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Gendered critiques by historians and feminist international relations scholars have been animating international history for a good thirty years by complicating the supposedly binary relationships between states and societies, private and public, and local and international that traditionally structured the discipline. In this essay we would like to ask what a sensitivity to gender might add to international histories that are shifting their focus away from intergovernmental relations towards a reassessment of internationalisms in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries through studies of transnational social movements, international organizations and norms, or practices of global governance. We are especially interested in how gender might contribute to a major emerging theme of international history today: the history of internationalism and international organizations as a struggle between competing or converging universalisms – 'imperial and anticolonial, "Eastern" and "Western", old and new' – that sought to speak in the name of all humanity, rather than as the triumph of an international order imposed by the "West" on the rest.

The article considers the question of re-ideologization in modern Russia and in the world. The author understands the ideology as the universal enforcing to joint being. Ideology as a universal refers to the same universals as law, art, science, religion, regulating social discourses according to historical era. The peculiarities of ideology in modern Russia are followings: ideology is the product of a cynical mind where the words do not correspond to reality, the truth of the ideology is impossible - it is pure co-communication without references; The ideology of modern Russia "steals" the story in order to manipulate the community, creates a "historical narrative" of such concepts as a great power, Empire, patriotism and glorification of military history, and so on; in ideology clearly differ suggestion (obsession with idea) and logos as an ideological construct, which is the operator of the emotional sphere of common life. The author notes similar processes of re-ideologization in the Western world - Europe, America. Ideologies have to justify the Foundation of the joint being in the presence of different regions, which is the Western world, Russian world American world and others, today the situation unfolds in a situation of dispute and even strife, when each of the parties comes from a different understanding of justice. There is a contradiction of studies: American atlantism based on the priority of human rights and the European mentality, committed to the Hegelian priority of law. In Russia the law, both domestic and international, guaranteed by the Sovereign is more important than the subjective right of man and citizen. Therefore, there are different ideologies that create conflicts. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n3s4p31

Der Beitrag erörtert die Art und Weise nationaler Geschichtsschreibung und deren Vermittlung in Afrika im Zuge der globalen Geschichte bzw. des Globalisierungsprozesses. Der Anspruch der Afrika-Historiker besteht darin, eine Balance zwischen der Positionierung Afrikas und seiner Länder sowie den globalen Kräften und ihrer Geschichte zu wahren: Beharren sie zu extrem auf Afrika, gelten sie als vaterländisch; wird die globale Geschichte zu deutlich gerühmt, kommt der Vorwurf der Xenophobie auf. Das erste Kapitel beschreibt in einem historischen Rückblick die Konfrontation Afrikas mit dem Phänomen der Globalisierung seit dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts. Im Anschluss folgt eine Skizzierung der Grundzüge der Globalisierung hinsichtlich der Entwicklung von Ideologie und Wirtschaft in Afrika. Auf dieser Grundlage diskutiert das dritte Kapitel die Besonderheiten der nationalen Geschichte Afrikas im Kontext der globalen Geschichte und formuliert entsprechende Vorschläge bezüglich seiner wissenschaftlichen Darstellung. Das vierte Kapitel liefert abschließend die vier Hauptthemen der national und global geprägten Geschichte des Kontinents: (1) Historisches Fundament, (2) Kolonialismus, (3) Dekolonisierung und Nationalismus sowie (4) der postkoloniale Staat und die Gesellschaft. (ICG2)

Cover -- Title -- Contents -- Introduction: What Is History for? -- Part One: Prehistory -- How Did the Universe Begin? -- How Did the Earth Get Made? -- How Does Evolution Work? -- Your (Enormous) Family Tree -- How Did We Get to Be Human? -- The First Tools -- How Did We Start Speaking? -- Our Missing Cousins -- How Humans Spread Around the World -- How Religion Started -- From Hunter-Gatherers to Farmers -- How Money Was Invented -- Part Two: Angent History -- What the Buddha Thought -- Why the Ancient Greeks Had Lots of Gods -- What Christian Thought Can Teach Us -- Why Do Civilisations Sometimes Go Backwards? -- Part Three: The Middle Ages -- The Islamic Golden Age -- How Short and Hard Life Was (and How Painful As Well) -- What Were Monasteries For? -- What Old Maps Tell You -- Part Four: The Beginnings of The Modern World -- Renaissance Thinking -- Why the Aztecs Were Defeated -- The Native Americans -- A Brief History of Pandemic Diseases -- Why Did Millions of Africans End Up In the Americas? -- When Was Printing Invented? -- How We Invented Science -- Why We Invented Forks and Chopsticks (and the Difference Between a Ladder and a Pendulum) -- The Beginnings of Religious Tolerance -- Part Five: Industraialisation -- The Discovery of Fossil Fuels -- Famine (and the New Problem of Eating Too Much) -- The Conquest of the Night -- The Birth of Travel and Speed -- The Story of Cities -- The Birth of Central Heating (and the Hot Bath) -- The Rise of Shopping -- How Education Changed (and How It Might Change in the Future) -- Why Lots of People Stopped Being Religious -- The Birth of Art Galleries -- Part Six: The Modern World -- How Everyone Got the Vote -- Why It Matters What We Count -- The Rise of the News -- The Increasing Power of Advertising -- The Invention of Childhood -- What Was Communism? -- What Is Capitalism? -- Animals.

Men's history—masculine history, if you will—begins when we redefine our usual notion of historical significance and when we shift our usual frame of reference. Once we have made these two conceptual adjustments, we uncover some secrets hidden in the familiar landscape of the past. More often—and ultimately more important—as we shift our angle of vision, we recognise new meanings in the evidence that lay in front of our eyes all along.1A man would never set out to write a book on the peculiar situation of the human male. But if I wish to define myself I must first of all say: 'I am a woman'; a man never begins by presenting himself as an individual of a certain sex, it goes without saying that he is a man.2

Beginning with labor historians' efforts to create a synthesis of the field in the 1980s, this essay explores the problem of working-class political fragmentation and the intellectual problems that posed for the generation of "new" labor historians. Looking to culture, class, community, and control as their themes, historians overlooked deeper problems in American class formation as well as the monumental complexity of discussing the history of class in the United States.

In this famous survey of premarital courting customs in early America, Stiles traces the origin, progress, and decline of bundling in America. He proves that bundling, a pleasant custom brought to America by the Puritans, was common at various times in many lands as far back as ancient Rome and that it arose out of real need rather than licentiousness. Controversial at the time, this book was banned in Boston when it was first published