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학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공), 2020. 8. 이영섭. ; 코트디부아르는 1960년대 초부터 구조적 변화 과정을 시작했습니다. 이 프로세스에 사용되는 정책은 여전히 효과적이지 않은 것으로 나타났습니다. 그동안 코트디부아르와 비슷한 역사적, 경제적 특성을 공유하고 있는 한국은 3년 만에 경제를 성공적으로 이관한 성공적인 산업정책을 이행했다. 대부분의 문헌은 한국산업정책이 규제국가를 통한 제품순환이론의 개발상태를 통해서만 이같은 이론을 따르고 있다고 주장했지만, 우리는 한국의 역동적인 이론을 주장하고 있다. 한국의 산업정책은 연합적 접근을 따르고 있다. 따라서 이 연구는 한국의 성공사례의 경우 산업화에 의한 구조적 변화를 이루기 위해 연합론이 사용되는 패턴이라고 가정하고 있다. 첫째, 선진국을 이끈 산업 정책의 주요 이론적 접근방식을 분석합니다. 둘째, 연합이론을 적용해 한국산업정책에서 수립된 정책의 패턴을 검토했다. 궁극적으로, 이 논문은 코트디부아르의 미래 국가 계획 개발을 위한 산업 정책을 촉진하기 위한 적절한 전략 교훈을 그립니다. 이 연구에 따르면 1960년부터 1980년까지 LE, SME, HCI와의 강력한 연합 이론이 한국의 산업 정책을 주도해 왔다는 사실이 밝혀졌습니다. 다양한 유형의 기업 내에서의 변화는 Cote d'Ivoire가 국가 주도 기업의 승진을 암시하고 강력한 정부는 더 많은 p 생산 적 부문으로 정책을 전환 할 것입니다. ; Cote d'Ivoire has started its process of structural change since the early 1960s. It turns out that the policies used for this process are still not effective. In the meantime, Korea, which is sharing certain similar historical and economic characteristics with Cote d'Ivoire, implemented within three decades a successful industrial policy that shifted successfully its economy. Whereas most of literature argued that the Korean Industrial Policy is following solely either the statist theory through developmental state either the product cycle theory through regulatory state, we are conducting this analysis by claiming that the dynamic of Korean Industrial policy is following a coalitional approach. Thus, this research is assuming that coalition theory is the pattern used to achieve the structural transformation by industrialization in the case of the Korean success story. First, we analyze the main theoretical approaches of industrial policies that led those advanced countries. Secondly, we applied the coalition theory to examine the pattern of the policy formulated in Korean industrial policy. Ultimately, this paper draws appropriate strategy lessons to promote industrial policy for the development of the future national plan in Cote d'Ivoire. The research found that a strong coalition theory with LEs, SMEs and HCIs, from 1960 to 1980, has led the industrial policy of Korea. The shifting within different types of enterprises is implying for Cote d'Ivoire the promotion of state-led companies and a strong government will to shift the policy towards more p productive sectors. ; CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1 1.0. Background of the study 1 1.1. Statement of the problem 2 1.2. Research objectives 5 1.3. Research questions and hypothesis 6 1.4. Scope of study and limitations 6 1.5. Research methodology 7 1.6. Significance of the study 9 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 11 2.0 Introduction 11 2.1. Definition of main concepts 11 2.1.1. Industrial Policy 11 2.1.2. Structural Transformation 14 2.1.3. Import substitution policy 15 2.1.4. Export-led policy 16 2.2. Theoretical frameworks of industrial policy 18 2.2.1. Developmental state 18 2.2.2. Regulatory State 24 2.2.3. Revisionist or Coalition Theory 27 2.2.4. Product Cycle Theory 33 2.3. Discussion on industrial policy 36 2.3.1. More requirements of industrial policy 36 2.3.2. Failure of european industrial policy 37 2.3.3. The non efficience of industrial policy for growth 38 CHAPTER THREE: ASSESSING ABOUT SOUTH KOREAN INDUSTRIAL POLICY FROM 1960 TO 1980 40 3.0. Introduction 40 3.1. Overview of Korean economic development 41 3.1.1. Per capita income rate from 1950 to 2015 43 3.1.2. Evolution of employement structure 45 3.1.3. Investment, domestic savings and foreign savings 46 3.2. Evolution of Korean industrial policy 47 3.2.1. Large Entreprises (LEs) from 1960 to 1970 49 3.2.2. Coalition with LEs from 60s to 70s 50 3.2.3. HCI from 70s 51 3.2.4. SMEs and LEs since 1980 53 3.2.5. Electronics Industry since 1990 54 3.3. Preliminar findings 56 CHAPTER FOUR : COTE D'IVOIRE INDUSTRIAL POLICY 59 4.0. Introduction 59 4.1. Evolution of ivorian Industrial policy 60 4.1.1 The phase of steady growth : 1960-1980 61 4.1.2. The cyclical growth phase: 1980-1999 63 4.1.3. The phase of socio-political crisis: 2000 to 2011 66 4.1.4. The phase of steady growth : 2012 to today 70 4.2. Comparison Cote d'Ivoire and South Korea 75 4.3. Conclusion and recommendations 81 CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 84 5.0. Introduction 84 5.1. Findings from South Korean Industrial policy analysis 84 5.2. Policy implications for Cote d'ivoire industrial policy 85 5.3. Recomendations for further studies 86 5.4. General conclusion 87 REFERENCES 90 추상 94 ; Master

