Suchergebnisse

This article focuses on history of education in Muslim world in from fourteenth until seventeenth centiuries in Ottoman state. As the most important Muslim state in the world during classical period (1300-1600), Ottoman state became the role model of education system for Muslims. Influenced by Seljuk Anatolia state, Ottoman built education through medrese system controlled by state. The system supported the state to design career development for its subject. In addition to devşirme system, medrese system provided large opportunity for its subject to obtain career as teacher and professor (müderris), judge (kadı), and bureaucrat (kalemiye). Research method in this article are qualitative and bibliographical research. Author examines historical reseources to analyze research problem. The aim of research is to observe and analyze relationship between education system and career development in Ottoman state. According to this research, author concludes that medrese system in Ottoman state provided opportunity for its subject to participate in social mobility thorugh its career in government circle.

Munculnya kasus penistaan agama, dan gerakan aksi damai 212 telah menjadi pembangkit semangat umat Islam untuk memilih pemimpin yang seagama disinyalir menjadi faktor utama penggerak terpilihnya Anies-Sandi sebagai Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta dalam Pilkada tahun 2017. Fokus dan tujuan penelitian pada artikel ini adalah untuk melihat pemikiran–pemikiran politik Nurcholish Madjid dalam bangkitnya politik identitas pada Pilkada DKI 2017. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Adapun teknik pengumpulan datanya menggunakan observasi, wawancara mendalam dan teknik dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa politik identitas masyarakat Muslim DKI Jakarta dilandasi agama dan pada prinsipnya adalah suatu keniscayaan dalam budaya politik. Sementara corak politik identitas masyarakat Muslim DKI Jakarta dalam bentuk ukhuwah Islamiyah dan lebih kepada faktor budaya dan keagamaan. Diwujudkan dalam bentuk keaktifan dalam rangka mensukseskan kampanye, menggerakan masyarakat Muslim sebagai politik identitas dan mendukung kemenangan pasangan Anies-Sandi dalam Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017.

This article demonstrates the significance of engaging with whiteness as a key dimension of difference shaping research in multi-faceted ways. I critically reflect on a research project that included interviews with Muslim men in Rotherham, a northern English town that had experienced a child sexual exploitation crisis involving Pakistani Muslim men. It raised significant methodological and epistemological issues regarding my position in the research, as a white female researcher, and my relationships with local Pakistani Muslim men and women. I highlight the fluidity of my insider–outsider position through exploring political and ethical dilemmas involved in carrying out the research and structural and experiential aspects of researcher subjectivity. I show how being white both facilitated and obstructed the research as I steered my way through a highly sensitive set of circumstances and how engaging with whiteness is key in democratising research and shedding light on unequal power relations in knowledge production.

The Islamic political parties in the Reform era grew up exceeding the period of Parliamentary Democracy. In the electoral competition during the Reform era, Islamic political parties did not receive adequate votes. The votes won by Islamic parties tend to go down from election to election. There are several factors that have caused the Islamic party to fail to win the support of Muslim votes. First, Islamic parties are fragmented and internal conflict. Second, Muslim voters do a change in ideological orientation which no chooses an Islamic party but a nationalist party. Third, nationalist parties accommodate Muslim aspirations by forming Islamic organizations. Fourth, the crisis of leadership of the Islamic party. Fifth, the absence of a real party program. To improve the electoral, Islamic parties must concern on programs to improve people's welfare, democratization, eradicate corruption, and realize social justice. The leader of Islamic parties must be exemplary, visionary, integrity, and rooted in the community.

Zakat is a financial system that is essential to create a balance between society, so as not to make the rich richer and vice versa.Zakat is an obligation for Muslims to get closer to Allah and to cleanse his property. While the tax is a mandatory contribution to the state charged to the public for the benefit of the government and the general public. Seeing the importance of zakat and tax as an instrument of income of a country, then the purpose of this study was to determine the legitimacy of a combination of zakat and taxation in Islamic law, and its application in Indonesia, whose population includes Muslims and non-Muslims. This research uses descriptive analysis approach and simultaneously inductive approach in explaining the rules of zakat and tax system and to clarify the differences between them, then explain the application of zakat and taxation in Indonesia, for increasing the zakat payment.

