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Languages are the basis for Europeans who want to coexist and work together. To do this, the Europeans need to understand each other, the EU's neighbors and partners as well, and to teach and promote the linguistic heritage of the Member States. The motto of the European Union – "Unity in diversity" – reflects multilingualism as the basis of the EU, which is enshrined in a number of documents at the pan-European level. Multilingualism makes business and citizens more competitive and mobile. Promoting multilingualism is a great way to unite Europeans, to build a truly inclusive society where citizens' rights are respected. In the EU "multilingualism" is treated as the ability of communities, groups and individuals to use more than one language in their daily activities on an ongoing basis. The European Commission (together with national governments) coordinates the goal of multilingualism and the goals of the language strategy. Languages should not be an obstacle to participation in society, and marginalized language groups should be identified, represented and included in society. However, the national language policy is the sphere of competence of each state. The article substantiates the assumption that there are certain factors that determine the specifics and level of multilingualism of the EU Member-States. The multilingualism index of each EU Member-State was calculated and the countries were ranked according to a number of sub-indices, in particular: official languages, foreign language skills, language education and study, foreigners (migrants) and language policy, everyday languages, international communications. It was found out that according to the integrated index of multilingualism, the top 5 countries are represented by Luxembourg, Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. The most important factors determining the policy of multilingualism are the following: the influence of citizens who are interested in learning foreign languages, as well as foreigners, migrants who study the state language to assimilate in society, the influence of using foreign languages in practice and online communication.

Community housing in New South Wales is a small but unique sub-set of a social housing system which has emerged over the last three decades. While comprising a small fraction of total housing in New South Wales, it holds the seeds for a potentially different approach to confronting the escalating crisis in affordable housing. Until 2007, its legal and regulatory framework was based in an administrative strategy which offered little protection for community housing providers or tenants outside of residential tenancy agreements. There was evidence and ongoing concern about significant regulatory failure in community housing in New South Wales which led to a NSW Parliamentary Inquiry in 2002-2003. This thesis investigates the emergence and the legal and regulatory strategies and frameworks which have evolved for long-term community housing in New South Wales. It does this through: a consideration of government administrative policy; regulatory tools such as funding agreements; evidence obtained through the NSW Parliamentary Inquiry into Community Housing; and review of legal, government based and academic literature pertinent to the broad issues investigated. The recent legislative reforms and regulatory framework introduced from 2007 through to 2010 by the Commonwealth and in New South Wales are considered. The investigation is positioned against two major theoretical claims: 1) that in light of the reconfiguration of the welfare state within the Australian polity community housing sits as an important example of a hybrid context for the provision of social goods through a partnership environment where community housing providers are positioned between the market and the state in both locus and accent. 2) As legal and regulatory frameworks emerge, it is explained that those reforms should be informed by the theoretical strategies of responsive law and responsive regulation. The important work of Philip Selznick is argued to be of critical value in this regard. The major conclusions of this thesis are: 1) That the ...

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to describe the authors' experiences as Black feminist graduate assistants assigned to teach diversity courses led by white professors.Design/methodology/approachThe authors draw from Black feminist approach to provide authentic, liberatory anti-racist pedagogy, ensuring that the identities and cultural knowledge of Black, indigenous and people of color (BIPOC) pre-service teachers (PSTs) are given space in anti-racist education and social studies courses.FindingsThe study's findings show that creating systems for (re)constructing performative anti-racist courses disrupt whiteness and whitewashed pedagogy in teacher preparation programs.Originality/valueThe implications of the authors' experiences reflect that centering abolitionist teaching methods can bolster BIPOC PSTs anti-racist identities and future practices in diverse classrooms.

This article examines local Chinese electoral politics in Sarawak during the 2016 Sarawak state elections based on a case study of two Chinese-majority marginal seats in Sibu district, namely Dudong and Bawang Assan. It examines the discourse and strategies deployed by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) and other independent candidates in the two constituencies. Candidates of the former in both seats were prominent leaders who had left the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) – a major BN component party – to form a rival splinter party called the United People's Party (UPP) and had contested as "BN direct candidates." The article provides insights into how the intricate political dynamics on the ground shaped the electoral outcomes. Analysis of the voting patterns in polling districts provides a more nuanced understanding of the purported "increase" in Chinese support, revealing an urban-rural contrast. Both DAP candidates retained majority support in urban Chinese areas, albeit with reduced vote shares and absolute numbers due to abstention. Rural Chinese voters, on the other hand, manifested a clear surge in their support for BN, both in absolute numbers and vote share, contributing decisively to the victories of the two BN direct candidates. The findings are based on field observation, in-depth interviews with party leaders and informants, as well as analysis of polling district results of the two constituencies.

