Suchergebnisse

Hakutermit: information society, right to communicate, freedom of information This thesis explores the concept of the right to communicate and provides an update on its development. The concept was first introduced in 1969 by arguing that there is a need for a new human right to communicate. Since then, academics, professionals and politicians have attempted to provide a definition and a declaration for the concept. This has proved an arduous task and even today there is little agreement on how the right to communicate is to be understood. The aim of this study is to explore the different definitions of the right to communicate since the emergence of the concept and bring the debate to the 21st century. The concept has become a debated issue again in connection to the development of an information society. The framework of the study is human rights and international law. It was found in this study that the framework of the debate has changed, but its surrounding issues and controversies remain. Essentially, the idea that a new human right should be added to the existing catalogue of human rights provokes the underlying, often oppositional viewpoints of the relation of the right to communicate to freedom of expression which is seen, particularly by the press freedom community as an absolute freedom that should not be limited. Furthermore, a strong view is advocated that because even the existing information rights are not fully realized, a new right should not be developed. An analysis of how the issue of communication rights was approached in the World Summit on the Information Society suggests that on certain controversial issues, the debate has not moved beyond the previous debate on NWICO in the 1980s even if the framework of the debate is different with the prospect of globalisation, global civil society and information society. The right to communicate is a topical issue because of growing unease about widening digital divide, concentration of media ownership and generally the democratic deficit in the social structures which the emergence of the Internet has highlighted. The setting for the development of a human right to communicate is promising: the evolving relationship between sovereignty and human rights, and the developments in international law together with the increasing civil society action, suggest that the right to communicate is a concept in progress. However, to reach a consensus on an international statement on communication rights is very difficult as this study indicates. Furthermore, an agreement or even a declaration does not guarantee realisation. Therefore, a firm basis that a right to communicate is a matter of international law, not a mere moral claim, needs to be established in the future.

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. Social democracy and Euroscepticism: the integration trap -- Chapter 3. The left's divided constituency and the construction of a unifying narrative -- Chapter 4. The European institutions and their communications deficits -- Chapter 5. The Party of European Socialists and its problems -- Chapter 6. Germany and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands -- Chapter 7. The French Socialist Party in the 2019 European elections -- Chapter 8. The moderate Europhilia of the Italian Democratic Party -- Chapter 9. The UK and the Labour Party -- Chapter 10. Spain and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español -- Chapter 11. Greece and the Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima -- Chapter 12. Conclusion.

U.S. strategic planners seeking to achieve the upper hand in ongoing and future conflict with near-peer adversaries will derive significant advantages from a thorough understanding of American strategic culture and its inherent blind spots. Studied self-awareness will make it less likely that U.S. adversaries can exploit deficits in traditional U.S. defense practices and may inspire an investment in skills, tactics, and diplomatic approaches that innovate beyond the American strategic culture comfort zone. New U.S. strategies are needed in the current era of ideological competition driven by Russia and China's use of digital technologies to undermine democratic governance and grow the world market for data surveillance-based authoritarianism.

Contested states are entities whose claims to statehood are challenged by the international community, resulting in a lack of de jure recognition. In 2014 the Islamic State (IS) became the latest addition to the current clutch of contested states. Its contemporaries included Abkhazia, South Ossetia, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, Kosovo and Somaliland. The IS's recognition deficit was worse than that of most other contested states, but like the rest it too displayed standard features of statehood. These similarities were, however, overshadowed by the profound differences between the IS state and its counterparts.

En este artículo se analiza el curso de deslegitimación y declive del sistema democrático representativo reflejado en el triunfo electoral del populismo autoritario, corporativo y clientelista del gobierno de Lucio Gutiérrez. Además, se ubican algunos elementos que inciden en su caída, y que reflejan un déficit de ciudadanía y de integración nacional. ; This article analyzes the course of deslegitimación and declivity of the representative democratic system in Ecuador since the electoral triumph of authoritarian populism, corporative and clientelist government of Lucio Gutiérrez. In addition, it puts some elements that affect its overthrow, and that reflects a deficit of citizenship and national integration.

