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This study interrogates the experiences of Nigerian troops in the war against Boko Haram. The paper's contribution is bi-dimensional. First, it adds to the empirical literature on Boko Haram by analyzing the perspectives of rank-and-file troops. The study finds 10 forms of corruption affecting troops. These have contributed to the inability to defeat Boko Haram. Second, the paper adds to theoretical scholarship on civil–military relations and persistence of small wars. It challenges the bureaucratic-organizational model and the focus of civil–military relations theory on civilian control of the military. The study emphasizes the need to focus on the texture of the relationship between civilian and military leaders. The paper argues that the bureaucratic-organizational model has limited relevance to militaries in the postcolony and proposes a civilian–military leadership interest convergence thesis. The findings are relevant for understanding the spread of terrorism in sub-Saharan Africa and the persistence of small wars in non-Western, illiberal quasi-democratic societies.

This article examines how Chinese foreign aid interacts with the quality of the host country's governance in shaping Chinese state-owned enterprises' (CSOEs') foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa. By analyzing the firm-level greenfield FDI data of CSOEs between 2003 and 2014 and distinguishing between China's official development assistance and less concessional forms of Chinese foreign aid, we reveal two main findings. First, the quality of the host country's governance negatively affects CSOEs' FDI. Second, other official aid and loans from China negatively moderate the relationship between the quality of the host country's governance and FDI by CSOEs. Specifically, the tendency for CSOEs to invest in locations with weak governance increases when their investments are integrated with less concessional forms of Chinese foreign aid in the form of other official flows and loans. Our results are robust to alternative measures of the governance and different methodological approaches. The article challenges the traditional notion of institutional theory which assumes a positive relationship between governance quality and FDI attraction.

Slum/informal settlements are an integral part of a city, with a population projected to reach 3 billion by 2030. It is also expected that the rate of waste generation will more than triple by 2050 in the cities of low-income countries of sub-Saharan Africa. At this rate, the risk to the environment and health of inhabitants are enormous, because the current waste management practices are not guided by legislation on proper use and disposal. This paper proposes the conversion of waste to energy as a solution to this problem. The aim of this study is to apply the PROMETHEE technique with a combination weighting method to obtain the most appropriate waste-to-energy technology for the slum/informal settlements of the Greater Karu Urban area in Nigeria. The findings reveal that the gasification technology outperformed the other technologies, and the affordability of electricity supply from this technology was determined by a general survey conducted on the slum/informal settlements.

Stunting is still a primary nutritional problem in many parts of the world. Globally, WHO (2021) has stated that 22% of children under five years are stunted, equalling an estimated 149.2 million children, most of whom are found in Asia and Africa. Many factors cause stunting, so the government needs a multisectoral approach to overcome this problem. In addition, because stunting is prevalent across vast areas, community-based interventions can save time and handling costs. This study was conducted with the aim of finding evidence of community-based interventions in the management of stunting in children aged 6-59 months. The study employed systematic review methods using the databases Pubmed, Ebsco, ProQuest, Emerald, Scopus and Google Scholar. 7 articles were identified from a total of 1191 articles through analysis using the PICO approach. The analysis showed that community-based interventions have taken place employing education, training, dietary supplements, and monitoring growth and development. The findings show evidence of interventions overcoming the problem of stunting in children aged 6-59 months.

Today, soft power plays an important role in advancing states' foreign policy goals. As one of the world's emerging economic powers, Turkey pays special attention to the development and maintenance of its soft power. This commentary uses a descriptive-analysis approach to address the components of Turkey's soft power in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the years 2011-2020, the second decade of AK Party governance. Turkey's soft power during this time period has mainly targeted and become influential in the Muslim-majority countries of the Middle East and Asia. Although certain events, such as the 2016 failed coup, the Gezi Park protests, the Syrian crisis, restrictions on freedom of expression, fluctuations in the value of the Turkish lira, etc., have somewhat tarnished the country's image, various indicators of Turkey's soft power demonstrate that it has remained strong in the MENA region during the time span of the present research.
Keywords: Turkey, Soft Power, MENA, AK Party

