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As the economies of rising powers such as China continue to grow, this will also provide a strong 'pull' for students wishing to gain international experience. Traditionally, this has involved a flow of international students from 'East' to 'West' and from 'North' to 'South', but as markets such as Hong Kong have developed their higher education sectors; these regions have become more and more attractive for students. This paper has explored the factors which influence the decision-making process of, and ultimately motivate, international students to seek higher learning within the sphere of Greater China, but outside Mainland China (i.e. the Hong Kong Special Administrative Regions and the Republic of China (Taiwan)). The existing literature on student motivation was examined, paying particular attention to those factors which have been determined to be relevant to the two key markets, and a qualitative study was conducted to verify and expand on the existing knowledge in this area. The results were reviewed and analysed and it was discovered that there was a significant degree of overlap between the two jurisdictions. Differences were also apparent, however, in the focus of the participants and the sources of information they sought when evaluating alternatives. Environmental factors were roughly equally significant, and those factors which were deemed important were fairly consistent, across the two jurisdictions, however, Taiwan-based students appeared to place more emphasis on elements such as the political climate and the opinion of family, friends and peers. This is in contrast with the emphasis on academic quality and the perception of authority figures which featured more prominently in Hong Kong-based respondents. This information was compounded and used to formulate an updated reckoning of the working model used to implement this research which could be expanded with further research. ; published_or_final_version ; Education ; Master ; Master of Education

This dissertation is a comparative study of the politicization process among French migrants who settled in two major Atlantic port-cities, New York and New Orleans, during the first half of the 19th century.In an Atlantic perspective, the politicization process is analyzed as the development of national consciousness, which is visible in the relationship between migrants and their home country – from the First to the Second Napoleonic Empire – and their place of settlement, in the context of the Early republic, the Jacksonian and the Antebellum eras. Atlantic circulations influenced the rise of sociability structures among Frenchmen in these cities, such as masonic lodges. Migrants also experienced multiple forms of participation to major local, national or international events on both sides of the Atlantic, sometimes in a conflicting way.Three periods thus emerge. First, the mixing and gathering of French migrants in both cities were related to the Atlantic revolutions and their 19th-century political impact. Secondly, the expansion of political parties and practices, under the July Monarchy and Jacksonian democracy, led to the reinforcement of national consciousness, without excluding multiple affiliations. Finally, the Atlantic dimension of the 1848 revolutions generated new political tensions. Mass migrations and working-class movements shaped emerging conflicts in the industrial era. In that same period, momentous American issues provoked diverging evolutions between New York and New Orleans. French migrants in both cities were divided on the North-South debate on slavery, as their national and political allegiances were questioned by the Civil War. ; Cette thèse constitue une étude comparée du processus de politisation au sein des groupes de Français ayant émigré aux États-Unis au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, dans deux grands ports atlantiques américains, New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans.Dans une perspective d'histoire atlantique, elle aborde la question de la politisation sous l'angle du ...

AbstractIn examining the endeavours of the Turkish entrepreneurs' association TÜSİAD, a politically embedded economic interest group, it becomes clear how highly discriminative it must act, and react, in its pursuit to deliver economic and political benefits to its members. This can be observed via the example of the association's attitude vis-à-vis the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement process. On the one hand, the association speaks up freely and acts independently, and it has supported and engaged in numerous Armenian-Turkish initiatives, thus promoting a dialogue through trade. Improving economic conditions in the eastern provinces of Turkey and taking steps in line with the European Union accession process have been the major impetus for these moves. On the other hand, when it comes to highly contentious issues considered to be of Turkish national interest, such as the Armenian Genocide debate, TÜSİAD has been strongly affected by nationalist sensibilities. Its approach in this matter is deadlocked and determined by historical legacy. It conforms to the state ideology, rejecting the term genocide for the Ottoman massacres of Armenians in 1915 and considering any contrary arguments as an attempt by foreign powers to damage Turkey's reputation. One of the reasons behind this attitude is the way that a particular Turkish identity was formulated in the transition between the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, in which a sole "national culture" was founded exclusive of ideological divergence. The state, as a historically powerful guardian of this identity, has consistently attempted to enforce the conformity of social actors and the public sphere with this "national culture". However, along with continuing globalisation and a general trend of individualisation of society, TÜSİAD and other civil organisations are in a process of disengagement from these structures. Should this process continue, TÜSİAD could further contribute to a prosperity that extends beyond economic advancement in Turkey's eastern border provinces, leading to a sustainable reconciliation in the South Caucasian region.

