Suchergebnisse

The failure of large-scale resettlement policies has been largely determined by the collective resistance of residents. For migrants who must leave their original residence and get resettled, mass media and interpersonal communication are important sources to get policy information, which affects their attitudes and responses to resettlement policies. Existing studies have provided two pathways to explain the influencing mechanism between information sources and people's collective resistance intention. One of these pathways focuses on trust in government and the other highlights perceived benefits. However, it is still unclear how to predict migrants' collective resistance intention based on different information sources within these two pathways. By concentrating on the policy domain of Chinese resettlement projects, this study aims to develop an integrated, theoretical framework to explore the causal paths between information sources and migrants' collective resistance intention. Based on a survey of three towns in Ankang, China, we tested the causal mechanism with a structural equation model. The results demonstrate that the pathway that involves trust in government is more explanatory in illustrating the causal mechanism than the pathway of perceived benefits, and interpersonal communication yields stronger effects than mass media in mitigating migrants' collective resistance intention. The implications for resettlement policy publicity and trust-building in China are discussed. Points for practitioners Public communication is a critical competency for public managers. Public managers are recommended to flexibly apply various information sources to communicate with migrants in order to eventually mitigate their collective resistance intention by strengthening their trust in government, as well as their perceived benefits. In the early stages of policy publicity, a variety of mass media are needed to inform the migrants of resettlement policies. Then, at the stage of policy implementation, the primary focus becomes interpersonal communication that offers sufficiently detailed information. In this regard, local government managers should carry out more programs that entail face-to-face information sharing to help participants understand the resettlement policy, and encourage them to explain it to their family and friends.

The study's object of this work is the analysis of transparency in Spanish politic parties. The principal objectives of this research are: delimit politic organism who have to be transparent, define suitable formats, identify inspectors and forms of control and describe the responsibility of mass media and citizens. We start from the hypothesis that the Spanish transparency law is not enough for the actual needs, although is a good base. Also the mass media role is essential and they have to be responsible through its own inspection. We had used the Delphi technique to found out this, in which we interview some experts who have worked in transparency from different academic areas. Three rounds were done, the first with totally open questions and the rest with closed quantitative answers. The results show what is transparency, its functions and formats and an indicator list of the information that has to be published, as well as a public and private organism list who could be included in the Spanish transparency law and their not centralised control forms, avoiding partisanships. By last, stands the pedagogy needed for mass media and citizens and the transmission role of the first with the citizens' support. One of the most important conclusion is the need of use adequate formats and it is needed to approach the concept of transparency to accountability, including the enforcement. ; El objeto de estudio de este trabajo es el análisis de la transparencia en los partidos políticos en España. Entre los objetivos propuestos destacan delimitar los organismos políticos que deben estar sujetos a ello, definir los formatos más adecuados, identificar los fiscalizadores y las formas de control y, por último, describir la responsabilidad de los medios de comunicación y de la ciudadanía. Partimos de las hipótesis de que la Ley de Transparencia 19/2013, aunque marca un buen comienzo, no se ajusta a las necesidades actuales de transparencia y que el papel de transmisión de los medios es esencial, más que el de la ciudadanía, ...

Every day, approximately 1000 women die from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth. Of which, 99% of all maternal deaths occur in developing countries. The aim of this study was to assess the socio-demographic factors influence women's choice of place of delivery in rural areas of Thiruvarur district of Tamilnadu state in India. A community based cross-sectional study was conducted in 28 villages selected using multistage sampling technique for selecting 605 women in the age group of 15-24 years during July 2010-April 2011. Data analysis was by use of Statistical Package for Social Sciences version-17, with statistical significance set at p-value of 0.05. The study reveals that education, age at marriage, birth order, standard of living index and exposure to mass media appeared strong influencing factors for the choice of place of delivery among women in rural areas. The result shows that 69% of home deliveries were monitored by Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs/Dais). Bivariate analysis indicates that all women who had completed higher secondary education were preferred the health institution for their delivery whereas 18.8% of home deliveries have been taken place among illiterates. The proportion of home deliveries (7.3%) was higher among women in households in the less standard of living index. Home deliveries were higher among women who were less exposed to mass media (7.1%) than more exposed to mass media (1.6%). Birth order was significantly influence on the place of delivery among women. First birth order deliveries were less likely to take place at home (2.5%) than second (8.2%) and third birth order deliveries (9.1%). It concludes that family tradition and poor socioeconomic condition of the family appear to be the main reasons for choosing to deliver at home. It recommends that Government should be taken a comprehensive strategy to increase the availability, accessibility and affordability of delivery care services in rural areas. Public health strategies involving traditional birth attendants will be beneficial particularly rural/remote areas where their services are highly utilized.

