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There are 315 incunabula in the Vilnius University Library now. The aim of the article was to examine how the fund of these incunabula was compiled and the amount of this fund was changing, what factors influenced changes of this fund, and what is the significance of these incunabula for Lithuanian culture. At the same time it was an attempt using incunabula to show at least passingly how Lithuania looked in European political, cultural and ideological context of that time, what events or processes influenced collection accession, who and by what ties related it to other countries. Lithuania was not a desert island on an European map, withdrawn from prevalent political cultural and ideological changes, neither it was a total barren, accepting no progress or novelties. It was inquired by what ways the incunabula emerged in our country, what was the demand and what impact they made, who and why acquired them, and what marks their activity had left so that we could judge by them about their circulation in Lithuanian cultural life and contemplate what still undiscovered treasures may be hidden in them waiting for researchers attention.

There are 315 incunabula in the Vilnius University Library now. The aim of the article was to examine how the fund of these incunabula was compiled and the amount of this fund was changing, what factors influenced changes of this fund, and what is the significance of these incunabula for Lithuanian culture. At the same time it was an attempt using incunabula to show at least passingly how Lithuania looked in European political, cultural and ideological context of that time, what events or processes influenced collection accession, who and by what ties related it to other countries. Lithuania was not a desert island on an European map, withdrawn from prevalent political cultural and ideological changes, neither it was a total barren, accepting no progress or novelties. It was inquired by what ways the incunabula emerged in our country, what was the demand and what impact they made, who and why acquired them, and what marks their activity had left so that we could judge by them about their circulation in Lithuanian cultural life and contemplate what still undiscovered treasures may be hidden in them waiting for researchers attention.

Статья рассматривает события и процессы, связанные с деятельностью Нанкинского Гоминьдана на внешнеполитической арене в период между поражением революции 1925-1927 гг. и началом активизации японской военной и политической экспансии в отношении Китая, когда и Коминтерн также усилил свою поддержку и управление КПК в русле пресловутого «пролетарского интернационализма». Автор проводит мысль о необходимости взвешенного объективного подхода к оценке как исторической значимости этого периода для исторических судеб Китая, так и роли Чан Кайши как политического лидера. ; The author considers the events and processes connected with the activity of Nanking Kuomintang at the foreign-policy arena during the period between the defeat of the revolution of 1925-1927 and the beginning of the activization of Japanese military and political expansion in relation to China when Comintern also strengthened its support and management of Communist Party of China in the course of the notorious proletarian internationalism. The author puts forward the idea about the necessity of the balanced objective approach to the estimation of both the historical importance of this period itself for the historic fates of China and the role of Chiang Kai-shek as a political leader.

This article examines the theoretical development of Chinese constitutional property law, compared with the experience in South Africa, which is another emerging jurisdiction of constitutional property law. Being cautious of the political, economic and social differences between two countries this endeavour is nevertheless important, because of its potential to spark renewed interest in the comparability of property law systems worldwide. It highlights that the third-generational constitutions of the developing world focus not only on participatory and political rights, but also on social rights and responsibilities of citizens, and in fact supports actionable socio-economic rights. Perceptions of property that may be regarded in the developing world as 'Eurocentric', i.e. that a system of 'individual' property interests is the predominant form of organization, are losing support. From the Chinese perspective, there seems to be an awareness of the increasing need to limit the vast regulatory reach of the state and to afford the individual better protection and opportunities to engage in personal wealth-enhancing activity. Yet, the promotion of individual property right should be comprehended in the view of the communitarian needs.

