Suchergebnisse

An attempt to reconcile the existence of widespread changes in partisan loyalties in the southern US with the theory of partisanship, which stipulates that party loyalty is an extremely stable attitude after early adulthood. Three mechanisms can act to bring about change: (1) interregional migration, (2) generational turnover (birth & death), & (3) individual conversion. Data were obtained separately from blacks & whites, from the national election studies conducted by the U of Michigan & made available through the facilities of the InterU Consortium for Political & Social Research. For blacks, interregional migration does little to explain a net change in partisanship, which moved from an "expected Democratic vote" of about 60% in 1960 to one of 85% in 1968, & then declined to about 77% in 1972. A 3-category control for age likewise reveals no effect on change in partisanship. The bulk of the observed shift appears to have been produced by the entrance of previously apolitical blacks into the electorate during a period of critical realignment (for blacks), which surrounded the 1964 election. It is clear that the factor that produced the realignment was the civil rights movement. Among whites, as among blacks, interregional migration & generational turnover can explain only a fraction of the change in the expected Democratic vote, which fell from about 73% in 1952 to about 61% in 1972. The youngest cohort is moving in the Republican direction about 50% faster than the older cohorts, but the simultaneous shift toward the Republican party identity among all groups indicates that a single dynamic is at work. The young are simply freer to respond, since they lack the socialization experiences of their elders & have not settled into a firm sense of partisanship. The dominant mechanism of change among whites is, therefore, individual conversion, seemingly related to the philosophical estrangement southern whites feel from the increasingly interventionist policies of the national Democratic Party. Change appears to be secular, rather than critical, & does not seem to hinge on the civil rights movement. The theoretical implication is that, while the traditional theory of partisanship explains much of what has happened in the South in the past two decades, particularly change in partisanship by blacks & young whites, it is clearly unable to explain change among older whites. The theory is therefore modified to include a reciprocal arrow between party identification & the voter's perception of issues & candidates: over an extended period of time, issues that continually & strongly favor one party can erode the sense of partisan loyalty to the other party. 10 Figures, 3 Tables. Modified AA.

With empirical touchstones from Europe, North America, Africa, Asia and the Pacific, the authors argue that heritage and property represent different approaches to subject formation, produce distinct bodies of expertise, and belong to different rationalities of government in a global patrimonial field: that cultural property is a technology of sovereignty, part of the order of the modern liberal state, but cultural heritage a technology of reformation that cultivates responsible subjects and entangles them in networks of expertise and management. While particular case trajectories may shift back and forth from rights-based claims and resolutions under the sign of cultural property to ethical claims and solutions under the sign of cultural heritage, the authors contend that there is significant analytical purchase to be gained from their distinction. Using a critical, comparative approach, they make the case for a historically grounded and theoretically informed understanding of the difference between the two terms.

This book examines the politics and economics of infrastructure development in Nigeria from Independence in 1960 upto 2015, and the role of good governance in promoting the socioeconomic wellbeing of citizens. Arguing for the need for transformational leadership in infrastructure development, the chapters examine policy issues and survey the various administrative, economic, and social-political reforms that have impacted infrastructure development in Nigeria. The author also discusses current national development plans and Vision 20:2020; challenges to infrastructure development, including corruption; and the future potential of a strong infrastructure network for the economy and citizens. Drawing upon his experience within government departments, as well as existing models of leadership and governance, the author explores the role of infrastructure development in promoting the wellbeing and growth of Nigeria. Combining theory with practical examples of good governance, this book will be of interest for students and researchers of political science and infrastructure development in Africa.

When protests erupted across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in 2011, the general view was that these events would bring forward the regeneration of democracy. They were also meant to represent the Spring of women's fight for freedom and equality. As time passed, it became clear that the process of social and political changes necessary to tackle female issues would be a long one. The "Thahiris" and their equivalents did not prevail and, in the absence, or weakness, of political institutions, Islamic parties emerged. The urgent issue then became how to reconcile the demands of women with the Islamic character of the new political establishments. This book discusses this issue through the analysis of the socio-political meanings of the constitutional reforms after the 2011 Arab Spring. It is inspired by the testimony of local women from the MENA area, who can be the makers of real social change.