International audience ; Comme l'ont montré les deux chapitres précédents, Migrinter a été dès sa création en 1986 un lieu d'échanges fructueux entre le champ des recherches urbaines et celui sur les migrations internationales avec pour arrière-plan la montée de la thématique des « mobilités ». Jusqu'alors dans la recherche française, les champs des mobilités quotidiennes, résidentielles et des migrations étaient relativement cloisonnés (Brun, 1993 ; Kaufmann, 2014). Ils se sont néanmoins progressivement rapprochés depuis les années 1990 avec l'émergence du paradigme de la « mobilités », introduit en particulier pour décrire les évolutions urbaines contemporaines (Tarrius, 2000 ; Urry, 2005). Les recherches sur les migrations internationales ont insisté sur la circulation internationale des migrants et leurs investissements, ainsi que sur leur insertion dans les grandes métropoles ; celles sur la mobilité résidentielle ont de plus en plus envisagé les phénomènes de ségrégation urbaine en termes d'inégalités d'accès aux ressources urbaines (Dureau et al, 2002) ; celles sur la mobilité quotidienne ont focalisé leur attention sur les pratiques de la ville en insistant sur la mobilité des personnes comme capacité à appréhender des environnements urbains variés. Ces trois champs ont convergé au moment où la croissance démographique des villes européennes, devenue endogène, n'a plus été alimentée par la migration, qu'elle soit interne ou internationale. On est ainsi passé du comptage des migrations qui font la croissance d'une ville à celle des migrants qui y sont ancrés et qui circulent entre « ici et là-bas ». Par ailleurs, les dynamiques sociales des agglomérations des pays où la transition urbaine (Zelinsky, 1971) est déjà bien avancée, sont le résultat de mobilités intra-urbaines qui s'inscrivent elles-mêmes dans des stratégies résidentielles (Brun, 1993). À leur tour, ces stratégies résidentielles ne peuvent se comprendre sans saisir le rapport que les individus et les ménages entretiennent avec leurs lieux de vie (Bonvalet et Brun, 2002 ; Rémy, 2004 ; Grafmeyer, 2010) et donc les déplacements qui les relient. À partir du milieu des années 1970, les recherches urbaines se sont aussi intéressées aux grands projets de rénovation des villes post-industrielles (Castells et Godard, 1974). La thématique de la métropolisation s'est développée à mesure que la compétition internationale entre métropoles s'est trouvée exacerbée. Rendre les grandes villes attractives pour les multinationales et les touristes ne va pas sans entraîner des pratiques de circulation. Cette attractivité s'est appuyée sur une « reconquête des centres » souvent pilotée par des politiques publiques impulsées par les pouvoirs municipaux (Bidou-Zachariasen, 2003). Cette reconquête a abouti à des reconfigurations sociales des espaces métropolitains causées en grande partie par des mobilités résidentielles différenciées selon les groupes sociaux. Des chercheurs en sciences sociales ont de plus en plus insisté sur le fait que les dynamiques urbaines sont le fruit d'un jeu complexe d'échelles de mobilités sans pouvoir toutefois développer de façon systématique une approche globale de ces mobilités, très exigeante d'un point de vue méthodologique (Lévy et Dureau, 2002). Certains, enfin, ont poussé la lecture « mobilitaire » de la ville jusqu'à l'instituer en paradigme en faisant de la mobilité un attribut d'urbanité, au risque d'en faire la qualité quasi-exclusive des élites urbaines (Urry, 2005). Cette évolution des recherches urbaines vers la prise en compte des mobilités dans leur globalité se reflète dans les recherches menées à Migrinter. Dès l'origine, les questions qui préoccupent les chercheurs du laboratoire concernent, d'une part, l'insertion des migrants dans la ville et, d'autre part, la production de la ville par les migrants. Dans un contexte politique français où l'intégration des populations immigrées est posée comme un problème social, ce qui n'a pas été sans de vifs débats dans les milieux académiques, le positionnement scientifique de Migrinter a été de considérer les migrants, en tant qu'individus ou de groupes, dotés d'une capacité d'action. Proches du point de vue de l'école urbaine de Chicago qu'alors les sciences sociales françaises redécouvrent, voire traduisent (Grafmeyer et Joseph, 1984 ; Roncayolo et Paquot, 1992), les recherches réalisées à Migrinter attribuent aux migrants le rôle d'acteurs qui s'insèrent dans la ville tout en agissant sur celle-ci. Ces producteurs de la ville sont avant tout pris en compte en tant que résidents d'un quartier, investisseurs dans leur pays d'origine ou entrepreneurs immigrés. Les évolutions ultérieures, à partir du milieu des années 1990, se sont faites au gré de la diversification des recherches et du profil des chercheurs rejoignant le laboratoire. Elles ne sont évidemment pas indépendantes de l'évolution du contexte scientifique lui-même des études urbaines et de celles sur les migrations internationales, dont Migrinter a été partie prenante. Afin de bien saisir cette contribution, essayons de donner quelques points de repères. Concernant les travaux qui portent sur les migrations internationales, on peut noter la variété des usages donnés au terme mobilités. Si l'on considère les articles qui font mention du terme « mobilités » publiés dans