In our research line about changes in the Venezuelans' political culture in the context of the information society, we are progressing on the characterization of the mass media and the Internet usage dynamics. The model hypothesize the existence of four political culture types, 1) citizens integrated by personal or familial bonds; 2) citizens integrated by ideology ; 3) citizens instrumentally rational ; and 4) citizens socially rational. The current study focuses on the usage of mass media and Internet in relationship with political views. Data come from a survey conducted using a telephone database to collect responses from a representative sample of the Venezuelan registered for vote population. Data was analyzed using the 2-step cluster analysis technique. Results are consistent with the hypothesis of the four political culture types, on regard as mass media and the Internet usage patterns. Cases grouped into four clusters defined by Internet connection and politics information preferences. ; En nuestra línea de investigación sobre los cambios en la cultura política del venezolano (cuya evidencia registramos desde el referéndum constitucional de 2007) en el contexto de la sociedad de la información, avanzamos en la caracterización de las dinámicas de uso de medios masivos y de internet. El modelo desarrollado (Delgado & Puyosa, 2011) hipotetiza la existencia de cuatro tipos de cultura política: 1) ciudadano integrado familiarmente; 2) ciudadano integrado ideológicamente; 3) ciudadano racional instrumentalista; y 4) ciudadano racional socializador. El presente estudio se centra en el uso de medios y de internet en relación con las posiciones políticas. Los datos del estudio provienen de una encuesta realizada mediante una base de datos telefónica con una muestra representativa de la población electoral venezolana. Los datos son procesados usando la técnica de análisis de conglomerados en dos pasos. Los resultados son consistentes con la hipótesis de los cuatro tipos de cultura política, en lo referente a patrones de uso de medios e internet. Los casos se agrupan en cuatro conglomerados definidos por la conexión a internet y las preferencias sobre información política.

En nuestra línea de investigación sobre los cambios en la cultura política del venezolano (cuya evidencia registramos desde el referéndum constitucional de 2007) en el contexto de la sociedad de la información, avanzamos en la caracterización de las dinámicas de uso de medios masivos y de internet. El modelo desarrollado (Delgado & Puyosa, 2011) hipotetiza la existencia de cuatro tipos de cultura política: 1) ciudadano integrado familiarmente; 2) ciudadano integrado ideológicamente; 3) ciudadano racional instrumentalista; y 4) ciudadano racional socializador. El presente estudio se centra en el uso de medios y de internet en relación con las posiciones políticas. Los datos del estudio provienen de una encuesta realizada mediante una base de datos telefónica con una muestra representativa de la población electoral venezolana. Los datos son procesados usando la técnica de análisis de conglomerados en dos pasos. Los resultados son consistentes con la hipótesis de los cuatro tipos de cultura política, en lo referente a patrones de uso de medios e internet. Los casos se agrupan en cuatro conglomerados definidos por la conexión a internet y las preferencias sobre información política. ; In our research line about changes in the Venezuelans' political culture in the context of the information society, we are progressing on the characterization of the mass media and the Internet usage dynamics. The model hypothesize the existence of four political culture types, 1) citizens integrated by personal or familial bonds; 2) citizens integrated by ideology ; 3) citizens instrumentally rational ; and 4) citizens socially rational. The current study focuses on the usage of mass media and Internet in relationship with political views. Data come from a survey conducted using a telephone database to collect responses from a representative sample of the Venezuelan registered for vote population. Data was analyzed using the 2-step cluster analysis technique. Results are consistent with the hypothesis of the four political culture types, on regard as mass media and the Internet usage patterns. Cases grouped into four clusters defined by Internet connection and politics information preferences.