The interest for the Arctic region has been intense in recent years, as demonstrated by intensified political debate on Arctic issues and increased national activity and multilateral cooperation in the region. In this period the European Union has also paid increased attention to the Arctic region, expressed through the Commission's Arctic Communication (November 2008) and the Council's Conclusions (December 2009). The Arctic now appears as a recognized feature in EU policies and activities. This paper by Ms. Adele Airoldi, commissioned by the Nordic Council of Ministers, describes and analyses the principal elements of the EU approach to Arctic issues as it has developed from July 2008 to July 2010, updating the report "The European Union and the Arctic - policies and actions" from 2008 . It reviews EU documents and pronouncements on Arctic issues, explores the development in the main EU policy sectors which impact the Arctic region and positions the EU in the wider Arctic political context through examining EU multilateral cooperation and bilateral relations. It also aims at giving an input to the ongoing co-operation of the Nordic Council of Ministers with the EU on Arctic questions.

The article is devoted to the history of the nonprofit organizations in Russia from ancient times to the October revolution of 1917. They developed from the ideas of charity. The first nonprofit organizations were charity ones. At first they belonged to the church, later to the state. The first private associations were formed in the early XIX. At first for a long time there were not any nonprofit associations in Russia (except the orthodox church), but in the later XVIII, when Catherine II ruled, the history of nonprofit organizations began. It lasted till 1861. It was the period of foundation of first private charity and other associations, including political ones. There were a lot of secret associations then (including «decabrists organisations). During the second period lasted till the October 1917 revolution, nonprofit private charity organizations were strengthened and there formed a lot of associations of different types (parties, trade unions, scientific, literature and others). There were three kinds of political parties then: conservative, liberal and socialist. But the process of the people activity development was interrupted after the socialist revolution.

Представленная статья посвящена проблемам контроля за финансовой деятельностью кандидатов и избирательных объединений, главным образом политических партий, на выборах, приведены формы контроля избирательных комиссий за финансами политических партий и рассмотрены некоторые другие вопросы, связанные с финансированием избирательных кампаний кандидатов и избирательных объединений в нашей стране, в частности вопрос необходимости существования избирательных фондов. ; Financial maintenance of election relations is one of the most important questions of the electoral law, but at the same time is one of the least investigated. In particular, from the moment of formation of institute of electoral funds on elections in 1990th years this institute of the suffrage practically was not investigated by scientists. Presented article is devoted problems of the control over financial activity of candidates and electoral associations, mainly, political parties, on elections. The author, who is directly connected with electoral process, reduced forms of the control of election committees behind the finance of political parties and are considered some other questions connected with financing of election campaigns of candidates and electoral associations in our country. In particular, the author is considered a question of necessity of existence of electoral funds.

In this article the author argues that the aims, contexts, and methods of client activism are paramount in progressive lawyering theory, and as such precede and define the question of how progressives should lawyer. The author suggests precursory paradigms that 1) clarify the ultimate political goals to which activism is and should be directed; 2) analyze the social conditions shaping and defining grassroots activity; and 3) specify and systematize the myriad methods that can and should be used to further these ends. In critiquing prevailing theoretical formulations that relate to these considerations, the author argues that progressive lawyers need to go beyond law, lawyering, community organizing, mobilization and social movement-building and develop a framework for more finely analyzing political aims, contexts, and activist methods. Part I summarizes the various, at time conflicting, lawyering approaches to fostering activism. Part II traces the evolution of these approaches since "people's" and "poverty" lawyers began addressing the question in the 1960s. Part III critiques the theoretical limitations identified and moves to situate the development of progressive lawyering theory in historical context and move it in a broader, interdisciplinary direction.

Ce papier propose une analyse de l'influence de l'instabilité sociopolitique sur l'investissement privé au Cameroun. L'instabilité sociopolitique est mise en exergue comme un facteur de risque pour l'investissement qui génère des coûts de transactions pour l'activité économique. La combinaison de la crise économique avec les crises politiques concoure à la dégradation de l'environnement des affaires en général et de l'investissement privé en particulier et explique une hésitation de l'investissement. L'estimation dans une équation des déterminants d'investissement à l'aide des MCO de l'indicateur d'instabilité politique préalablement calculé a révélé une forte corrélation, de surcroît négative, entre le coefficient de l'instabilité politique et l'évolution de l'investissement privé au cours de la période 1960-2002. ; This paper analyzes the impact of social and political instability on private investment in Cameroun. This instability generates transaction costs for the economic activity. The combination of economic and political crises deteriorates the business climate in general and the private investment in particular, and explains the waving investment. This relationship is put to the fore by estimating an equation of the investment determinants using data from 1960 to 2002.

