Suchergebnisse

The Kangoye (2013, TDE) findings on the negative nexus between foreign aid unpredictability and governance could seriously affect debates in academic and policy making circles. Using the theoretical underpinnings of the celebrated Eubank (2012, JDS) literature, we first confirm Kangoye's findings. Then extend the concept of governance from corruption to political, economic, institutional and general versions of the phenomenon. Findings from the extension run counter to those of Kangoye. It follows that in the presence of foreign aid uncertainty, governments could be constrained to improve governance standards in exchange for or anticipation of more dependence on local tax revenues. The empirical evidence is based on 53 African countries for the period 1996-2010. Two direct policy implications result. First, the Kangoye findings for developing countries are relevant for Africa. Second, when the concept of governance is not restricted to corruption, the findings become irrelevant for the continent.

Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity-a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries-affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage-based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament. © 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.

Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity-a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries-affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage-based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament. © 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.

Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity-a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries-affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage-based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament. © 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.

In 2014, Belarusian diplomats kept looking for new 'Venezuelas' (as President Alexander Lukashenko used to say) in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Certain progress was achieved in this direction: the assembly of tractors was launched in Cambodia, and similar contracts were signed with Mozambique and Nigeria. However, in general, Belarus' achievements in fostering trade and economic relations with developing countries1 are quite modest. The cultivation of new foreign markets is sluggish not only because Belarusian goods are poorly competitive and the state-run economy is usually shiftless, but also due to a variety of external factors. Political and military tension in the Middle East impedes Belarus' trade with the region. Uncertainty about the future of a number of joint projects in Latin America is caused by a global oil price downturn, which hits the economies of the partner countries. Last year, Belarus' foreign trade balance with developing countries slightly improved mainly owing to increased supplies of Belarusian potash fertilizers.

Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity-a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries-affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage-based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament. Adapted from the source document.

On May 30, 2013, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament announced an agreement on the negotiations over the 'Schengen Governance Package' reform plans. The deal was preceded by tough political debates between the member states, the European Parliament and the European Commission. In the future, the evaluation mechanisms regarding the application of the Schengen Borders Code, as well as the requirements for reinstating internal border checks within the framework will be renewed through the reform. The background of this reform package was the influx of several ten thousand people starting in February 2011, who fled the countries in upheaval in Northern Africa during the 'Arab Spring' and sought refuge in Europe. The internal and external political response to this influx reveals the dimensions of Europe's much-quoted 'solidarity'. The diplomatic structures and processes within Europe's immigration and asylum policy highlight one of the core values of the European Union. Adapted from the source document.

Territorial control by violent (non-)state actors (VNSA) in sub-state war features prominently
in many fundamental concepts in conflict studies. Though there have been attempts to
measure this phenomenon or at least delimit it from a spatiotemporal perspective, these
have so far been based either primarily on qualitative expert assessments or rely on dyadic
event data to determine contested areas. In this methodological research paper, I present
three approaches that can be used to estimate actor presence on basis of spatiotemporal
approximation. In doing so, I focus on challenges and obstacles that can be encountered
when measuring territorial control via the proxy of territorial contestation. Spatiotemporally
disaggregated violent incidence data is used to analyze a small subsample of countries in subSaharan
Africa in order to determine various ways of visualizing territorial contest. Further
points of discussion include the impact of data aggregation, the availability of context data
and analytical methods used for these evaluations.

Civil conflicts constitute one of the most significant threats to human security. Understanding when belligerents are willing to undertake conflict management efforts is an important first step in better understanding how civil conflicts can be dealt with by the international community. In this article, I examine the occurrence of mediation in low-intensity conflicts. Drawing on insights from the war termination literature, I develop a theoretical argument that links mediation in low-intensity conflicts to the evolution of fighting. I argue that, while the characteristics of a conflict and its belligerents influence when mediation happens, how events unfold on the battlefield also influences the occurrence of mediation. I test this argument by looking at low-intensity conflicts in Africa from 1997 to 2004 using data on mediation in low-intensity conflicts and battle-level civil conflict events. The analysis highlights the important effect of battlefield outcomes and locations upon the occurrence of mediation in low-intensity conflicts.