Contemporary film settlement of the twentieth‑century history, especially of experiences of World War II and Polish People's Republic, on the one hand continues the tradition started by Polish Film School of de‑mythologizing trend, on the other hand – seeks new means of aesthetic expression. Through the analysis of Rose, dir. W. Smarzowski, Aftermath, dir. W. Pasikowski and Ida, dir. P. Pawlikowski, I present how the recent Polish cinema struggles with the collective trauma. As my research tools, I used concepts proposed by M. Hirsch, J.K. Olick, D. LaCapra and A. Landsberg, among others. That allowed me to take a look at relations between the protagonists inside diegesis, but also to reflect on the situation of the Polish cinema, which still struggles with, what M. Janion defined as "the post‑Romantic neurosis of Polish society". However, I have tried to show, that "the politics of regret", "the prosthetic memory" and, dictated by the logic of capitalism, the realities of postmemory in popular culture, may have also positive overtones in highlighting marginalised history.

Die Geschichte der Trans(sexualität) in der Bundesrepublik ist eine Geschichte sich wandelnder Verständnisse von Geschlecht und Geschlechterordnung. Adrian de Silva betrachtet in seiner Dissertation die Entwicklungen und rechtlichen Auswirkungen dieser Verständnisse in Sexualwissenschaft, Rechtsprechung, Gesetzgebung und der Transgender-Bewegung. Er analysiert die Entstehungs- und Reformprozesse des Transsexuellengesetzes (Gesetz über die Änderung der Vornamen und die Feststellung der Geschlechtszugehörigkeit in besonderen Fällen) und seine folgenreiche Verquickung von Recht, Medizin und Geschlechterpolitik. Historische und aktuelle Debatten um die "Borders of the Gender Regime" in Deutschland lassen sich auf der Basis von de Silvas Buch neu verstehen und einordnen. ; The history of trans (sexuality) in the Federal Republic is a history of changing understandings of gender and gender order. In his dissertation, Adrian de Silva considers the developments and legal implications of these understandings in sexology, jurisprudence, legislation and the transgender movement. He analyzes the emergence and reform processes of the transsexual law (Gesetz über die Änderung der Vornamen und die Feststellung der Geschlechtszugehörigkeit in besonderen Fällen – law on the change of given names and the determination of gender in special cases) and its momentous amalgamation of law, medicine and gender politics. Historical and current debates on the "Borders of the Gender Regime" in Germany can be understood and categorized on the basis of de Silva's book.

Раздел "Международные отношения и внешняя политика" ; Анализируются тенденции развития исторической политики в Беларуси в период перестройки и парламентской республики (1985–1994 гг.). Дается определение понятий «историческая политика» и «историческая политика в Беларуси», характеризуются ее особенности в рассматриваемый период. Показываются проявление политизации истории и «историзации» политики. Описываются процессы формирования новой историографической концепции истории Беларуси и национальной системы исторического образования. Автор использует в исследовании собственный опыт свидетеля и участника событий. = Some basic tendencies of the historical policy in Belarus' development during the period of Perestroika and parliamentary republic (1985–1994) are analyzed in the article. The definitions of «historical policy» and «historical policy in Belarus» are given; its peculiarities in the considered period are characterized. Manifestation of the history politicization and «historicization» of the policy is demonstrated. Processes of formation of new historiography concept of the history of Belarus and the national system of historical education are described. In the research the author uses his own experience as a witness and participant of the events.

This book is the first complete description of 13th century architecture in Austria. This period was significant for ist political and historical events and upheavels in the provinces of Austria, but at the same time for the transition from romanic to gothic style. The book is the result of the author's continuous studies in this field of architectural history for more than 35 years. Basing on his doctoral thesis of 1975 the author is outlining a completely new panorama of the development in 13th century architecture by using the results of recent investigations, reconstructions and newly interpreted historical sources. Some important results were achieved on behalf of FWF-projects under the author's direction (reconstruction of the Capella Speciosa at Klosterneuburg, research on the history of the Imperial Palace di Vienna). The results are corresponding in perfect way with the scientifical researches in neighbouring countries as Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia and Germany, in regard of the long range cultural communications during the Middle Ages, which in former theories were denied by presupposing a distinct stylistic retard in Austrian architecture.