"Wired Citizenship examines the evolving patterns of youth learning and activism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). In todays digital age, in which formal schooling often competes with the peer-driven outlets provided by social media, youth all over the globe have forged new models of civic engagement, rewriting the script of what it means to live in a democratic society. As a result, state-society relationships have shifted never more clearly than in the MENA region, where recent uprisings were spurred by the mobilization of tech-savvy and politicized youth.Combining original research with a thorough exploration of theories of democracy, communications, and critical pedagogy, this edited collection describes how youth are performing citizenship, innovating systems of learning, and re-imagining the practices of activism in the information age. Recent case studies illustrate the context-specific effects of these revolutionary new forms of learning and social engagement in the MENA region"--

"This book, jointly edited by UNESCO-IHE and UNW-DPC, is a compilation of existing expert knowledge on water-related capacity development. It discusses how knowledge and capacity development can contribute to improved, effective water management, with a digest of lessons learned in the areas of tools and techniques, application and evaluation. Topics presented range from e-learning and networking, to community knowledge management and the running of training-of-trainers courses, and includes examples from Asia, Africa, the Americas and Europe. The authors represent a diverse and representative group of prominent practitioners, capacity developers and academics within the field of water-related capacity development." "This book is an expanded version of the collection of chapters first introduced at the Fifth World Water Forum held in Istanbul, Turkey, from 16-22 March 2009, in support of the various sessions organized under the topic "Education, Knowledge and Capacity Development Strategies.""--Jacket

Intro -- Contents -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: The changing ethics of power beyond borders -- Part I Solidarity versus security -- 1 India and Pakistan: From zero-sum to shared security -- 2 Sino-US relations: A nascent security regime? -- Part II Assessing the logic of solidarity and national interest in great power interventionism -- 3 Cultures of solidarity and national interest: Russia's conflict management policies -- 4 International intervention in Central Asia: The triumph of geopolitics? -- 5 Constructions of solidarity: The US and the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict -- 6 Beyond geopolitics and solidarism: Interpenetrated sovereignty, transnational conflict and the United States' ''Plan Colombia'' -- Part III Toward an ethics of human solidarity -- 7 An intersection of interests and values: US foreign policy toward Africa -- 8 Geopolitics and solidarity on the borders of Europe: The Yugoslav wars of succession -- 9 Is East Timor an exception in the Southeast Asian landscape? -- Conclusion: Making sense of national interest and international solidarity -- Index.

One of the more promising developments in global efforts to uphold human rights over the past decade has been the growing role of national human rights institutions. A role for national institutions was foreseen by the United Nations Economic and Social Council as early as 1946 and since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 the Commission on Human Rights and the United Nations Secretariat have sought to promote the role of such institutions. This volume offers a wealth of information on the protection functions of existing national human rights institutions in a wide selection of countries, drawn from Asia, Africa, Europe, Latin America and Oceania. These essays together make clear the genuine striving by national human rights commissions to act for the protection of human rights in the countries they serve, and the variety of protection models that can and are being adopted, both in developed and developing countries

In order to answer these questions, Efua Dorkenoo presents the facts about Female Genital Mutilation. From her research in the field and her work in Britain, she then gives a comprehensive update on work in Africa together with models of good practice to show how best to deal with the very diverse experiences found in different parts of the world. Only from such models is it fully possible to explore such issues as the rights of women and of children, of the part which the well-being of women plays in the health of a nation, and also the strengths and weaknesses of the various international campaigns on the subject. By offering much new information and clarifying many grey areas, Efua Dorkenoo shows the importance of offering professional advice which is prolonged, well-monitored and co-ordinated. This, in turn, should be supported with practical help, which is underpinned by the aid of local and international bodies

The publications of the Hakluyt Society (founded in 1846) made available edited (and sometimes translated) early accounts of exploration. The first series, which ran from 1847 to 1899, consists of 100 books containing published or previously unpublished works by authors from Christopher Columbus to Sir Francis Drake, and covering voyages to the New World, to China and Japan, to Russia and to Africa and India. Volumes 66 and 67 of the series, edited by E. M Thompson and first published in 1883, contain the bulk of the diary of Richard Cocks (c.1565–1624), supplemented by a selection of letters. Cocks was the head of a trading post established in Japan by the British East India Company from its foundation in 1613 until 1622, when it went out of business. His diary describes Japanese society and culture in the early seventeenth century, as well as the activities of British merchants there