The availability of public goods -- public safety, infrastructure, rule enforcement, education, and others -- is one of the hallmarks of a well-functioning society. These public goods are tightly linked to the state, defined as the institutionalized hierarchy of public decision-making (Brumfiel 1994): only when the state attains sufficient capacity, these public goods are effectively provided. However, while the state plays an indispensable role in the provision of public goods, there is no reason to believe it does so efficiently. Thus, developing new ways to evaluate the role of the state in efficient public goods provision and long-run development is a core theme of this dissertation. Moreover, given the enormous variability across the globe in the capacity of the state to fulfill its core mandate of public goods provision, understanding the development of the state and its linkages to the economic environment continues to pose an important and understudied challenge to scholars in political economy, public economics, economic history and development economics.In the first chapter of this dissertation, in joint work with Calvin Zhang, we study the role of the state in providing public goods through local governments. Across counties, cities, special districts and school districts, the U.S. has almost 100,000 local governments employing more than ten million people and making up more than 10% of the U.S. economy(COG 2013). Strikingly, local state capacity is distributed highly unevenly, especially between those within municipal boundaries and those in unincorporated parts of cities. 36 million people live in unincorporated communities without separate municipal government, instead being served by counties and special districts. These places typically have limited local electoral representation, lower levels of public infrastructure, weaker code enforcement and poorer public safety provision (Anderson 2008). We study whether local state services are underprovided in this context. To do so, we combine administrative boundary changes from Californian cities with the universe of individual real estate sales prices for the state over the years 1988-2013. In this way, we can estimate the change in residential home prices and home construction activity in the aftermath of municipal annexation. We then interpret these changes in a spatial equilibrium model with heterogeneous households to estimate households' willingness to pay for public goods provided by local governments. We find that households value a dollar of public goods expenditures by more than a dollar, despite most of the benefits of annexation accruing to landowners and developers.Given that the state is an important element of public goods provision, it is natural to wonder why the state has developed sooner and more effectively in some places than in others. While there is a large literature across the social sciences on the causes of early state formation, two key puzzles remain: first, why did states first form in peculiar locations like Mesopotamia, the Nile Valley, or the Valley of Mexico and not elsewhere? Second, why did incipient subjects accept the extraction by the state instead of evading its power? In the second chapter of my dissertation, I answer these questions using an old idea from cultural anthropology: states arose in regions that offered no refuge to dissidents, such as lush river valleys circumscribed by deserts, mountains, or the ocean (Carneiro 1970). To evaluate this idea quantitatively, I collect data on archaeological excavation sites relating to early states and combine these sites with a large array of agricultural, climatic and other environmental datasets. I then show that the location of early state sites is closely associated with high land quality but low surrounding land quality. After the initial formation of the state, it began its slow but inexorable conquest of human societies across the globe. This process was rapidly accelerated with the development of the state in Europe in the course of the middle ages. In the third and final chapter of my dissertation, in joint work with Eric Weese, we ask: what was the role of the European state in the economic growth unleashed in the the run-up to the Industrial Revolution? To this end, we employ a newly available dataset showing every single boundary change of all European states between AD 1000-2000, amounting to about 9,000 boundary changes. We combine these boundary changes with data on urban growth across Europe (Bairoch et al. 1988). Doing so, we find that cities that were subject to more changes in sovereigns saw significantly lower population growth than cities that were subject to a more stable state. In counterfactual simulations, we establish that the urban population in Europe would have been around 9% larger if European states had been more stable, offering an environment with more effective public goods and more conducive to long-run growth.