Diana Liverman explores the theoretical positions for reducing greenhouse gas emissions including "earth-system management", cap and trade policies, individual and community behavioral change, political economy of carbon governance ("carbon capitalism"), and government regulation and incentives. She supports a blending of the last three to produce "political ecology". Liverman is critical of the Kyoto Accords but argues in favor of the Clean Development Mechanism [CDM] with some significant adjustments and much clearer analysis of how much carbon offsets truly reduce greenhouse gases. She limns out the limitations of CDM as well as implications for relations between the Global North and South. Glen MacDonald weighs the various arguments and models for climate change noting their strengths and weaknesses. He finds arguments that human activity has heightened CO2 levels in the atmosphere more compelling than those of skeptics. However, science still has not become capable of modeling carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere with certitude. He ends his talk with a discussion of the relationship between climate change and ongoing droughts in the subtropics. The accompanying audio files provide the complete recording of the two talks.

Established on 12 December 1861, soon after the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy in January 1860, the Geological Survey of the peninsula enjoyed a remarkably difficult life, and achieved remarkably little. Since its inception, the rivalry between academic geologists and the engineers of the Royal Mining Corps acting as field surveyors did much to alienate political and public opinion support. Underfunded and understaffed, the Survey faced periodical crisis and periodical reforms. On at least four occasions (1861, 1873, the early 1920s and 1960), the help of influential politicians concerned with the lack of a functioning State Survey, or with the very slow pace of publication of the geological map of the country, produced beneficial effects and brisk activity. This never lasted longer than a few years. In the last four decades of the twentieth century, the growth of the politically powerful community of geophysicists and the lack of political initiative and Parliamentary supervision further marginalized the Geological Survey, up to its relegation to a subordinate role within the State Agency for the Protection of the Environment.

Twenty years ago, just as the study of policy was emerging out of the morass of political history, historians of women rediscovered the state. What I will name the policy turn challenged a kind of intellectual separate sphere in which women's history addressed home, family, and intimate life and left to other historians everything else. The policy turn shifted attention from Carroll Smith Rosenberg's "Female World of Love and Ritual" without losing the self-activity and focus on female difference that investigations of women on their own terms had supplied. It answered the "Politics and Culture" debate of 1980, which revolved around the efficacy of domesticity as an arena for power with a resounding move toward the public, political realm—namely, to social politics. The Reaganite assault on the New Deal order and accompanying New Right attack on women's rights intensified investigation into the origins and growth of a welfare state whose strength seemed precarious and whose history was up for grabs—a welfare state that blurred the separation of private and public and constructed, even as it reinforced, unequal social locations.

Policy towards the family in Spain. The treatment of the family question in the post-nco era.
The freeing of family policy in Spain from the Francoist legacy was reflected chiefly in the abandon of the "familialist" political rhetoric in favour of a "feminist" rhetoric that argues for equality between men and women. The latter was backed by Spanish feminists and legitimized by European Community initiatives and the 1978 Constitution. This was also the time that the birth rate began to fall. The rise in female activity rates is spreading to intermediate age groups, reflecting the desire of women to stay in the labour market even in a period of high unemployment. These changes in behaviour have not altered the position of Spain in comparisons of family policy performance, where the country continues to rank lowest. However, this observation needs to be qualified. Questions relating to the family and the birth rate now have a place in debate and are the object of authentic state intervention at central and local levels. Socio-demographic changes are establishing the family as an important issue on the social and political agenda in Spain.