This article discusses how the history of politics in Indonesia. The Islamic movement in Indonesia is so dynamic. This dynamic can be seen from the emerging Islamic movements, which can be grouped into two, namely the political Islam movement and cultural Islam. One of the dynamics that is still strongly discussed today is related to state ideology. Political Islam considers it necessary, while cultural Islam considers it unnecessary. Islam is most importantly embodied in the culture of society, not formalist. In conclusion, Islam does need to be embodied in cultural and political ways, but it does not need to be formalist. The two of them must complement each other. And The bigger the Islamic political movement at the ideological level causes the power of Muslims to weaken and experience stagnation. Therefore, in the Muslim struggle movement, another concept that moves culturally as an alternative is presented so that Muslims no longer experience delays in development.

Since 2011, the prosecution of Asian men for Group Localised Child Sexual Exploitation (GLCSE) in the UK has led to two opposing positions: (1) Asian men have been unfairly demonized, and (2) Asian men have a disproportionate propensity for this crime. This paper analyses the available evidence in the public domain in two different ways. First, we collected newspaper reports that were identified as GLCSE cases, and completed a comprehensive review of the literature, government documents and official case reviews. Our data consists of 498 defendants in 73 prosecutions between the years 1997 and 2017, of which 83% have recognizably Muslim names. Second, using census data and regression analysis we find, independently of their names, a significant correlation between GLCSE and Muslims/Pakistanis. We attribute this positive relationship for Muslims, particularly Pakistanis, to a number of factors including motivation, accessibility and opportunity. Finally we consider some possible policy responses.

This study is the first to explore the twin influences of online propaganda and news media on Islamists. We conducted 44 in-depth interviews with cognitively and behaviorally radicalized Islamist prisoners in Austria as well as former Islamists in Germany and Austria. We found that online propaganda and news media had interdependent influences on Islamists' rejections of non-Muslims and Western politics, as well as on their willingness to use violence and commit suicide. Cognitively radicalized individuals were influenced by propaganda that blamed non-Muslims for opposing Islam; this was reinforced by online mainstream news reports of right-wing populism and extremism that propagandists selectively distributed via social media. Among behaviorally radicalized individuals, exposure to propaganda and news reports depicting Muslim war victims contributed to the radicalized individuals' willingness to use violence. Moreover, propaganda and media reports that extensively personalized perpetrators of violence strengthened radicalized individuals' motivations to imitate the use of violence.

This article demonstrates the significance of engaging with whiteness as a key dimension of difference shaping research in multi-faceted ways. I critically reflect on a research project that included interviews with Muslim men in Rotherham, a northern English town that had experienced a child sexual exploitation crisis involving Pakistani Muslim men. It raised significant methodological and epistemological issues regarding my position in the research, as a white female researcher, and my relationships with local Pakistani Muslim men and women. I highlight the fluidity of my insider–outsider position through exploring political and ethical dilemmas involved in carrying out the research and structural and experiential aspects of researcher subjectivity. I show how being white both facilitated and obstructed the research as I steered my way through a highly sensitive set of circumstances and how engaging with whiteness is key in democratising research and shedding light on unequal power relations in knowledge production.

This paper focuses on the artistic production of four hip hop and spoken word artists belonging to the Muslim diaspora, Poetic Pilgrimage, Alia Sharrief, Hanouneh and Alia Gabres, aiming to understand if such cultural practices can be understood as forms of political, civic and social activism, with the potential to broaden or create alternative public spheres (Fraser, 1990). It articulates a form of musical production often associated with Islam, hip hop (Alim, 2005; Miah & Kalra, 2008), with spoken word, produced by Muslim women in diaspora, migrants or descendants of migrants, with different backgrounds and different life stories associated with Islam, allowing them effective voice in their self-representation, considered from their online presence (NTI and web 2.0). The diversity of the cultural producers and their forms of expression considered in this paper is understood as an example of the diversity within Islam and also as a denial of any orientalist stereotypes (Saïd, 1979) about Muslim women.