The United States began pursuing a transition to majority rule in Rhodesia in 1976 by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Kissinger had noted the situation in Rhodesia already in 1969 but chose to pursue majority rule in order to de-escalate the armed conflict in Rhodesia and to avoid a Cold War confrontation in the region similar to the Angolan civil war. Kissinger closely cooperated with the British and started a diplomatic process which aimed to bring majority rule to the country. Kissinger's biggest accomplishment regarding the Rhodesian quest for majority rule came in September 1979 when Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith publicly embraced majority rule for the first time. A conference in Geneva was set up that fall led by the British but it was unsuccesful and did not lead to a transition. Jimmy Carter won the United States Presidential elections of 1976 and was inaugurated in 1977 marking an end to Kissinger's role in US foreign policy. The Carter administration continued to pursue majority rule in Rhodesia and continued where Kissinger had left off. However the Carter administration had an emphasis on human rights which lead to the new administration working more closely with the Zimbabwean nationalists and neighboring Presidents compared to Kissinger who had closely cooperated with South Africa. The Carter administration also continued to closely work together with the British and tried to keep the momentum alive achieved by Kissinger in 1976. The Carter administration met with several setbacks and did not reach major breakthroughs regarding Rhodesia. The Smith regime of Rhodesia agreed to an internal settlement with some of the Zimbabwean nationalists which lead to the forming of the Zimbabwe-Rhodesian state in 1979. Although the new administration was not internationally recognized, it was a majority ruled country chosen by a general election that did not meet international criteria. At this point several domestic factors in the US combined with the newly appointed British Government led to the US pulling back from actively taking part to finding a solution to the conflict. Finally in 1980 after months of negotiating between the British, the Smith regime and the African nationalists of Rhodesia a general election was held and the new majority ruled state of Zimbabwe was founded. ; Yhdysvallat pyrki edesauttamaan Rhodesian siirtymistä enemmistövaltaan ensimmäistä kertaa vuonna 1976 silloisen ulkoministeri Henry Kissingerin toimesta. Yhdysvaltojen johtohahmot olivat huomioineet enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen vaikutukset Rhodesiassa jo vuonna 1969 mutta eivät nähneet syytä toimia asian suhteen. Seitsemän vuotta myöhemmin pääasiassa geopoliittiset syyt ja kylmänsodan eskaloitumisen pelko ajoivat Kissingerin aktiivisesti kampanjoimaan enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen puolesta etsien diplomaattista ratkaisua aseelliseen konfliktiin. Kissinger toimi vahvasti yhteistyössä Iso-Britannian kanssa kaikissa Rhodesiaan liittyvissä toimissa, sillä virallisesti alue oli yhä Iso-Britannian siirtomaa. Vuoden 1976 diplomatia johti rhodesian pääministeri Ian Smithin puheeseen syyskuussa, jossa Smith ensimmäistä kertaa julkisesti tunnusti enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen välttämättömäksi. Neuvottelut johtivat Iso-Britannian isännöimään konferenssiin, johon osallistuivat kaikki Rhodesian konfliktin osapuolet. Konferenssi ei onnistunut löytämään ratkaisuja keskeisiin kysymyksiin ja päättyi tuloksettomana vuoden lopussa. Kissinger väistyi ulkopolitiikasta presidentti Carterin voitettua Fordin syksyn 1976 vaaleissa ja astuessa virkaan 1970 helmikuussa. Carterin hallinto jatkoi pitkältä edeltäjiensä viitoittamalla tiellä pyrkiessään saavuttamaan enemmistövallan Rhodesiaan. Vaikka Carterin hallinto piti kylmänsodan eskaloitumista yhä vaarana, se samaan aikaan painotti ihmisoikeuksia joka näkyi erilaisena lähestimystapana Rhodesiaan liittyvässä diplomatiassa verrattuna Kissingeriin. Siinä missä Kissinger oli pääasiassa koordinoinut Etelä-Afrikan ja Rhodesian naapurivaltojen kanssa, Carterin hallinto oli laajemmin suoraan yhteydessä zimbabwelaisiin nationalisteihin. Carterin hallinto oli Etelä-Afrikan apartheidin vastustaja joka osaltaan heikensi maiden välejä myös Rhodesiaan liittyvissä kysymyksissä. Carterin hallinto koordinoi erittäin tiiviisti Iso-Britannian kanssa yrittäessään saavuttaa enemmistövaltaan siirtyminen Rhodesiassa niin pian kuin mahdollista. Kovasta yrityksestä huolimatta anglo-amerikkalainen yhteistyö kohtasi useita vastoinkäymisiä niin sisäpoliittisesti, kuin ulkopoliittisesti. Vuosien 1977 ja 1978 aikana järjestettiin useita pienempiä neuvotteluita Rhodesian tilanteeseen liittyen mutta suurempi kaikkien osapuolien välinen siirtymään pohjaava konferenssi jäi toteutumatta. Samanaikaisesti Rhodesian pääministeri Ian Smith pyrki saavuttamaan niin kutsutun sisäisen ratkaisun maltillisten nationalistien kesken, jossa siirtymävaihe ja sen hallinto sovittaisiin ilman ulkovaltoja tai aseelliseen konfliktiin osallistuvia nationalisteja. Vuonna 1979 sisäisen ratkaisun pohjalta Rhodesia muutti nimensä Zimbabwe-Rhodesiaksi ja järjesti vaalit, joissa maalle valittiin enemmistövaltainen hallitus. Kansainvälinen yhteisö ei kuitenkaan tunnustanut tätä valtiota ja maata vastaan asetetut taloudelliset pakotteet pysyivät voimassa. Yhdysvaltojen aktiivinen osallistuminen Rhodesiaan liittyen päättyi vuoteen 1979 ja Iso-Britannian uusi hallitus jatkoi neuvotteluja Yhdysvaltojen tuella mutta ilman sen aktiivista osallistumista prosessiin. Lopulta neuvottelut johtivat avoimiin äänestyksiin ja vuonna 1980 kansainvälisesti tunnustettu ja enemmistövaltainen Zimbabwen valtio perustettiin.

