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Whether Geneva Conventions (GC) rights should apply to terrorists is a contentious question that has received little attention in public opinion research. Both personality and contextual factors may be important. We queried participants' support for applying the GC to alleged terrorists, but first we measured participants' authoritarianism and presented them with a scenario concerning an alleged terrorist. We manipulated whether (1) the scenario contained examples of GC rights and (2) the alleged terrorist's religious affiliation was Muslim or non-Muslim. Support for applying the GC to alleged terrorists was high and unaffected by providing examples of GC provisions, but it was negatively related to authoritarianism. Support was reduced by priming with a Muslim terrorist, but only among participants exhibiting a behavioral marker for limited interhemispheric interaction — consistent-handedness. Consistent-handers in our sample expressed greater authoritarianism, suggesting that limited interhemispheric interaction promotes greater authoritarianism, which decreases support for applying the GC to alleged terrorists.

Discuss themes related to the concept or system of Islamic government would never finish. A variety of books that discuss the idea of good governance system of Islam by the Muslim intellectuals from ancient times until today. This paper dissects the ideas and political thought one Muslim intellectual, Abu A'la Maududi is a contemporary Muslim thinker. Theo-democracy is a system of government that was initiated by Al-Maududi by combining the concept of monotheism and the concept of trias politica Through literature research on the works of Al-Maududi, the authors found the basis of a conception of political thought that Al-Maududi Islamic State must be built on a joint Islamic which is the main basis of monotheism. According to Maududi, the Islamic State Sovereignty of the people is based not sovereignty but God (Allah). In Theo-democratic system is divided into three agencies, namely legislative, executive and judicial

AbstractArmenian sources from the 15th century provide distinctive viewpoints on the history of the Safaviyyih Sufi order before the foundation of the Safavid Empire. The history of T'ovma of Metsop' suggests an earlier intermediate step in the militarization of the order, which scholars have typically viewed as an unprecedented development beginning after 1447, and ascribes to the Safavi shaykh the idea of taxing non-Muslims to encourage conversion to Islam. A second Armenian text, a previously unknown colophon, describes Haydar's attack on Shirvan in 1488 and the suffering of the Muslim and Christian sedentary population, as well as an episode of interreligious mockery. It is probably the earliest extant source to identify the Qizilbash by their distinctive red hats. Together, these sources suggest ways in which the Safaviyyih order's development was conditioned by the multireligious environment. They are examples of the value of non-Muslim sources even for late medieval Islamic history.

Addiction to alcohol is a general phenomenon that affects communities as a whole, and is one of the intractable problems that governments and institutions are trying address. This study used analytical method based on qualitative data collection and analysis tried to explain the concept of addiction and alcohol, and the role of the Sunnah in the treatment of addiction to alcohol through Islamic laws that prevent Muslims from approaching intoxicants. The most interesting findings of this study is that differences in the names of alcohol do not negate its prohibition; the little of what intoxicates in large quantity is also forbidden. Islam has certainly established rules to prevent people from approaching alcohol. Islam did not begin to resolve the problem of alcohol addiction through punishment, but identified the causes that lead Muslims to alcohol addiction, and then addressed those causes in order to prevent Muslims from being addicted to alcohol.Keywords: Addiction, treatment, alcohol, Sunnah, Islamic law.

The present volume focuses on the political perceptions of the Hajj, its global religious appeal to Muslims, and the European struggle for influence and supremacy in the Muslim world in the age of pre-colonial and colonial empires. In the late fifteenth century and early sixteenth century, a pivotal change in seafaring occurred, through which western Europeans played important roles in politics, trade, and culture. Viewing this age of empires through the lens of the Hajj puts it into a different perspective, by focusing on how increasing European dominance of the globe in pre-colonial and colonial times was entangled with Muslim religious action, mobility, and agency. The study of Europe's connections with the Hajj therefore tests the hypothesis that the concept of agency is not limited to isolated parts of the globe. By adopting the "tools of empires," the Hajj, in itself a global activity, would become part of global and trans-cultural history.

Humanitarian law is the law of armed conflict that has originated from the rules and costumes of the ancient religions and civilizations. Islam includes many rules that restrict war between combatants and prohibit the warfare methods cause superfluous harm. The Quran and prophet Muhammad command Muslims to release and ransom war prisoners based on their personal conditions. The Quran never encourages Muslims to enslavement neither does mention execution but Muslims often enslaved prisoners as a common phenomenon of the era and executed some few for their atrocities and dishonesty. ISIS captured many war prisoners after the commencement of its military attacks against Iraq and Syria in 2013. The group executed most of the prisoners for taking part in battle against them through shooting, beheading, hanging and burning alive. The article compares the ISIS practice with the commandments of the Quran and prophet Muhammad in respect of the fate of war prisoners.

This article explores the on-going construction, or "sedimentation," of Sunni orthodoxy by paying attention to the boundary role of "insider-Others." To highlight how boundary positions of heretical communities shape the category of orthodox Islam, this paper focuses on the social processes excluding the "heretical" Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in South Africa. The paper undertakes a qualitative analysis of two Supreme Court cases involving Ahmadis and the Muslim Judicial Council of South Africa, local representatives of orthodox Sunnism. These two cases stand out in a contentious history that has led to extreme ostracism of Ahmadis by Sunni Muslims in the country. The analysis identifies three features of Sunni orthodoxy that crystallized in the process of conflict with the Ahmadiyya: alienation, transnationalism, and Archimedean moral authority. These features help make sense of social processes marginalizing Ahmadis around the world, and offer new insights into construction of global Sunni orthodoxy.