The KPCS is a unique undertaking. It has all of the bells and whistles required to be an effective watchdog for an industry prone to theft, corruption, smuggling, and violence. It currently has the power of law in almost eighty national jurisdictions, and it has the blessing of the United Nations and the WTO. It is tripartite in nature, encompassing a wide range of important industry players and civil society organizations from Europe, North America, and Africa. It is something of a tragedy, however. Its consensus decision making process has turned it into a dozy talk shop--unwilling and unable to deal with noncompliance. It could have been a model for other extractive industries beset by war. Instead, it has by and large ignored the failure of internal controls; it has sanctioned smuggling and condoned human rights abuse. It is questionable whether it could prevent another warlord from taking advantage of its weakness.

В данной статье на примере обществ Северной Африки и Ближнего и Среднего Востока рассматривается вопрос о возможности применения концепции гражданского общества к мусульманскому обществу. Большое внимание уделяется внешнеполитической деятельности США в этом направлении на основе концепций либерализма, политического реализма и социального конструктивизма. Используются также цивилизационный подход, концепции глобализации, продвижения демократии, демократического мира, принудительной демократизации, стратегии перемалывания, контролируемого хаоса. Изучается тенденция использования институтов гражданского общества как одного из инструментов свержения политических режимов в мусульманских обществах на примере событий «арабской весны» 2011 г. ; In this paper the possibility of application of the concept of civil society to the Muslim community on an example of societies of North Africa and the Middle East is discussed. Much attention is paid to the USA foreign policy in this region based on the concepts of liberalism, political realism and social constructivism. The author also used such concepts and approaches as civilization, globalization, promotion of democracy, democratic peace, forced democratization, controlled chaos.

Europe's relation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is discussed in the context of normative (International Society) and materialist approaches (World System's Theory). First, European imperialism's export of a flawed Westphalian state system is summarized. How Europe is "caught" between MENA and the US and co-opted into a division of labour toward the region is then surveyed. The gap between the normative rhetoric and actual inequitable outcomes and structures constructed under the Euro-Mediterranean partnership isexamined, looking at the three "baskets" of economic developmental, political reform and cultural convergence. Four "hard cases," EU policies toward Palestine, Iran, Syria and Turkey, illustrate the ambiguities of the EU's approach to MENA. MENA public opinion's ambivalence toward Europe reflects these realities. The conclusion is that the EU'sMENA policy is caught between the rhetoric of post-colonialism and practices of neo-colonialism. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Climate change presents potential risks to forests and challenges for forest managers. Adaptation to climate change involves monitoring and anticipating change and undertaking actions to avoid the negative consequences and take advantage of potential benefits of those changes. Forest managers are accustomed to considering the long-term implications of their decisions. However, many are now responding to much shorter term economic or political imperatives. Climate change potentially increases the consequences of many existing challenges associated with environmental, social or economic change. Some current management measures may continue to be suitable in responding to increasing pressures under climate change, while for other situations new measures will be required. This special issue presents papers from Africa, Europe, and North America that provide examples of the type of analysis being implemented to support forest management in a changing climate. The implications in the context of uncertainty in climate projections and ecosystem responses are discussed.

SummaryConsanguineous marriage is traditional and respected in most communities of North Africa, the Middle East and West Asia, including Bahrain, with intra-familial unions accounting for 20–50+% of all marriages. Significant secular changes in consanguinity rates have been reported in recent decades in different populations. Among parents of 14,237 newborns in Bahrain in 2008–2009, the total consanguinity and first cousin marriage rates over a period of four months in 2008 were 10.9% and 6.9% respectively, while during all of 2009 the rates were 11.4% and 6.8% respectively. The study confirms that over a ten-year period first cousin marriage rates in Bahrain have declined from 24% to nearly 7%. Although advice against cousin marriages was not attempted at any stage in the comprehensive community genetics programmes in Bahrain, increasing the literacy of the public and of the health care providers on prevention strategies for genetic diseases could have contributed to this decline in consanguinity rate in Bahrain.