The human sleep pattern is paradoxical. Sleep is vital for optimal physical and cognitive performance, yet humans sleep the least of all primates. In addition, consolidated and continuous monophasic sleep is evidently advantageous, yet emerging comparative data sets from small-scale societies show that the phasing of the human pattern of sleep–wake activity is highly variable and characterized by significant nighttime activity. To reconcile these phenomena, the social sleep hypothesis proposes that extant traits of human sleep emerged because of social and technological niche construction. Specifically, sleep sites function as a type of social shelter by way of an extended structure of social groups that increases fitness. Short, high-quality, and flexibly timed sleep likely originated as a response to predation risks while sleeping terrestrially. This practice may have been a necessary preadaptation for migration out of Africa and for survival in ecological niches that penetrate latitudes with the greatest seasonal variation in light and temperature on the planet.

Greece faces a migration crisis caused by thousands of refugees coming from the Middle East and Africa to overwhelmed camps that try to fulfill at least their basic needs including diet as a humanitarian aid. The aim of the survey is to determine both the eating habits and possibilities and objective anthropometric parameters to evaluate the nutritional status of unaccompanied children under 18 years of age in the Moria refugee camp on the island of Lesbos, Greece. The survey has found that the respondents are completely dependent on the food provided by the camp. 87% of them reported starvation at least once a week, 24% are underweight. The energetic value of the provided food is insufficient as compared to their real needs. We have encountered serious complaints about the catering but have also found that more than half of the respondents state that they would be able to cook for themselves. These minor refugees are also at risk of starting with smoking cigarettes or drinking alcohol.

The Year 2020 began with the great change in the lives of all human beings with the arrival of Covid-19 which created a huge impact on the world. This change has had a negative impact on all economies in which the import and export process has stopped, thus leaving no commercial exchange between countries and causing problems in social life. The covid-19 pandemic has affected any part of the world including Africa where it remains a major challenge for the government to fight this virus that changed everyone's lives specifically in "Angola" where the first contact with virus was in March 2022. The objective of this project is to understand how the situation of the pandemic has changed the social life of Angola, increasing the social problems that Angola has been facing in recent times due to the low price of crude oil, with the onset of the pandemic poverty has increased causing considerable suffering in the lives of all Angolans.

This article applies a regime cycle framework to understand patterns of change and continuity in African competitive autocracies. We observe that regime change in African autocracies is rarely the result of actions carried out by rebels, opposition leaders or popular masses substantially altering the structure of power. Instead, they are more frequently carried out by senior regime cadres, resulting in controlled reshuffles of power. We argue that such regime shifts are best explained through a cyclical logic of elite collective action consisting of accommodation and consolidation, and ultimately leading to fragmentation and crisis. These dynamics indicate the stage of leader-elite relationships at a given time, and suggest when regimes may likely expand, contract, purge and fracture. We argue that, by acknowledging in which stage of the cycle a regime and its senior elites are dominant, we can gauge the likelihood as well as the potential success of a regime change. Our framework is finally applied to understand recent regime shifts in competitive autocracies across Africa.

AbstractThis study presents a pattern overlooked in previous research on measuring sensitive political outcomes: over the course of data collection, responses tend to shift in the direction of support for the local incumbent power. We suggest that, whereas earlier responses are largely devoid of this social desirability bias, word of the research spreads across enumeration areas, and individuals interviewed later in the process alter their responses out of fear of retribution for inappropriate answers. We document the pattern using original data from two surveys on support for violent extremism conducted in three different countries in the Sahel region of Africa. We rule out a host of alternative explanations and further confirm that the pattern can arise not just with overt survey measures but even with covert, experimental ones. We then demonstrate the same pattern using out-of-sample data from a separate well-known study. The findings offer a cautionary note to both conventional and experimental approaches to measuring sensitive attitudes.