Since the 1990s, research has been carried out worldwide into the relationship between 'civil society' (an organised, self-aware society) and the formation of democracy. Dutch historians have to date shown little interest in this field of research, although the case of the Netherlands is an interesting one, both historically and in terms of current affairs. This article makes a case for the relevance of Dutch history to the debate on civil society in relation to three points. Firstly, where civil society is a phenomenon of the eighteenth and above all the nineteenth centuries, the society of the Republic demonstrates that a corporatist order can show characteristics of a civil society. Secondly, the factor of religion can be an important element in the promotion of social commitment. Thirdly, Dutch history flags up a paradox: it seems that a highly developed, civil society can rather limit than promote the need for political democracy and the recognition of an independent political sphere.

Traces the changing thematic orientations, protest types, action forms, & motivational structures that have led to shifts in the degree of mobilization of the German peace movement, & assesses its future. A brief history of the different mobilization cycles & institutional changes since the 1950s is given. The end of the East-West conflict is described as a watershed in the movements' history, leading to a shift in emphasis from questions of disarmament to developing models of peaceful coexistence & civil forms of conflict resolution. This is seen in the "Federal Republic without Army" campaign of the early 1990s & discussions of the (im)possibility of humanitarian military intervention in the former Yugoslavia, which bundled common efforts toward establishing an international peace order & more democracy. It is concluded that, while highly professionalized, the peace movement is unsuccessful in mobilizing its basis, & must simultaneously create acceptance for peaceful coexistence & civil conflict resolution while questioning the legitimacy of the military, possibly countering the tendency toward Western Europe becoming a new military superpower. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The earliest submission of the Dalmatian cities to Venetian sovereignty, around the medieval millennial year 1000, remained fundamental for the mythology of Venice's political culture right up to the end of the history of the republic in 1797. Giacomo Diedo, whose history of Venice was published in 1751, focused his attention upon "the first acquisitions of the Venetians in Dalmatia, which then might serve as a base for further advances." In fact, the coastal cities of Dalmatia would serve Venice in the most literal (and littoral) sense as bases for an imperial commercial domain that advanced beyond the Adriatic to the eastern Mediterranean, but for Diedo, and his eighteenth-century contemporaries, Dalmatia was also an ideological base on which to construct a culturally convenient vision of Venetian empire. The Dalmatians, in order "to secure themselves from the molestations of the barbarians" (the Narentani along the river Neretva), appealed for the protection of Venice, so that the Adriatic armada of the Doge Pietro II Orseolo was welcomed "with acclamations by the inhabitants who saluted him as their liberator."

Despite promises guaranteeing "peaceful liberation" as well as widespread acceptance of freedom of religion and expression, one should recognize the imperialist motivations of China by studying the progressive takeover of Tibet. Tibet had first been considered by Mao as a link for Sino-Soviet development and friendship, then became a strategic area for the defense of China from any Soviet threat. The year 1959 symbolizes the reality of Chinese intentions for Tibet's future; behind the Chinese term of the "Tibet Autonomous Region" lurked the goings on of invasion, persecutions, and the seizure of total control. The US Congress, only now concerned with past and present events, reports that the present economic "liberalization" of China may be hiding an ignored policy of brutalization and colonization in Tibet, worse than the events of the Cultural Revolution or the 1959 uprising. (Internat. Political Science Assoc.)

INTRODUCTION: Older people with hip fractures often require long-term care and a crucial aspect is the provision of quality health information to patients and their carers to support continuity of care. If patients are well informed about their health condition and caring needs, particularly posthospital discharge into the community setting, this may support recovery and improve quality of life. As internet and mobile access reach every household, it is possible to deliver a new model of service using a digital education platform as a personal health hub where both patients and their providers of care can establish a more efficient information integration and exchange process. This protocol details proposed research, which aims to develop a 'model of care' by using a digital health solution that will allow delivery of high quality and patient-centred information, integrated into the existing process delivered within the community setting. METHODS AND ANALYSIS: This phase of the study uses a pragmatic mixed-methods design and a participatory approach through engagement of patients, their carers and healthcare providers from multiple disciplines to inform the development of a digital health platform. Quantitative methods will explore health literacy and e-health literacy among older people with hip fractures admitted to the two public tertiary care hospitals in Adelaide, South Australia. Qualitative methods will provide an understanding of aspects of content and context required for the digital health platform to be developed in order to deliver quality health information. The study will use appropriate theoretical frameworks and constructs to guide the design, analysis and overall conduct of the research study. The scope of the study intends to ultimately empower patients and their carers to improve self-management and to better use coordinated services at the community level. This could prevent further falls including associated injuries or new fractures; reduce new hospital admissions and improve confidence and engagement by limiting the psychologically restrictive 'fear of falls'. ETHICS AND DISSEMINATION: The study has been approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee of the Central Adelaide Local Health Network, South Australia (SA) Health, Government of South Australia and the University of Adelaide Human Research Ethics Committee. Findings from the study will be published in suitable peer-reviewed journals and disseminated through workshops or conferences. ; Lalit Yadav, Tiffany K Gill, Anita Taylor, Unyime Jasper, Jen De Young, Renuka Visvanathan, Mellick J Chehade

