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Social movements in Latin America have always attracted attention, but there is no agreed-upon paradigm, certainly not one accepted in Latin America. A review from a Latin American perspective of the strengths and weaknesses of the theoretical paradigms used to understand these movements suggests a revitalized paradigm that foregrounds the agency of people and, above all, brings politics back in. A proposed new, poststructuralist Marxist frame for research on both theory and practice puts a Foucauldian emphasis on the dissoluble links between power and resistance and a Laclau-inspired emphasis on the national-popular.Aunque los movimientos sociales en América Latina siempre han llamado la atención, no hay un paradigma acordado; ciertamente, no uno que se acepte en la región. Un análisis desde una perspectiva latinoamericana de las fortalezas y debilidades de los paradigmas teóricos utilizados para entender estos movimientos sugiere un marco revitalizado que pone en primer plano la agencia de las personas y, sobre todo, recupera el tema de la política. El nuevo paradigma marxista postestructuralista aquí propuesto para la investigación tanto teórica como práctica pone un énfasis foucauldiano en los vínculos disolubles entre el poder y la resistencia, así como un énfasis en lo nacional y popular inspirado por Laclau.

Claims as to the emergence of a new phase of unionism – social movement unionism – returning to its original 'counter-cultural roots', are closely allied with the claims as to a 'new labour internationalism' that is a significant break from the influential postwar trend of nation-statist unionism. This article interrogates these two popular paradigms from the perspective of the Swedish labour movement. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with union officials, as well as quantitative analysis of union homepage content and responses to surveys among May Day demonstrators. The general conclusion as regards social movement unionism in Sweden is that the major unions, although increasingly interested in cooperation with social movement organizations, are still far from changing the repertoire of action that has been predominant in the postwar period. International solidarity – among both union officials and grassroots activists – is strongly ambivalent, and attitudes to international support oscillate between charity and self-interest.

"Becoming-Woman"? Between Theory, Practice, and Potentiality-Michal OsterweilThe Asymmetry of Revolution-John Holloway; The Shock of Victory-David Graeber; Gathering Our Dignified Rage: Building New Autonomous Global Relations of Production, Livelihood, and Exchange-Kolya Abramsky; Towards the Autonomy of the People of the World: Need for a New Movement 449 of Movements to Animate People's Alliance Processes-Muto Ichiyo; Towards a Fifth International?-Samir Amin; The Lessons of 2011: Three Theses on Organisation-Rodrigo Nunes; 'We Still Exist'-François Houtart

Social movements are a key feature of the political and social landscape of Latin America. Ronaldo Munck explores their full range, emanating from different sections of Latin American society and motivated by many different concerns, including worker organizations, peasant and land reform movements, Indigenous groups, women's movements, and environmental groups. Although the mosaic of interlocking and connected issues and rights presents a complex map of social concerns and potentially a fragmented political force, these movements are likely to be at the centre of any future progressive politics in Latin America. As a result, they require careful understanding and a more nuanced theoretical approach. Drawing on insights from Latin American approaches to social movement theory, the book offers a distinctive contribution to social movement literature. The text incorporates detailed case studies and a methodological appendix for students wishing to develop their own research agendas in the field.

ABSTRACT. The rise of new social movements has produced an emerging discourse on activist scholarship. There is considerable ambiguity about what the term means. In this article I draw on my work as a trade unionist, political activist, and activist lawyer in Mumbai, and later as a social justice activist in New Zealand to reflect on the meaning of activist scholarship, interrogate the institutional contexts for knowledge, and the relationship of knowledge to emancipatory structural social transformations. Although based on personal experiences, this article provides a theoretically oriented meta-analysis of activist scholarship. LES PRISONS DE LA CONNAISSANCE : L'ACTIVISME ÉTUDIANT ET LA RÉVOLUTION À L'ÉRÈ DE LA « GLOBALISATION » RÉSUMÉ. La montée des nouveaux mouvements sociaux a provoqué l'émergence d'un discours novateur sur l'activisme étudiant. Il persiste cependant une grande ambiguïté quand à la signification de ce terme. Dans cet article, je m'inspire de mes travaux comme militante syndicale, activiste politique et avocate engagée à Mumbai, ainsi que de mon expérience en tant que activiste en justice sociale en Nouvelle-Zélande pour réfléchir sur le sens à donner à l'activisme étudiant, m'interroger sur les contextes institutionnels du savoir, et sur la relation existant entre le savoir et les transformations structurelles d'émancipation. Bien que prenant appui sur mes expériences personnelles, cet article étaye une méta-analyse théorique de l'activisme étudiant.

Three recent works - Social Activism in Southeast Asia, Social Movements in Latin America: Neoliberalism and Popular Resistance, and Southeast Asia and the Civil Society Gaze: Scoping a Contested Concept in Cambodia and Vietnam - provide a timely update on the contemporary landscape of social movements in Southeast Asia and Latin America. These works are also relevant for broader theoretical discussions on social movements and provide a basis for future inter-regional comparative studies. (JCSA/GIGA)

THE HUMAN RIGHTS MOVEMENT AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO SOCIAL PROGRESS IS EXPLORED IN THIS ARTICLE. COMMUNIST PARTY POSITIONS ARE DESCRIBED, GIVEN THE LEVEL OF OPPRESSION WHICH EXISTS IN THEIR COUNTRIES, IN SPITE OF OFFICIAL PROCLOMATIONS TO THE CONTRARY. THE ORGANIZATION OF PUBLIC SUPPORT IN COUNTRIES AROUND THE WORLD IS CITED. SOCIAL STRUCTURE IS HELD ACCOUNTABLE FOR THE LACK OF PROGRESS, ACCORDING TO THE AUTHOR. EVEN GIVEN THIS, THE AUTHOR FEELS THAT A SOCIALIST SOCIETY IS BEST EQUIPPED TO DEAL WITH THE NECESSARY FREEDOMS AND ADJUST ACCORDINGLY.