Explanations of the switch from majoritarian (MR) to proportional representation (PR) at the beginning of the 20th century focus on parties' expected gains of seats. But these gains had actually been achieved even under MR, via local-level electoral alliances. Moreover, the underlying assumption of major parties of the time as unitary actors appears inaccurate. Rather, PR proved attractive for leaders of established parties whose struggle for control over backbencher behavior was exacerbated by increasing alliance diversity and the rise of modern mass parties. This rise, incarnated in the socialist parties, thus threatened legislative, not electoral majorities of established parties. Using encompassing datasets on alliances and parliamentary voting behavior for Germany in the period 1890-1918, we show this argument to hold empirically. Adapted from the source document.
Nowadays, comparative research in the field of small business in the border regions of Russia and Kazakhstan plays an important role, as both countries are willing to increase the relevance of this sector in the national economy. A theoretical review on the topic has demonstrated the need to intensify research focused on the development problems of the Russian-Kazakh regions, including assessments of the business sector. The study aims to comparatively assess the contribution of the border regions to the development of small business in Russia and Kazakhstan and examine the reaction of their business community to changes in the environment. I hypothesise that, in the period from 2011 to 2018, the share of the Russian and Kazakh border regions in the indicators of small business development has not changed significantly. The analysis is based on the author's calculations of the ratio of the border regions in terms of four indicators of small business development: the number of subjects, the number of employees, turnover, and outputs. The analysis results showed that the border regions of both countries are hardly «sensitive» to government initiatives aimed at the business activity promotion. The values of the indicators of small business development either remain the same (as in Russia) or decrease (as in Kazakhstan). Simultaneously, the border regions of both countries demonstrate a high migration outflow that could be gradually reduced by the business sector. The significance of small business in these processes is underestimated: this economic entity organizes the flow of material, labour, and financial resources, as well as participates in socio-political processes and spatial planning in the border areas. The further research directions include comparative assessments of the development of individual entrepreneurs and medium-sized business, analysis of institutional mechanisms for small business development in the border area. Follow-up studies should also focus on developing the proposals for improving regional and municipal strategies and programmes to strengthen their border context. ; Актуальность компаративных исследований в сфере малого предпринимательства в приграничных регионах России и Казахстана обусловлена стремлением обеих стран повысить значимость этого сектора в национальной экономике. Теоретический обзор публикаций по приграничной тематике показал необходимость активизации исследований, охватывающих проблемы развития именно российско-казахстанских регионов, в том числе оценок предпринимательского сектора. Основная цель исследования заключается в сравнительной оценке вклада приграничных регионов в развитие малого предпринимательства России и Казахстана, а также реакции предпринимательского сообщества этих территорий на изменения среды. Гипотеза: доля российских и казахстанских приграничных регионов существенно не изменилась в показателях развития малого предпринимательств за 2011–2018 гг. В качестве аналитической базы представлены авторские расчеты удельных весов приграничных регионов в разрезе четырех показателей развития малого предпринимательства — количества субъектов, численности работников, оборота и выпуска продукции. Результаты анализа показали, что приграничные регионы обеих стран практически «нечувствительны» к правительственным институтам стимулирования предпринимательской активности. Они либо остаются на том же уровне показателей развития малого предпринимательства, как в России, либо ухудшают свои позиции, как в Казахстане. При этом для приграничных регионов обеих стран характерен высокий миграционный отток, постепенно снизить который мог бы и предпринимательский сектор, чья значимость как экономического субъекта, организующего потоки материальных, трудовых и финансовых ресурсов, и как участника социально-политических процессов и пространственного планирования на приграничных территориях в этих процессах недооценена. Направлениями дальнейших исследований в этой сфере могут стать сравнительные оценки развития индивидуальных предпринимателей и среднего бизнеса, анализ институциональных механизмов развития малого предпринимательства в условиях приграничья, разработка предложений по совершенствованию региональных и муниципальных стратегий и программ с целью усиления в них приграничного контекста. ; The article has been prepared in accordance with the plan of Institute of Economics of the Ural Branch of RAS for 2019–2021. ; Статья подготовлена в рамках плана НИР Института экономики УрО РАН на 2019–2021 гг.
Dieses Buch untersucht die kantonale Entwicklung von Rechtsparteien mit einem Fokus auf Populismus. Ein qualitativ-deskriptiver Teil bildet das Kernstück des Buches, indem die jeweilige Parteiengeschichte von 1960 bis 2015 detailliert nachgezeichnet wird. Die qualitative Aufarbeitung erlaubt im Anschluss den neu entwickelten Rechtspopulismus-Index anzuwenden und somit aufzuzeigen, dass sich Populismus im Laufe der letzten Jahrzehnte sowohl gewandelt hat, als auch, dass die entsprechenden Parteien keineswegs als rein populistisch oder eben rein nicht-populistisch betrachtet werden können. Vielmehr muss Populismus als dynamisches und graduelles Phänomen verstanden werden, welches sowohl in geographischem als auch temporalen Kontext unterschiedliche Ausprägungen annimmt.
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A review essay on books by (1) Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2000); (2) Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State: A Party System Perspective on Democratic Regulatory Choice, 1884-1936 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2000); & (3) David R. Mayhew, Electoral Realignments: A Critique of an American Genre (New Haven, CT: Yale U Press, 2002).