This paper focuses on the artistic production of four hip hop and spoken word artists belonging to the Muslim diaspora, Poetic Pilgrimage, Alia Sharrief, Hanouneh and Alia Gabres, aiming to understand if such cultural practices can be understood as forms of political, civic and social activism, with the potential to broaden or create alternative public spheres (Fraser, 1990). It articulates a form of musical production often associated with Islam, hip hop (Alim, 2005; Miah & Kalra, 2008), with spoken word, produced by Muslim women in diaspora, migrants or descendants of migrants, with different backgrounds and different life stories associated with Islam, allowing them effective voice in their self-representation, considered from their online presence (NTI and web 2.0). The diversity of the cultural producers and their forms of expression considered in this paper is understood as an example of the diversity within Islam and also as a denial of any orientalist stereotypes (Saïd, 1979) about Muslim women.

Abstract: The awareness that encourages Muslims to return to the bosom of Muslims, among others, is to carry out politics, namely taking care of Muslim affairs by re-applying Islamic law in domestic and foreign affairs. Awareness born of his belief in Islam as the only complete religion and ideology. It is this awareness that gives birth to belief in Islam, that Islam is the only ideology that must be carried out by all humans so that their lives are kept away from the sadness that befalls and the beliefs that drive them to continue fighting for Islam so that Islam is applied. Therefore, this belief and awareness are the basis of political activity, so that political activity is a manifestation of mind and heart activity. Activities that cannot be killed by any force. But doing Islamization in various dimensions of life, especially regarding how the obligations and responsibilities of the people.

AbstractProviding humanitarian assistance to displaced individuals is a critical policy challenge. Many refugee camps are run by charities supported by Western donors. If refugees are predominantly Muslim, might Islamophobia suppress donations to these charities? Using a survey experiment conducted in the United States, the authors examine whether donors' willingness to support a charity is influenced by the dominant religion of the refugees, the regions in which refugee camps are located, and/or the religious affiliation of the charity. The authors find modest support for Islamophobia: while willingness to donate is not affected by the location of camps or the predominance of Muslim refugees, it declines significantly for Islamic charities. Respondents overall tend to be especially willing to donate to a charity that serves Christian refugees in the Middle East. Among self‐identifying Christians, respondents are more willing to donate to a charity serving Christian refugees than one serving Muslim refugees.

This article examines ethno-religious conflict in southern Kaduna and its negative impacts on development in the region. Several efforts have been made by the government and organisations to stop these reoccurring conflicts, however, the conflict continues to aggravate. It is the objective of this article to look at the factors encouraging this negative phenomenon, through the Abraham-Lot narrative (Gen. 13:1-18). It is really unfortunate that the conflicts in southern Kaduna, which are mainly between Muslims and Christians, have claimed thousands of lives and rendered so many homeless. Data were drawn mainly from secondary sources of information, with the adoption of the descriptive phenomenological method of research. It was discovered that fight for political and religious superiority between Muslims and Christians is the sustaining factor. As part of recommendations, adherents of religious and ethnic groups should ensure fairness in resolving any conflict situationKeywords: Southern Kaduna, Muslims and Christians, Ethnic groups, Conflict Resolution, Conflict Mediation

A convincing refutation of stereotypes about Islam as a religion of implacably hostility to the adherents of other faiths serves as an example of life, activity, and evolution of thinking that was demonstrated by an outstanding political leader of the Indian national liberation movement Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958). Initially he was an ardent follower of Aligarh movement which stood for Muslim education and their cooperation with the colonial authorities. From 1911 to 1916 Azad is an active promoter of Muslim nationalism, Caliphate movement. From 1920 until the end of life Azad was a tough critic of the separatist Muslim nationalism, one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Minister of education of secular Republic of India. History of Azad's personal evolution convincingly testifi es to the dynamic nature of Islamic teaching which calls for renunciation of dogmatic views and maintaining the constant desire to discover the deep world outlook meanings