Abstract
Libya's crisis has lasted nearly a decade. Since the death of the dictator Muammar Qaddafi in 2011, the country has experienced instability and turmoil that has progressively escalated into a state of civil war. After such a long period of violence and armed struggle, the consequences for the Libyan economy, infrastructure, and the social fabric of its population have been dramatic and severe. The country is failing to find a balance for a solution to its problems, and the impact of this deadlock is reverberating throughout the region and beyond. Even though the war in Libya is one of the longest conflicts that is affecting the region, the crisis remains largely neglected. The attention given to Libya is generally limited to counterterrorism operations or, especially for Europeans, to its role as a node in the flow of human migration into Europe. However, it is evident that the consequences of this conflict are considerably affecting the major geopolitical dynamics of Africa, the Middle East, and Europe.

In this article, we analyse the factors underpinning the shift towards hybrid security governance in Africa. Extant scholarship largely attributes this shift to broader global processes, such as histories of colonialism, neoliberalism and transformations in global governance, which have served to legitimize the role of private authority in security provision around sites of resource extraction. Our analysis seeks to understand the relative and relational influence of power and rules in international politics by offering empirical insights about what hybrid security arrangements look like 'on the ground'. Drawing upon recently conducted fieldwork in Kenya, Uganda and Ghana, we examine how hybrid security arrangements affect the lives of those living near sites of natural resource extraction. Our analyses suggest that although hybrid security has emerged as the leading approach to security governance, this approach to security does not uniformly involve or serve the interests of all stakeholders. Rather, we find that hybrid security arrangements aid the security of extractive operations—securing investments in both physical and human capital—while sometimes undermining the security of nearby communities.

We investigate the nature and significance of the vital but neglected "company-states" in helping to facilitate the move from contained regional international systems to the first genuinely global international system. Historically, actors like the Dutch and English East India Companies were crucial in spearheading the first wave of European expansion in Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Conceptually, company-states broaden our understanding of international actors. At a time when intra-European politics favored gradual institutional convergence on the sovereign state, the demands of extra-European expansion meanwhile gave rise to diverse competing institutions. Company-states succeeded in an era of weak sovereign states because of their relative efficiency in managing the transaction costs and principal-agent challenges of intercontinental trade and rule. Conversely, company-states later declined as they succumbed to the effects of sharpening worldwide geopolitical competition, and were displaced by increasingly powerful new European empire-building projects. This argument advances earlier work on the creation of the international system by eschewing Eurocentrism and state-centrism, and foregrounding diversity and hybridization.

Over the past decades, biomedical researchers have made great progress in finding the treatment for many diseases which have been considered in the past as incurable. The struggle for longevity and positive health has been addressed by medical science. People who can afford it are assured by the promise of genetic engineering. But while there has been considerable development in the treatment of diseases, the number of mortalities in poor countries remains high, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa and East Asia. Around 8 million people die each year worldwide due to poverty-related health issues. Despite the advancement in the treatment of diseases, poor people in most of the developing countries worldwide are dying each year. This article will argue that human poverty and the existence of infectious diseases are inseparable social phenomena that affect the fate of the poor in developing countries. Following Amartya Sen, this article will argue that access to advanced health care services should be affordable to all, and should form part of individual freedoms that the national policies of a country must secure.

From the outset the founding fathers of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) recognized the relevance of integration in the social sector based on the conviction that intense cooperation in the economic and political sectors alone will not bring about lasting regional integration. For instance, the ECOWAS treaty of 1975 and revised treaty of 1993 had the promotion of social progress and collaboration in the social field as one of the objectives of the community. Yet scholars have not given it the deserved attention. This paper therefore represents an attempt to assess the extent to which the West African Health Organization (WAHO), a specialized health agency of ECOWAS, has contributed to regional health integration in West Africa. It argues that regional integration and cooperation should not be geared solely towards economic and political purposes. It also examines the achievements as well as the major challenges confronting WAHO. It concludes that regional health integration is no longer an option but an imperative for West African countries to meet their common health challenges.