Explores the origins & long-term evolution of gender-differentiated partisan preferences in the US, recognizing the need to consider regional differences & male preference for independent identification. It is argued that the independence gap renders Democrat-Republican gender gap measurement inadequate, because it underestimates male-female partisan differences. In fact, accounting for the independence gap reveals a gap of more women than men in both major parties in 1976 & 1978. A more accurate reading of the gap can be had by incorporating leaning independents into the appropriate parties, distinctly identifying when the partisan gap first appeared. Further, gender gap evolution can be traced by dividing the population by race & region, particularly in light of the high partisan shift among white southern males. Longitudinal data from the American National Election Studies illustrate that, in the North & South, white male movement out of the Democratic Party created the gender gap as preferences began to shift in the 1960s, became more frequent in the 1980s, & settled as a permanent pattern in the 1990s. It is suggested that the increasing conservatism in greater support for compassion-issue government programs might explain the male exodus to the Republican Party. 2 Tables, 21 References. J. Lindroth
The Framework Programmes (FPs) represent one key supply-side instrument in the innovati on policy mix implemented directly by the European Union (EU). Since its fi nal goal is fostering innovati on and competi ti veness, it is advisable to analyze the spati al distributi on of this instrument across EU regions. The main aim of this paper is to analyze the regional allocati on of the coordinati on and parti cipati on in projects under the 6th and the 7th FPs, as well as the distributi on of funds from Horizon 2020 (the 8th FP). For this purpose, a comprehensive database regionalized at NUTS 2 level was elaborated based on the data supplied by CORDIS and the Smart Specialisati on Platf orm. Moreover, in order to tackle the relati onship between FPs and regional development, NUTS 2 regions were classifi ed into three groups: less developed regions, middle-income regions and developed regions. Our empirical evidence underlines diff erent trends in this tool of the innovati on policy mix. The general trend points to a positi ve correlati on between the level of development and the capacity to att ract FPs projects and funds. Therefore, FPs might contribute to reinforcing pre-existi ng innovati on hubs and long-term growth dispariti es. Thus, coordinati on and parti cipati on in projects, as well as the funds allocated in the FPs are heavily concentrated in the developed regions. Middle-income regions att ract more projects on average than less develop regions, although the dispariti es among them are not parti cularly high. Concerning less developed regions, there are two different groups of regions. One of them is characterized by a remarkable number of project coordinations that attract funds, even higher than some middle-income regions; while the other group shows a low number of coordinations or participations in projects. Comparing the 6th and the 7th FPs, we observe a slight reduction of the disparities, particularly due to the higher participation of regions from Spain, Portugal and Italy, which were among the ...
The 2014 general elections in India were significant for a number of reasons. One of them was the widespread use of social media by many of the parties in their campaigns. This essay is not an analysis of the effectiveness of social media used by politicalparties in the campaign. It is the examination of the social media campaign used by the Bharatiya Janata Party -BJP for the national elections in India in 2014 and how this has created an effective 'public', as defined by Michael Warner. The essay will examine online platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, You Tube and the BJPs community organizing website -Mission 272+ to demonstrate this.
In order to grasp what is happening in the Middle East, we must set aside a number of deep-rooted prejudices. First among them is the assumption that democracy presupposes secularization: The democratization movement in the Arab world came precisely after thirty years of what has been called the "return of the sacred," an obvious process of re-Islamization of everyday life, coupled with the rise of Islamist parties. The second is the idea that a democrat must also, by definition, be a liberal. What is at stake is the reformulation of religion's place in the public sphere.
This paper is a study of the influence of economic and political conditions on the results of incumbent parties' candidates in local elections in France. The large sample used covers 586 towns and two elections (2001 and 2008). It explicitly deals with the specificities induced by the tworound process of the French electoral rule, and results are provided for both the reelection probability and the share of votes. It is shown that the budget structure, and notably equipment expenditures, has a strong impact on the incumbent party's share of votes. Political variables also play a role, as do the number of candidates, and national partisan waves.
The framework of the European social dialogue (ESD) has enabled interest organizations at the European level to conclude agreements on a wide range of social policy issues. This applies both at the inter-sectoral level and within the various sectors, and has led in the last few decades to the creation of a large number of joint texts. This article addresses the issue of the added value of these results for the parties concluding them. It is argued that the ESD does not constitute a system of industrial relations at the European level, but serves as an alternative lobbying channel for the social partners involved.
Alexis de Tocqueville is not easily characterized as either a liberal or a conservative. In this respect he resembles Edmund Burke. Both may be best understood as "liberal conservatives"—figures who straddled both camps. On a number of specific dimensions, including their attitudes toward aristocracy, colonialism, property, rationalism, the tyranny of the majority, pluralism, and the meaning of history, they are remarkably similar. Their thinking foreshadows the rapprochement between liberals and conservatives in the latter half of the twentieth century reflected in the prominence of right-of-center parties and leaders and in the work of such political thinkers as Raymond Aron and Michael Oakeshott.
Recently, a number of armed conflicts have broken out in Europe or not far away: armed conflicts between States — the Gulf War, for example, authorized by UN Security Council resolution 678 — or wars of national liberation, such as the armed conflict in Yugoslavia or the revolt in Kurdistan. Whether or not the use of force was legitimate in each of these situations, and even though the classic notion of a "just war" no longer exists, all parties to any armed conflict have a moral, legal and humanitarian obligation to abide by the laws and customs of war in the conduct of hostilities and indeed throughout the entire conflict.