Generally speaking, mosques and pondok (Islamic boarding schools) in Southern Thailand are regarded as place for fostering Muslim militants. In Pattani, many mosques are taken for granted as places to recruit Muslim militants against the Thai Government. For instance, Kru-Ze Mosque incident in 2004 had raised various militant, Islamist activities against the central government. In this regard, I believe that Pattani Central Mosque has non-violenceelements that could be activated as a sanctuary to hinder the unjust violence. Therefore, this article will examine the real quality of Pattani Central Mosque in southern Thailand on the basis of its profile. Consequently, readers would grasp a general picture about those matters. Thus, by analyzing the religious practices within the mosque,I conclude that Pattani Central Mosque seems to be composed of a fairly equal mixture of moderate and more conservative Muslims instead of those with radical and extreme tendencies.Keywords: Mosque, Islamic teaching practices, Salafy-Wahaby

This article explores self-ascriptions, processes of inclusion and exclusion, and senses of belonging in the everyday lives of German Muslims who orientate themselves towards the Salafiyya. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews taking place over a year and a half, we draw on two case studies to show how demarcation lines between 'us' and 'others' can be established within the diverse Salafi communities and Salafi self-positioning in non-Muslim surroundings. The article sheds light on what orientation towards the life of the Prophet and the salaf salih (the pious ancestors) means for the informants, especially focusing on their negotiations of being Salafiyya-oriented Muslims and citizens of Germany. Looking at their reasoning behind their own standing towards other persons labelling them Salafis, towards nonSalafis and towards possible opponents of Salafism, we provide insight into negotiations of political action, citizenship, identity and belongingness from an emic approach.

The purpose of this article is to discuss the views and opinions of contemporary Muslim scholars on organisational accountability in Islam. The paper is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews and a review of the relevant documents. Eighteen interviews with twelve Muslim scholars, two ulamas (mufti), two organisational donors, and two relevant government officers, both in Indonesia and in Malaysia were, respectively, conducted. The Muslim scholars interviewed perceived that accounting and accountability activities are not contradictory to Islamic teachings. The accountability relationship in Islam is viewed as not only fulfilling the legal requirements, but also fulfilling the relationship with God. The findings clearly indicate that a formal accountability mechanism is strongly encouraged in Islam, and financial reporting is viewed as essential in enhancing the accountability of Islamic religious organizations. Therefore, any organization dealing with community funds must demonstrate its financial accountability formally; i.e., through written reports. Thus, public or community trust in the organisation cannot replace the accountability mechanism.

This article explains Moeslim Abdurrahman's view on the Indonesian Muslim middle class. The emergence of Muslim middle class in Indonesia was helped by New Order regime's success in implementation of economic development and modernization. Their political attitude is mostly apolitical, their Islam is more culturally oriented, and they are a part of an increasingly consumerist society. It reveals that the combination between consumerism and religious attitude in this class creates a new type of pious social class. The research discusses the new middle class daily life style signified by the glamorous, trendyness, and prestigeousness of religious symbols and attributes. Their religious appearance and attitude show the shifting meaning of religion from the substantial to the material. The form of their religious life actually reduces the true meaning of Islam which promotes equality and social justice. The religious attitude of the new middle class Muslim has been losing its critical and emancipative function.

This article explains Moeslim Abdurrahman's view on the Indonesian Muslim middle class. The emergence of Muslim middle class in Indonesia was helped by New Order regime's success in implementation of economic development and modernization. Their political attitude is mostly apolitical, their Islam is more culturally oriented, and they are a part of an increasingly consumerist society. It reveals that the combination between consumerism and religious attitude in this class creates a new type of pious social class. The research discusses the new middle class daily life style signified by the glamorous, trendyness, and prestigeousness of religious symbols and attributes. Their religious appearance and attitude show the shifting meaning of religion from the substantial to the material. The form of their religious life actually reduces the true meaning of Islam which promotes equality and social justice. The religious attitude of the new middle class Muslim has been losing its critical and emancipative function.

Studies on Shiites in Indonesia has become a serious problem related to the political issues. The existence of Shiite treated less sympa­thetically by other Islamic groups. This paper was based on a literature review and as well as the opinions expressed by the Indonesian Muslim leaders associated with the Shiites in Indonesia, particularly in Sam­pang, Madura. The approach in this paper was a political soci­o­logy, not theological. The focus of this study, first, explores the difference between Shiite and Sunni Muslims; second, to unders­tand the cause of conflict between Shiite and Sunni Muslims. The findings of this study confirms, there was a difference between Sunnis and Shiites in some aspects. But it must be stressed, the cause of the conflict between Shiites and Sunnis not a theological issue, but a political problem. however, political issues were brought to the theological issues that cause conflicts and clashes such as the case of Sampang.

AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on "superficial" democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and politico-religious tolerance. Statistical analyses on seven WVS surveys for Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia show that tolerance levels are remarkably lower than "democratic support"; the influence of being (committed or orthodox) Muslim and Muslim political attitudes are negligible however. Political Islamist views strongly affect tolerance negatively. They also influence "support for democracy," but if the opposition in an authoritarian country is Islamic, these attitudes actually strengthen this support.