Sociological and criminological theories illuminated to the role of the mass media in deviance amplification process in the middle of 20th century. British criminologist Stanley Cohen was among the first to draw attention how the mass media is manipulating public fear of illicit drugs users. Another British criminologist Jock Young has developed a theoretical model which theoretically explains the connection between the public reaction to deviance and deviance amplification. He called this explanation the deviance amplification spiral model. J. Young argued that the mass media creates public fear of illicit drugs which exerts pressure upon legislator, police and courts to take action against illicit drugs use. This study is based on S. Cohen's moral panic and J. Young's deviance amplification theories. It is grounded in the analysis of data collected in four sociological investigations: (1) Vilnius University students attitudes survey; (2) qualitative content analysis of the readers' comments in the news portal delfi.lt; (3) qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Lithuanian Parliament's plenary meeting stenographs and (4) expert interviews. The main thesis: the drugs fear is one of the factors of psychoactive substances criminalization in present-day Lithuania. Vilnius University students attitudes survey results show that the most of the respondents are convinced that illicit drugs problem is very widespread in present-day Lithuania, and the most effective way of solving this problem are tough measures against drug users, dealers and traffickers. Qualitative content analysis of the comments by readers of news portal delfi.lt readers highlighted two symptoms of the moral panic: illicit drugs users were conceived as 'folk devils' and villains; the illicit drugs problem was presented as that of irresistibly spreading disease. According to findings of qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Lithuanian Parliament's plenary meeting stenographs the parliamentary discussion was dominated by the 'control and punishment' rhetoric on drugs in the year 2007–2008. Expert interviews disclose new aspects of deviance amplification and confirm the impact of the fear of illicit drugs on the psychoactive substances criminalization in present-day Lithuania.

Sociological and criminological theories illuminated to the role of the mass media in deviance amplification process in the middle of 20th century. British criminologist Stanley Cohen was among the first to draw attention how the mass media is manipulating public fear of illicit drugs users. Another British criminologist Jock Young has developed a theoretical model which theoretically explains the connection between the public reaction to deviance and deviance amplification. He called this explanation the deviance amplification spiral model. J. Young argued that the mass media creates public fear of illicit drugs which exerts pressure upon legislator, police and courts to take action against illicit drugs use. This study is based on S. Cohen's moral panic and J. Young's deviance amplification theories. It is grounded in the analysis of data collected in four sociological investigations: (1) Vilnius University students attitudes survey; (2) qualitative content analysis of the readers' comments in the news portal delfi.lt; (3) qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Lithuanian Parliament's plenary meeting stenographs and (4) expert interviews. The main thesis: the drugs fear is one of the factors of psychoactive substances criminalization in present-day Lithuania. Vilnius University students attitudes survey results show that the most of the respondents are convinced that illicit drugs problem is very widespread in present-day Lithuania, and the most effective way of solving this problem are tough measures against drug users, dealers and traffickers. Qualitative content analysis of the comments by readers of news portal delfi.lt readers highlighted two symptoms of the moral panic: illicit drugs users were conceived as 'folk devils' and villains; the illicit drugs problem was presented as that of irresistibly spreading disease. According to findings of qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Lithuanian Parliament's plenary meeting stenographs the parliamentary discussion was dominated by the 'control and punishment' rhetoric on drugs in the year 2007–2008. Expert interviews disclose new aspects of deviance amplification and confirm the impact of the fear of illicit drugs on the psychoactive substances criminalization in present-day Lithuania.

How and why mass media can contribute to help and to question the orality that belongs to African societies? To answer this question, we are bound to carry out some sort of survey of speaking and language activities pertaining to modes of communication and information. The chosen field of investigation concerns the countries of Sahel, specifically the Bwa populations of Mali. It is in this geographical area that we try to check the hypothesis according to which the radio contributes to valorise and to save the oral, immaterial patrimony and constitutes one of the bridges of social, cultural, economic and political development of the African countries that receive it. The aim is to shed light on the ways in which mass media can invest societies characterised by oral tradition. Taking the example of tales which are told on the radio we can discover specific modes of appropriation. By interviewing storytellers, feeling of how media actors perform and questioning the way local radios work, by consulting reports from UNESCO and other associations, documents in information and communication sciences, but also anthropological and linguistic documents, it is at stake to understand that more media communication may lead to more common ground between human beings. ; Comment et pourquoi les médias de masse peuvent-ils contribuer à secourir et à interroger l'oralité propre aux sociétés africaines ? Pour répondre à cette interrogation, il conviendra à coup sûr d'effectuer une sorte d'état des lieux sur la parole et les actes de langages qui participent aux modes de communication et d'information. Le champ d'investigation privilégié concerne les pays du Sahel et de manière spécifique les populations Bwa du Mali. C'est dans cette aire géographique que nous chercherons à assurer l'hypothèse selon laquelle la radio participe à la conservation et à la valorisation du patrimoine immatériel ; elle constitue une des passerelles du développement social, culturel, économique et politique des pays africains et des publics qui la ...

