamment les uns des autres, mais en relation les uns par rapport aux autres. Nadejdine conclut que le temps est venu, pour l'humanité civilisée, d'un art nouveau, authentiquement national, s'appuyant sur la synthèse du classicisme et du romantisme. Dans la seconde partie de notre thèse, intitulée " Construire une littérature nationale ", on reconsidère la question du romantisme sous l'angle de la narodnost'. Le débat sur l'imitation a montré que le romantisme russe n'est pas homogène, mais présente deux tendances, dont l'une met l'accent sur la modernité et l'esprit du siècle, tandis que l'autre considère le romantisme comme une libération, et insiste sur l'affirmation de l'esprit national, et l'expression sincère et authentique de l'artiste. À partir des années trente, les critiques moscovites acceptent et assument la différence avec l'Europe. Le débat se porte sur la notion de narodnost', et il apparaît que le caractère national n'est pas dans la forme extérieure de l'œuvre, mais dans le regard du poète, dans le poète lui-même, ce qui amène à la reconnaissance de Pouchkine comme poète national . Puis la critique peu à peu se met à chercher le caractère national non plus dans le Poète russe, mais dans la vie russe, ce qui apparaît comme un pas décisif vers le réalisme. Ainsi se pose la question du héros national. Dans les années trente, on recherche le caractère national dans la représentation de l'histoire russe. En outre, considérant que les formes lyriques ne correspondent plus aux exigences de la modernité, ni à l'expression de l'identité nationale, les critiques cherchent un nouveau genre, adapté à l'expression du caractère russe. Le drame romantique shakespearien apparaît comme le genre le plus approprié à la mise en scène de l'esprit de l'époque représentée, et de l'esprit du peuple-héros. Pourtant, la parution du drame de Pouchkine Poltava en 1829 reçoit un accueil mitigé. La critique considère que Pouchkine ne s'est pas affranchi de l'influence de Byron. Boris Godounov, écrit plus tôt mais publié deux ans plus tard, correspond mieux aux attentes de la critique, mais seul I. Kireevski salue sans réserves ce tournant dans l'œuvre de Pouchkine. Mais l'histoire ne doit pas être la seule source d'inspiration. Le présent de la Russie n'est pas moins authentiquement russe que son passé. Le peuple, contrairement à la société cultivée, a été préservé des influences européennes. On termine ce chapitre en laissant entrevoir ce que sera la critique " réelle ", et le réalisme russe de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. La troisième partie étudie, à travers les débats théoriques et la polémique, la naissance d'une critique littéraire russe. Un premier chapitre retrace l'évolution de la vie littéraire à Moscou et décrit la guerre des périodiques, qui culmine en 1829. Mais après 1830, progressivement, avec l'appauvrissement de l'aristocratie qui entraîne la fin du mécénat, les débuts de l'ère industrielle, le changement des mentalités, il apparaît qu'une revue moderne, pour être rentable, doit aller dans le sens du goût du public le plus large, qu'elle doit être attrayante, qu'elle doit informer, être ouverte sur les cultures européennes. La critique littéraire a une place déterminante dans les revues des années trente, et il devient nécessaire pour elle de redéfinir ses outils et ses critères. On étudie ensuite la polémique sous un angle nouveau, celui des " plébéiens " (M. Pogodine, N. Polevoï) opposés aux aristocrates (P. Viazemski, V. Odoevski, I. Kireevski), et on termine par l'opposition Moscou / Saint-Pétersbourg. Le dernier chapitre est consacré à la méthode critique naissante. Celle-ci s'appuie sur la philosophie de l'idéalisme allemand, subjectif puis objectif. D'autre part, selon la méthode des critiques romantiques européens, l'œuvre ne doit pas être considérée indépendamment de l'auteur. Il faut prendre en compte l'homme, son caractère et sa vie, se plonger dans son univers, s'en faire un ami. C'est la méthode prônée par N. Polevoï. Nadejdine, lui, refuse catégoriquement cette méthode biographique. Il s'attache exclusivement à l'œuvre, et à son caractère national, qu'il juge en la comparant à la réalité. Le critique aura le rôle de confrontation de l'œuvre à la réalité. L'œuvre est considérée comme un document sur la vie, comme un témoignage sur la réalité. Le critique est donc tenté de donner son opinion sur la société russe et la signification de l'histoire russe, d'autant plus que les conditions politiques et la censure d'Etat ne laissent pas de place pour un journalisme d'opinion indépendant. L'œuvre littéraire devient pour le critique un prétexte pour construire sa propre représentation de la réalité russe. L'article critique tend à devenir un essai littéraire.