A decade ago, we were among the scholars in political science who proudly associated ourselves with the Perestroika movement and its calls for greater respect for a range of productive methods, more substantively significant political research, and a more internally democratic profession. We retain those commitments. But Perestroikans have failed to focus on some broader trends in political science and the modern American academy that pose threats that are arguably still deeper, still more unjust, and still harder to overcome. In regard to what political scientists do that this society values most—teaching—we have a significant and growing equity deficit in the discipline.

Out of diminishing democratic ideals upon which this country was founded due to the blurring of the governmental branches by the current administration, one of the most worrisome is the piece of NCLB (2001) that has decreased the teaching of social studies in the early childhood/elementary curriculum. It appears there is a plan for failure for marginalized children that might open the doors to privatize public education. The planned deficit of social studies knowledge to problem solve and to think critically is not equal, nor just. To have a socially just tomorrow, social studies matters for our social studies students today.

Developing states with limited regulatory capacity might benefit from a responsive approach to regulation. Responsive regulation is a democratic ideal, incorporating notions of deliberative democracy and restorative justice. Responsive regulation conducted by regulatory networks of governmental and non-governmental actors allows for networking around capacity deficits. NGOs play a vital role in this kind of regulation. By utilizing NGOs and local social pressure, developing countries might develop a "regulatory society" model, bypassing the regulatory state. Where capacity remains limited, private bounty hunting (such as fees for successful private prosecutions) may become an appealing tool for achieving certain regulatory objectives.

The essays in this volume explore several key issues facing democracies today. They discuss the dilemma of how to protect civil liberties and individual freedoms in the light of external threats and assess the policies adopted by governments in this area. The book also addresses the question of how free, exactly, free markets should be in an economy in order to secure social peace, before going on to highlight the rudiments of the model of social market economy, as applied in Germany. It examines the problem of the democratic and legitimacy deficits that beset European integration and suggests reforms for a more democratic European Union. Last but not least, by looking back in history, they provide evidence and propose policies for the revitalization of institutions in present-day democracies. The book is of considerable interest to researchers and students in economics and political science, as well as to readers who wish to gain insights into the thorny social issues involved.

Version of Record online: 16 AUG 2017 ; The European Central Bank (ECB) emerged from the financial crisis not only as the institutional 'winner' but also as the most central — and powerful — supranational institution of our times. This article challenges the so-called 'accountable independence' of the ECB across the range of tasks it carries out. Citizens 'see' the ECB today especially for its role in promoting austerity and its involvement as part of the troika and otherwise in the economic decision making of troubled Member States. Far from ECB monetary policy heralding a 'new democratic model', the ECB today suffers from a clear deficit in democracy. In between the grandiose concept of ECB 'independence' and the more performative ECB 'accountability' lies 'transparency'. Across the range of ECB practices there is a need to take the related concepts of 'transparency' and of (democratic) 'accountability' more seriously, both in conceptual terms and in their relationship to one another.

In recent years, there has been a drive to strengthen existing public accountability arrangements and to design new ones. This prompts the question whether accountability arrangements actually work. In the existing literature, both accountability 'deficits' and 'overloads' are alleged to exist. However, owing to the lack of a cogent yardstick, the debate tends to be impressionistic and event‐driven. In this article we develop an instrument for systematically assessing public accountability arrangements, drawing on three different normative perspectives. In the democratic perspective, accountability arrangements should effectively link government actions to the 'democratic chain of delegation'. In the constitutional perspective, it is essential that accountability arrangements prevent or uncover abuses of public authority. In the learning perspective, accountability is a tool to make governments effective in delivering on their promises. We demonstrate the use of our multicriteria assessment tool in an analysis of a new accountability arrangement: the boards of oversight of agencies.