The five research reports that constitute this monograph are a fruit of the collaboration between the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in African (CODESRIA) and the Social Science Research Council (SSRC), two institutions with a longstanding interest in the study of youth and social transformations in Africa. Under the collaboration, 12 young African researchers were able to benefit from fellowships, workshops and the expertise of resource persons. The studies contribute significant empirical insights from five different countries (Tanzania, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe.
Metadata only record ; Recent efforts by Sahelian states to define and recognize "traditional" ownership rights and encourage local participation in resource management are often deluded, because these policies tend to be based on an inadequate understanding of local institutions in the 1990s. Governments in the Sahel have promoted land tenure reform ever since independence in the 1960s to rationalize formal and customary systems, to promote equity, to encourage land markets, to appease international creditors, and to consolidate power. Niger's most recent land reform effort involves writing a new Rural Code, which recognizes and empowers customary land tenure practices and institutions. Moreover, the Code's objective is to establish a national-level legal and institutional framework for (1) increasing local participation in resource management, (2) recognizing customary ownership rights, and (3) incorporating local tenure and land management systems. However, Niger and many African states contemplating resource management reforms seem unaware or willing to ignore the structural impact on "traditional" institutions and practices of 30 years of post-colonial policy reforms. Survey research in households in three villages within the Kollo district, interviews conducted among canton chiefs, judges, and government magistrates in Kollo, and an exhaustive review of the proceedings of land dispute cases brought before official courts in Kollo from independence until 1994 show: (a) the concept of customary land tenure institutions and norms is very ambiguous because customs have evolved during the colonial and post-colonial periods, absorbing elements of formal law; (b) the most consistent behavior of persons seeking land access--whether farmer, herder, owner, use-right holder, landless person, or other--has been to petition successively, often repeatedly, the various courts, authorities, and institutions available for adjudication, in rarely-ending cycles of appeal; (c) each successive policy shift has created new institutions, arguments, and avenues of appeal for actual and potential litigants; and (d) land claims are pressed especially strongly during periods of policy flux, as astute claimants jockey for advantage under anticipated reforms. Thus, land tenure reforms serve to shift in sometimes predictable and sometimes unpredictable ways the boundaries of social and tenure control exercised by persons and groups seeking to maintain or obtain access to land. (CAB Abstracts) ; available in SANREM offices, FS
ch. 1. Poverty and homelessness in the United States -- ch. 2. Who are the poor? -- ch. 3. Public programs to fight poverty -- ch. 4. Who receives government benegits? -- ch. 5. Characteristics of the homeless -- ch. 6. The housing problem -- ch. 7. Dealing with the problem of homelessness -- ch. 8. Health care.
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This study aims to investigate whether government withdrawal affect corporate social responsibility (CSR) performance, and how CEO's political connection moderates its relationship. We use sample data from Chinese listed firms over the 2010 to 2015 period to test our hypotheses. We find that decrease in state ownership through government withdrawal tends to negatively affect firms' CSR performance, but the CEO's political connection weakens its negative relationship and increases the firm's likelihood towards CSR activities. Our findings imply that firm's social engagement mainly result from high governmental involvement, and usually from political connections, because such firms are subject to close scrutiny by stakeholders and thus are more likely to improve social performance. Moreover, this research provides important implications to policy makers regarding the social outcomes of government withdrawal and the usefulness of firms' political connection in developing economies like China. ; Este estudio tiene como objetivo investigar si la retirada del gobierno afecta al rendimiento de la responsabilidad social corporativa (RSC), y cómo la conexión política del CEO modera su relación. Utilizamos los datos de una muestra de empresas chinas que cotizan en bolsa durante el período 2010-2015 para comprobar nuestras hipótesis. Encontramos que la disminución de la propiedad estatal a través de la retirada del gobierno tiende a afectar negativamente a los resultados de RSC de las empresas, pero la conexión política del CEO debilita su relación negativa y aumenta la probabilidad de la empresa hacia las actividades de RSC. Nuestras conclusiones implican que el compromiso social de las empresas se debe principalmente a la alta participación gubernamental, y normalmente a las conexiones políticas, porque estas empresas están sometidas a un estrecho escrutinio por parte de las partes interesadas y, por lo tanto, es más probable que mejoren sus resultados sociales. Además, esta investigación ofrece importantes implicaciones para los responsables políticos en relación con los resultados sociales de la retirada del gobierno y la utilidad de la conexión política de las empresas en economías en desarrollo como China.
AbstractThis article examines the mobilisation of minority groups along ethnic and national lines through social media, an area that has not been fully explored. The study analyses the case of Russian‐speaking minority members who were mobilised in support of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 via the messaging app Telegram. By taking a bottom‐up perspective, the article reconstructs the pathways of the actors in these mobilisation processes and draws upon diverse literature in digital nationalism, social movements and media studies. The study suggests that social media facilitates minority mobilisation through three primary functions: It allows for the reproduction of ethnicised and racialised boundaries and homogenisation within ethnicised echo chambers and provides a 'window of opportunity' for micro, meso and macro levels of actor engagement in facilitating offline mobilisation. Overall, this article provides a theoretical foundation for understanding how social media enables and enhances minority mobilisation and introduces novel empirical data on the emerging pro‐war movement prevalent on Telegram and in offline networks of the Russian‐speaking minority in Germany. The study contributes to the developing field of user‐generated nationalism and highlights the need for more bottom‐up research on emerging patterns of online ethnicised mobilisation.
The question of the social status of persons with special needs is currently relevantfor all countries since there are a certain number of such people everywhere,and their tendency to liquefy is not observed. The purpose of this article is to analyze the state of social policy in the Republicof Kazakhstan in modern conditions, which includes a comprehensive assessmentof the main directions and problems arising in the system of institutionalizationof social services for vulnerable categories of the population. In the framework ofthe legislative framework, the features of social protection of persons with specialneeds are considered. The article raises the problem of quality and implementationof mechanisms for the provision of special social services in achieving the mainresults of the system of institutionalization. ; Вопрос социального положения лиц с особыми нуждами в настоящее время актуален для всех стран, поскольку везде существует определенное количество таких людей, и тенденции к снижению их числа не наблюдается.Целью статьи является анализ состояния социальной политики в Республике Казахстан в современных условиях, включающий комплексную оценкуосновных направлений и проблем, возникающих в системе институционализации социального обслуживания уязвимых категорий населения. В рамкахзаконодательной базы рассмотрены особенности социальной защиты лицс особыми нуждами. Поднимается проблема качества и реализации механизмов оказания специальных социальных услуг при достижении основных результатов системы институционализации.
In den Jahren 1981-1985 wurde an der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR in Berlin eine Datenbank aufgebaut, die Daten von annähernd 130.000 Personen aus verschiedenen Berliner Kirchenbüchern (St. Georg, St. Nikolai, Hugenottenkirche) enthält. Daten sind angegeben zu den Bereichen, Taufe, Heiraten und Beerdigungen. Der Artikel beschreibt das Datenmodell, die Leistungsmerkmale sowie Möglichkeiten der Datenanalyse. (psz)