After the First World War, tens of thousands of Jews immigrated to Palestine. They went there not to found a Zionist state but primarily to seek refuge from the violence and persecution of the Russian Civil War and its aftermath. Fleeing to the United States was not an option due to heavily restrictive immigration laws enacted there in the early 1920s.In Land of Refuge , the experiences of this generation of Jewish immigrants come vividly to life through a wealth of previously unstudied archival sources. Historian Gur Alroey skillfully weaves together the riveting and remarkable stories of survivors of pogroms and riots in Ukraine and Uramia, including widows, orphans, and survivors of rape and other unimaginable violence; migrants who risked harrowing journeys by boat, only to endure illness on the way, be detained or sent back, or have their luggage broken into or stolen; survivors of the famine in Russia during the Lenin and Stalin regimes; and marginalized Jews such as the mentally ill, thieves, prostitutes, and those with falsified entry visas. The stories of the people at the core of Land of Refuge form an important but little appreciated part of the history of the Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel

The late nineteenth-century city acted as a magnet for the poor of ruralIreland, attracting them with the promise of employment and economicindependence. For many, however, urban life meant economic precarity,marginalisation and destitution, with the workhouse as an all-too-presentreality. Young families were particularly vulnerable, with the result that thousandsof children found themselves confined within the workhouse walls.This book explores the changing role of the Irish poor law in childwelfare in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century city. Taking as itsfocus Belfast, a burgeoning industrial and port city at the heart of a globaltrade network and a city deeply divided along political and confessional lines,it examines the ways in which that city s poorest children and their families engagedwith the poor law and used the workhouse as part of their economy ofmakeshifts. It examines the various spaces of the poor law - whether theworkhouse, the foster home, or the far reaches of empire - as sites of encounterand engagement between welfare authorities and the city s poorest families, andexplores the development of child welfare practice at a time of increasingstate encroachment into the daily lives of poor children

The Routledge Handbook on the American Dream offers authoritative essays that address the multifaceted dimensions of the American Dream in the 21st century, where it has become synonymous with being American. Its ubiquity requires a deeper understanding of its impact-to be found in this first research handbook ever on the topic

Beyond Indenture brings together original essays by a mix of experienced and upcoming scholars. They reflect, as far as possible, the viewpoints and voices of indentured Indians who exercised agency, resisted and manipulated the colonial labour system to their advantage, and went on to build new lives for themselves overseas following the expiry of their contracts. Some remigrated to other colonies to earn a better wage and escape from debt and other burdens. Among those who chose to remain, women played a prominent role in the struggle for rights, freedom and opportunities, achieving them in ways which often defied or redefined South Asian customs and traditions. Alongside the migrant labourers, 'passenger Indians' made their way to the sugar, tea and rubber colonies, and became clerks, teachers and shopkeepers. After independence, the Indian communities overseas faced newer problems, not least of which were discrimination and marginalisation. Some were forced to return home. Others built upon the experience of struggles in the colonial era to collectively mobilise. Another theme explored is that of the broad alliances of diasporic Indians and Pakistani and Bangladeshi migrants who have been recently enabled by the internet to connect with each other and to reconnect with the countries from which they originated

"Liu's careful analysis of the inner-workings of GMD youth organizations illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper middle schools-including how the government selected instructors and the skills students learned. According to the author, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule"--