Present day European legislation focuses upon the reduction of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in buildings through better design and technological solutions, with a view to reduce operational energy use and embodied GHG emissions. Currently, environmental performance assessment tools for buildings lack in assessing these parameters over the entire lifecycle of a building. Life cycle assessment (LCA) is a well-established methodology that gives a clear insight into the potential environmental impacts during the service life of a building. However, architect, engineer and constructor (AEC) professionals consider LCA as complex and time consuming. This paper builds upon a methodology for the development of a parametric analysis tool (PAT), which comprehensively assesses operational energy use and embodied GHG emissions during the lifecycle of a building. In this phase of the PAT's development, the complexity of the tool has been increased by expanding the number of parameters from four (i.e. insulation thickness, window types, North façade glazing area and South façade glazing area) to seven (i.e. climatic zones, solar shading and electricity emission factors). This has increased the amount of parametric permutations from 1,372 to 12,348. The PAT has been applied to a conceptual two-storey single-family house, developed by the Norwegian ZEB Research Centre, which is assumed to be in either Oslo (Norway) or Lecce (Italy). The results show that the choice of insulation thickness influences total energy use less than the selection of shading types or glazing areas. The results also show the parametric selection with the least amount of operational energy use (34kWh/m2/yr) in the Lecce climate consists of triple-glazed windows (0.5W/m2k), 10m2 of glazing on the north façade, 20m2 of glazing on the south facade. The results show the parametric selection with the lowest total GHG emissions in the Oslo climate (7.8kgCO2eq/m2/yr) consists of triple glazing (0.5W/m2k), 10m2 of glazing on the north facade and 20m2 glazing on the south facade. This is because a lower electricity emission factor (132gCO2eq/kWh for Norway and 290gCO2eq/kWh for Italy) was used for converting operational energy use to GHG emissions, even though the Oslo climate has a higher heating demand compared to Lecce. In conclusion, this paper shows how complex design options can be evaluated in a holistic way through PAT to ascertain the best selection of design criteria for low GHG emissions and low operational energy use. ; publishedVersion

Kari Sundsli1,2, Ulrika Söderhamn2, Geir Arild Espnes1,3, Olle Söderhamn21Department of Social Work and Health Science, Faculty of Social Sciences and Technology Management, NTNU, Trondheim, Norway; 2Centre for Caring Research – Southern Norway, Faculty of Health and Sport Sciences, University of Agder, Grimstad, Norway; 3Research Centre for Health Promotion and Resources HiST-NTNU, Department of Social Work and Health Science, Faculty of Social Sciences and Technology Management, NTNU, Trondheim, NorwayBackground: The number of older people living in urban environments throughout the world will increase in the coming years. There is a trend in most European countries towards improved health among older people, and increased life expectancy for both women and men. Norway has experienced less increase in life expectancy than some other European countries, and it is therefore important to investigate older urban Norwegian people's health and ways of living in a self-care environment, with special regard to health promotion.Aim: The aim of this study was to describe self-care ability among home-dwelling older (65+ years) individuals living in urban areas in southern Norway in relation to general living conditions, sense of coherence (SOC), screened nutritional state, physical activity, perceived self-reported health, mental health, and perceived life situation.Methods: In 2010, a randomized sample of 1044 men and women aged 65+ years who were living in urban areas in southern Norway answered a postal questionnaire consisting of five instruments, some background variables, and 17 health-related questions. Univariate and multivariate statistical methods were used in the analyses of the data.Results: The mean age of the participants was 74.8 years (SD = 7.1). Eighty-three percent of the participants had higher abilities to care for themselves. Self-care agency, perceived good health, being active, being frequently active, good mental health, not being at risk of undernutrition, and satisfaction with life were all positively related to self-care ability. Negative factors were perceived helplessness, receiving home nursing, being anxious, and being at a more advanced age. People aged 85+ years had worse mental health, were less physically active, and more at risk of undernutrition.Conclusion: Health professionals should focus on the health-promoting factors that reinforce older people's ability to care for themselves, and be aware of important symptoms and signs associated with a reduction in a person's self-care ability. Politicians should assume responsibility for health care with a special regard to senior citizens.Keywords: activity, aged, health promotion, mental health, perceived health, undernutrition

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.