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The year 2013 featured unprecedented strides for gay rights in some parts of the world, particularly in Western Europe and the Americas, but also startling setbacks elsewhere, as in Russia and some countries in Africa. Wealth and religion are the most discussed factors behind this so-called global divide on homosexuality. Less studied and therefore less understood, however, is the effect of the political regime, especially whether the country is democratic or not. Although gay rights are not found in all democracies, gay rights are virtually nonexistent in nondemocracies. Among the many factors that make democracy an apparent prerequisite for gay rights are the opportunities that it provides for advocacy—including access to the courts, the party system, and the legislature—as well as a social environment that permits gay people to live their lives openly and honestly, a critical but often overlooked factor in advancing societal acceptance of homosexuality.

Irrespective of their final outcome, the Arab uprisings have changed the region profoundly with important consequences for external actors as well. Since 1995, the European Union has been extremely active in the Middle East and North Africa with a number of policies put in place to achieve often contrasting objectives. The uprisings have exposed the problems affecting these polices and have led the EU to rethink regional relations. The scholarship on EU-MENA relations has provided over time numerous and powerful insights into the workings, shortcomings and success of the EU in the region, but the uprisings demand a radical change in the way in which the MENA is approached. This review article looks at the contribution that the scholarship has made in this field and suggests a new research agenda, which could lead to better informed and more effective policy-making.

The Kenyan state is currently under pressure from two sides: First, numerous non-state armed groups have taken over the provision of security in areas where the state is practically absent. Second, drug- trafficking organizations are gaining ground as the country is increasingly being used as a major transit hub for narcotics. This article investigates the relationship between drug trafficking and informal security provision in Kenya and draws analogies from comparable experiences in Latin America and West Africa. Field research in Kenya has demonstrated that profit-oriented, informal security actors in Mombasa work for drug lords, while their counterparts in Nairobi are more likely to be hired by politicians. Moreover, faith-based vigilante groups in both cities appear to be less susceptible to external manipulation by drug traffickers. The article concludes by considering the potential consequences of an expansion of the drug trade in Kenya. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACTWhile there has been a growing body of research focused on corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices in developing economies, few studies have examined the factors shaping the CSR agenda in sub‐Saharan countries. Using qualitative data obtained through semi‐structured interviews with management and stakeholders, this paper examines the drivers of the CSR agenda pursued by Paladin (Africa), a subsidiary of an Australian multinational mining company (MNC) operating the first uranium mine in Malawi. The findings suggest that the CSR agenda in the mining industry in Malawi is strongly influenced by externally generated pressures such as civil society organisation activism and community expectations; although it is clear that other drivers such as public and private regulations and pressure from financial markets also played a role in pressurising Paladin to adopt a CSR agenda. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment

India is the second-largest nation in the world, with a population of 1.2 billion. As China rapidly urbanizes, India has become the last of the large nations where village life and traditional farm production survive. While weakened by neoliberal reforms, many government policies continue to support rural institutions. This article addresses the question: Could India become the most prominent exception to the trend that over the last century transformed the United States, Russia, Brazil, and most recently China, from rural to urban nations? If current trends continue, India could join many other nations in Asia and Africa that have shut the door on the possibility of alternative development scenarios that integrate urban and rural life, promote food sovereignty, and reduce their ecological footprints. However, if India's dynamic and diverse social movements have their way, another world may be possible.

Leaders in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia are placed in front of what appears to be a very simple decision. Why spend time and effort in quarrels over human rights and good governance, if there is a much easier option at their disposal with results available right away? More and more countries are now keen on belonging to the Chinese sphere of soft power influence, which goes far beyond the quest for natural resources. The author presents reasons why Europe and indeed the US should be worried about their political and cultural hegemony. The author even goes as far as warning against another Cold War rivalry between the West and China. China is on the move, acting. The author concludes by suggesting that the EU should get rid of its normative leadership illusions and do the same.

Neopatrimonialism is a concept that has predominately been applied to describe governance in sub-Saharan Africa. Recently, though, it has also been used to describe states from other world regions. However, scholars have rarely attempted to systematically compare neopatrimonial rule in different regional settings. This paper aims to narrow this gap by examining the effect of neopatrimonialism on the tax administration as a core state function in six countries from three different world regions: Argentina, Venezuela, Indonesia, the Philippines, Kenya and Zambia. We conclude that neopatrimonialism is a valuable concept for comparative area studies with the potential to foster dialogue on the state in operation across the regional divide. However, several indicators are more valid for some world regions than for others. We find that there is no systematic relationship between neopatrimonial trajectories and the strength of tax administration. Individual actor decisions influence the outcomes of neopatrimonialism substantially.

Based on the observation that the historical-critical methodology used in mainstream biblical studies reflects 18th to 20th century western epistemology and hermeneutics, the article addresses the role of this methodology in African Old Testament studies as it has developed since 1960. African Old Testament studies – in relation to historical-critical methodology – is then approached in three steps: first its context, with a focus on institutional and methodological perspectives; then its content, with a focus on its preference for comparative perspectives; and finally a critical perspective, with a focus on the potential of historical-critical methodology – at least when consciously used – to express critical concerns vis-à-vis the challenge that faces Old Testament interpretative communities not only in contemporary Africa, but at all times and places, namely to be more than just a mirror of current religious, cultural and politi­cal power structures. ; publishedVersion

ABSTRACTIn Namibia, as in many parts of Africa, households are highly dependent on forest resources for their livelihoods, including energy needs. Using data originally collected for Namibia's forest resource accounts and insights from a non-separable household model, this paper estimates household fuelwood demand. Specifically, the factors underlying the substitution between fuelwood collected from open access forest resources, cow dung, and fuelwood purchased from the market are analysed. Heckman two-step estimates show that households respond to economic scarcity, as measured by the opportunity costs of collecting fuelwood, by reducing energy consumption slightly more than by increasing labour input to collection. There is limited evidence for substitution from fuelwood to other energy sources, particularly with declining availability of forest stocks. Market participants may be more sensitive to price changes than non-participants. All estimated elasticities are low, similar to those observed in previous studies.

The recent expansion of Pentecostalism and independent churches in Africa has generated growing interest among social scientists. This attention parallels a renewed interest among Africanists on witchcraft and occult activities, also believed by many to be increasing. Some suggest the two trends may be related, but it remains unclear how and why. Drawing on a study of Pentecostalism and health in the city of Chimoio, Mozambique, in 2002–03 that focused on attitudes toward recent social change, we argue that structural adjustment economic reforms have deepened economic inequality and exacerbated household stresses that affect men and women differently. Women increasingly seek spiritual help for reproductive health problems from Pentecostal churches, whereas men disproportionately pay traditional healers to engage "occult" practices to manage misfortune related to employment. The increased resort to both spiritual resources reveals social distress caused by economic adjustment, with important implications for health programs.

Recent high‐profile corporate failures in the US and elsewhere in the world, many of which were caused by, or at least exacerbated by, weak governance practices, have convinced an increasing number of once sceptical investors that governance is a separate risk class that certainly requires attention and, in many cases, expert analysis. In this paper we examine corporate governance in Tunisia, North Africa, by analysing the board, the ownership structures and the financial market. By using a panel data set of 24 firms listed on the Tunisian Stock Exchange for the period 2000 to 2005, we provide evidence that governance in Tunisian firms is characterised by strong blockholders (often including families). Moreover, firms can choose between a dual board and a monist board. Our estimates show that Tunisian governance is weak. Finally we provide evidence for a strong relationship between governance and corporate performance.