"The Georgia of the North is a historical narrative about Black women and the long civil rights movement in New Jersey from the Great Migration to 1954. Specifically, the critical role played by Black women in forging interracial, cross-class, and cross-gender alliances at the local and national level and their role in securing the passage of progressive civil rights legislation in the Garden State is at the core of this book. This narrative is largely defined by a central question: How and why did New Jersey's Black leaders, community members, and women in particular, affect major civil rights legislation, legal equality, and integration a decade before the Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas decision? In this analysis, the history of the early Black freedom struggle in New Jersey is predicated on the argument that the Civil Rights Movement began in New Jersey, and that Black women were central actors in this struggle"--

The Labour Party, Housing and Urban Transformation explores how the urban transformation of Britain between 1945 and 1970 was understood politically by the Labour Party. Placing the Labour Party at the centre of the discussion, the book covers the most extensive period of state-led urban change in British history, from the end of the Second World War to the decline of high modernism in the late 1960s. Taking a particular focus on housing to explore the implementation of modernist ideas to drive a far-ranging process of urban transformation in Britain, it challenges conventional understandings of Labours urban legacy and puts political ideas at the heart of twentieth-century change.Utilising a breadth and range of material, including two distinct sets of archival sources, published secondary material, national legislation and Housing Acts, and various case studies, Child moves seamlessly between the national picture and its local impacts. It also draws from sources which had a crucial influence on political thinking throughout the mid-twentieth century to understand how urban transformation represented for Labour a political vision of the future. A timely contribution both to urban history and to the history of post-war Britain, it challenges existing interpretations of modernism, connects urban change to the political ideas that drove it, and allows us to comprehend the state of urban Britain today

"This book explores the output of Russian ethnographer-folklorist Petr Bogatyrev and Czech journalist-writer Ivan Olbracht, arguing that their respective portrayals of the Subcarpathian Rus' deserve the attention of western folklorists, historians, social scientists, literature scholars, and students of central and east European culture"--

This book sheds light on the fact that the proclamation of an emergency can be a legitimate constitutional method to take prompt preventative measures in protecting the interests of the society in times of grave crises. However, the exercise of emergency powers should not undermine a nation's commitment to democratic values, such as maintaining the rule of law and upholding fundamental human rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed grave threats to the lives and health of individuals. However, since the constitutions of South Asian nations do not permit the proclamation of an emergency on health grounds, executives of these nations were constrained to rely, among other things, on ordinary legislation to tide over the threats posed by the pandemic. Although these statutes entrust the executive with extensive emergency powers, they do not simultaneously stipulate any safeguards subjecting the exercise of such powers to a reliable system of checks and balances. Accordingly, this book critically examines the exercise of emergency powers in the South Asian nations to tide over threats posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, which had a profoundly adverse impact on the human rights of individuals. Such exercise of powers was consistent with the general tendency demonstrated by succeeding generations of the executives in these nations to use emergency situations as the convenient means for imposing long-lasting limitations on the rights of individuals. Consequently, this book identifies the flaws, deficiencies, and lacunae of the legal framework in these nations, which permit the executive to assume unfettered power in the exercise of emergency measures at the expense of the liberty of individuals. Consequently, based on these findings, recommendations will be put forward for initiating reforms in these nations aimed at ensuring the maintenance of a delicate balance between the necessity to respond tograve threats and to simultaneously prevent undue intrusion on the fundamental human rights of individuals

Die Bundeswehr ist ein Kind des Kalten Krieges und ein Stiefkind der Bundesrepublik: Auf Druck der Amerikaner ins Leben gerufen, haben Bevölkerung und Armee bis heute nicht wirklich zueinander gefunden. Die Gründe liegen ebenso sehr in der NS-Vergangenheit wie in politischer Unsicherheit und Kurzsichtigkeit. Jahrzehntelang wurde die Truppe kaputtgespart, gleichzeitig stiegen die politischen Ansprüche ins Maßlose: Der gescheiterte Afghanistan-Einsatz steht dafür. Hauke Friederichs beleuchtet die wechselnden Aufträge an die Bundeswehr, zeigt die lange Reihe von Skandalen und Affären, und macht deutlich, was es braucht, damit dieses Land wieder verteidigungsfähig ist und einen substanziellen Beitrag zum NATO-Bündnis leisten kann.