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Current approaches for understanding and analyzing religion in international politics insufficiently incorporate the role of ethics in the practices of religious actors. Primordialist approaches essentialize religion, instrumental approaches consider it to be an epiphenomenon, and cosmopolitan approachesa prioridowngrade alternative ethical constructs as insufficiently universalist. An approach to religion that begins with a constitutive understanding of religious belief and economic, social, and political practice as outlined in Weber'sSociology of Religion, is more helpful. However, because Weber's method insufficiently addresses ethical intentionality, the 'neo-Weberian' approach I advance here incorporates the concepts of 'common good' and 'popular casuistry' into socio-historical contextualization. This approach provides a way to understand and theorize how religious adherents connect religious guidelines to moral action that avoids the essentialization of religion which is often characteristic of other perspectives.

This article is about the way that the notion of religion is understood and used in election manifestos of populist and nationalist right-wing political parties in Germany and the Netherlands between 2002 and 2021. In order to pursue such enquiry, a discourse on the nature of manifestos of political parties in general and election manifestos specifically is required. Election manifestos are important socio-scientific and historical sources. The central question that this article poses is how the notion of religion is included in the election manifestos of three Dutch (LPF, PVV, and FvD) and one German (AfD) populist and nationalist parties, and what this inclusion reveals about the connection between religion and populist parties. Religious keywords in the election manifestos of said political parties are researched and discussed. It leads to the conclusion that the notion of religion is not central to these political parties, unless it is framed as a stand against Islam. Therefore, these parties defend the Jewish-Christian-humanistic nature of the country encompassing the separation of 'church' or faith community and state, the care for the historical and cultural heritage of church buildings, and the subordination of the freedom of religion to the freedom of expression. The election manifestos also reveal that Buddhism and Hinduism are absent in the discourses of these political parties. ; Peer reviewed

/ Table of Contents -- I Zur Theorie der Religion / Sociological Theories of Religion -- Ursprung, Funktion und Gehalt der Religion -- Asceticism and Mysticism. A Contribution towards the Sociology of Faith -- Systemanalyse und »Religiöse Bedürfnisse« -- Ursachen der Bewahrung der Religiosität des Kolchose-Bauern -- Religious Motives in Religious Movements -- II Religion und Sprache / Religion and Language -- In the Beginning was the Word. The Relationship of Language to Social Organization in Spiritualist Churches -- Some Forms of Religious Discourse -- The Function of Dialects in the Religious Life of the Bornholm Inhabitants -- Protestant Preachers in the Prophetic Line.

The Hebrew Bible -- The biblical foundations of restorationism -- Jews in the literature of the English speaking world -- American restorationism -- The Jewish response to restorationism and Zionism -- The restoration of Israel : the Muslim response -- Displacement theology & the restoration of Israel -- Two-covenant theology & the restoration of Israel

Abstract
This article deals with the transformation of Catholic politics in Italy between 1942 and 1945 and the emergence of Christian Democracy as the dominant political party in the postwar years. It analyzes how Catholic politicians turned from reactionary critics of democracy to its champion. The article foregrounds a dimension that has not been given sufficient attention in scholarly works on political Catholicism and Christian Democracy, namely the religious content of thought. In the experiences of politicians and thinkers living through Fascism and war, transcendence and spirituality emerged as new markers of certainty that came to re-direct and ground democracy. Our conceptual argument is that Christian Democracy can be understood as a distinct form of "political spirituality," pace Foucault. The article further shows how this political spirituality became "applied" in a series of ways in the immediate postwar period.