Although a master category of contemporary social and political thought, the conceptual import of colonialism has long been contested. Turning to the political thought of Jawaharlal Nehru, this article reconstructs the surprising, and often surreptitious, intellectual transformations that rendered colonialism into a generic name for European rule over Asia and Africa. It demonstrates how the dual claims of colonialism—a historical reference for the global event of European expansion and a threadbare analytical definition for a particular form of rule—generated a powerful framework in the anticolonial age. While the expanded juridical uses of colonialism in the Cold War era undermined its historical claims, the priority would reverse with its postcolonial re-signification as a shorthand for studying the paradoxes of global modernity. Reframing these debates, this article argues that reflexive navigation between the dual claims of colonialism is key to a capacious appreciation of its historical and normative contentions.

The primary focus here is to accentuate the competing roles of race and propaganda in the enlistment of Africans and African Americans for the Second World War. Among other things, the discussion captures on the interwar years and emphasizes the subtleties of African American Pan-Africanist discourses as a counterweight to Black oppression encountered in the racialized spaces of Jim Crow America, colonized Africa, and the pugnacious infraction that was the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–1936. Tying up the implications of these events into the broader global politics of 1939–1945 establishes the background in which the Allied Powers sought after Black people's support in the war against the Axis Powers. Recalling that Italy's fascist leader Benito Mussolini attacked Ethiopia in 1935 with poisonous gas while the League of Nations refused to act, points to the barefaced conflation of race and propaganda in the Great War and the centrality of African and African Diaspora exertions in the conflict.

There are more than 3000 ongoing conflicts involving the extractive industries (mining, gas, and oil) and communities impacted by extractive activity. Most of these conflicts are in the developing countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In this paper we examine three resistance movements in Brazil, Chile, and India where Indigenous groups are resisting mining operations on their lands. We argue these movements represent forms of translocal subaltern resistance based on local political ecologies of marginalized communities. In particular, we develop the notion of disembeddedness to show how conflicts arise between local political ecologies and the political economy of resource extraction. We contribute to the literature by (1) bridging insights from subaltern studies and political ecology to explain how forms of resistance emerge (2) providing empirical support to theories of translocal resistance by conducting a comparative analysis of resistance movements from three countries. We discuss the theoretical implications of our findings for resistance movements.

There are more than 3000 ongoing conflicts involving the extractive industries (mining, gas, and oil) and communities impacted by extractive activity. Most of these conflicts are in the developing countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In this paper we examine three resistance movements in Brazil, Chile, and India where Indigenous groups are resisting mining operations on their lands. We argue these movements represent forms of translocal subaltern resistance based on local political ecologies of marginalized. In particular, we develop the notion of disembeddedness to show how conflicts arise between local political ecologies and the political economy of resource extraction. We contribute to the literature by (1) bridging insights from subaltern studies and political ecology to explain how forms of resistance emerge (2) providing empirical support to theories of translocal resistance by conducting a comparative analysis of resistance movements from three countries. We discuss the theoretical implications of our findings for resistance movements.

The role of communication in a pandemic emergency is crucial because it contributes to the spread of collective interpretations of the crisis that drive community responses. Based on the social representations' theory approach, and specifically relying on the notions of collective symbolic coping and polemical social representations, the study presents 10 country-based case studies of public communication with the aim of exploring the social representations of COVID-19 during the first wave of the outbreak. Multiple communication sources from 10 countries in 5 geo-cultural contexts (Europe, North America, Latin America, Asia, Africa) were selected and analyzed: institutional websites; international/national/local newspapers and news channels; national/international press agencies; and social media platforms. Results highlighted the prevalence of multivocality and polemical social representations, along with outgroup blaming and stigmatization processes, the use of military and naturalistic metaphors, antinomies, and discourse polarization. Implications for effective public communication in crisis management are discussed.