AbstractThis article explores why citizens favor protection despite the economic case for free trade. It argues that due to a lack of training and in an environment of stable prices, many individuals are not aware of the consumption benefits. Even when they are aware, citizens tend to discount these benefits due to media coverage of the employment costs and loss aversion. The article presents survey evidence from an American sample, showing that a belief in lost jobs is more strongly associated with trade preferences than a belief in lower prices. Given that the former pushes citizens toward less favorable trade attitudes, it also presents evidence from a priming experiment, testing if attitudes can be moved in a more favorable direction with positive information. Factual information about the consumer benefits has no effect, but information about the employment effects shifts attitudes positively. In the present environment, it thus appears more effective to prime pro-trade attitudes by appealing to jobs than to prices.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Introduction -- Why Me? -- The Book's Goals -- What This Book Covers -- Part I How Humanity Got into This Mess -- Chapter 1 Capitalism: The Cult of Self-Sufficiency -- A Quick History of Capitalism -- Where We Are Now -- Advantages of Capitalism -- The Unintended or Willfully Ignored Negative Consequences of Capitalism in the Technology Sector -- How to Mitigate UCOTs and Reimagine Capitalism -- The Future of Capitalism -- References -- Chapter 2 Tech-States: Are Nation-States Obsolete? -- A Quick Look at the Nation-State -- A Quick Look at a Tech-State -- Advantages of the Tech-State -- The Unintended or Willfully Ignored Negative Consequences of a Tech-State -- References -- Part II Technologies and Trends with Lots of Promise but Also Uncertainty -- Chapter 3 Data: What Is the Data Industrial Complex? -- The History of Data -- The World of Big Data -- Positive Use Cases for Big Data -- Unintended Consequences of Big Data -- How to Mitigate UCOTs of Big Data -- Resetting Big Data -- References -- Chapter 4 Artificial Intelligence Will Humans Soon Be Irrelevant? -- What Is AI? -- Why Should You Care About AI? -- A Quick History of AI -- Positive Use Cases for AI -- The Negative Unintended Consequences of AI -- The Future of AI -- References -- Chapter 5 Blockchain: Can Trust Be Decentralized? -- How Does Blockchain Work? -- Why Should You Care About Blockchain? -- Blockchain Use Cases -- The Unintended Consequences of Blockchain -- What's Being Done to Address These UCOTs? -- The Future of Blockchain -- References -- Chapter 6 Conditioning: From Human to User to an Addicted "Drug" User? -- A Quick History of Media -- Advantages of Mass Digital Media -- The Unintended or Willfully Ignored Negative Consequences of Mass Media -- How to Mitigate the UCOTs of Mass Media.

The terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo satirical magazine on January 7, 2015, lead to a swift response from media conglomerates in the form of powerful images and narratives that sought to preserve the official mythology and to reverse the effects of the violent terrorist communication. In the dialectics of media representations, the texts are transformed into images and images into icons. We are referring here to the highlighting of the Je suis Charlie theme as a particular image that was used as a rallying cry. Analysing the production of symbolic forms, especially in the international media representation with a special accent on headlines and visual and textual images we come to the conclusion that Je suis Charlie slogan suffered an ideological transformation, the image becoming a fetish. Hence, we have spoted an iconoclastic reaction from some international media outlets that were suggesting the need for an ambivalent narrative, avoiding an absolute, frozen meaning.

Audience participation, in any of its forms and names (public journalism, citizen journalism, participatory journalism, UGC), appears to revitalise democracy, thanks to the opportunities for public debate opened up by information and communications technology. On the other hand, however, there are many authors who question whether interactive technologies really encourage democracy or the market, empower the citizen or strengthen the consumer. In this context, we still have little information on the motivations that drive citizens to actively participate through the mechanisms that the media make available to them on their own websites or through social networks. There is a similar lack of information on the role that users attribute to their involvement in the functioning of the media and whether it contributes to improving their democratic function. This article aims to shed some light on this subject.

An examination of agenda-setting with respect to crime policy in 7 US cities 1950-1980: Atlanta (Ga); Boston (Mass); Houston (Tex); Minneapolis (Minn); Philadelphia (Pa); Phoenix (Ariz); & San Jose (Calif). Data from a multivariate time-series analysis of newspaper coverage & policy making related to crime indicate only limited support for resource agenda-setting. In Atlanta & San Jose, the amount of front-page coverage of crime was a significant predictor of the number of police officers per capita in subsequent years, while in the other five cities, no relationship between press coverage of crime & resource allocation was identified. 1 Table, 24 References. W. Howard