"The work as a whole is based upon lectures delivered during recent years as to the graduate students in Political Science at the Johns Hopkins University". --Preface. ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article explores the risks and limits of transjudicial communication. In particular, I critique the scholarly contention that transjudicial communication can be built upon commonly accepted methods of legal reasoning. I argue that transnational courts do not uniformly understand or apply commonly accepted methods of legal reasoning, especially legal argument by analogy. As a result, transnational courts that utilize transjudicial communication can and do render specious, even destructive, judicial opinions. I analyze the case of Zaheeruddin v. State—a controversial decision by the Supreme Court of Pakistan that upheld the constitutionality of Pakistan's antiblasphemy ordinances. The Supreme Court of Pakistan poorly analogized to numerous U.S. Supreme Court authorities to bolster and legitimize its deeply flawed decision.

Fragile and conflict affected states (FCAS) are those in which the government lacks the political will and/or capacity to provide the basic functions necessary for poverty reduction, economic development, and the security of human rights of their populations. Until recent history, unfortunately, the majority of research conducted and universal health care debates have been centered around middle income and emerging economies. As a result, FCAS have been neglected from many global discussions and decisions. Due to this neglect, many FCAS do not have proper vaccinations and antibiotics. Seemingly, well estimated health care costs are a necessary stepping stone in improving the health of citizens among FCAS. Fortunately, developments in statistical learning theory combined with data obtained by the WBG and Transparency International make it possible to accurately model health care cost among FCAS. The data used in this paper consisted of 35 countries and 89 variables. Of these 89 variables, health care expenditure (HCE) was the only response variable. With 88 predictor variables, there was expected to be multicollinearity, which occurs when multiple variables share relatively large absolute correlation. Since multicollinearity is expected and the number of variables is far greater than the number of observations, this paper adopts Zou and Hastie's method of regularization via elastic net (ENET). In order to accurately estimate the maximum and expected maximum HCE among FCAS, well-known risk measures, such as Value at Risk and Conditional Value at Risk, and related quantities were obtained via Monte Carlo simulations. This paper obtained risk measures at 95 security level.

Fragile and conflict affected states (FCAS) are those in which the government lacks the political will and/or capacity to provide the basic functions necessary for poverty reduction, economic development, and the security of human rights of their populations.Until recent history, unfortunately, the majority of research conducted and universal health care debates have been centered around middle income and emerging economies. As a result, FCAS have been neglected from many global discussions and decisions. Due to this neglect, many FCAS do not have proper vaccinations and antibiotics. Seemingly, well estimated health care costs are a necessary stepping stone in improving the health of citizens among FCAS. Fortunately, developments in statistical learning theory combined with data obtained by the WBG and Transparency International make it possible to accurately model health care cost among FCAS. The data used in this paper consisted of 35 countries and 89 variables. Of these 89 variables, health care expenditure (HCE) was the only response variable. With 88 predictor variables, there was expected to be multicollinearity, which occurs when multiple variables share relatively large absolute correlation. Since multicollinearity is expected and the number of variables is far greater than the number of observations, this paper adopts Zou and Hastie's method of regularization via elastic net (ENET). In order to accurately estimate the maximum and expected maximum HCE among FCAS, well-known risk measures, such as Value at Risk and Conditional Value at Risk, and related quantities were obtained via Monte Carlo simulations. This paper obtained risk measures at 95 security level.