Suchergebnisse

"From the Proceedings of the American association for the advancement of science, vol. xlvii, 1898." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- CHAPTER I. Europe and the Theologico-Political Problem -- CHAPTER II. Machiavelli and the Fecundity of Evil -- CHAPTER III. Hobbes and the New Political Art -- CHAPTER IV. Locke, Labor, and Property -- CHAPTER V. Montesquieu and the Separation of Powers -- CHAPTER VI. Rousseau, Critic of Liberalism -- CHAPTER VII. Liberalism after the French Revolution -- CHAPTER VIII. Benjamin Constant and the Liberalism of Opposition -- CHAPTER IX. François Guizot: The Liberalism of Government -- CHAPTER X. Tocqueville: Liberalism Confronts Democracy -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index

This article maintains that an unwarranted extension ofour ideas about the Western European Medieval world has led to several problems in many recent treatments of the historical emergence ofanthropological inquiry. Utilizing Byzantine sources, it suggests that the postulated Medieval break in the Western intellectual tradition is non‐existent and the result of an over‐emphasis on Western European developments at the expense of the larger socio‐cultuml milieu which constitutes the basis of that tradition. The broader anthropological position that emerges from this study involves a realization that interest in cross‐cultural behavior is basic to at least some individuals in every society and takes on added significance in state‐level systems.

The article discusses the necessity for the diversification of (hi)stories of
Yugoslavia, arguing for the importance of incorporating the affects and
experiences of Yugoslavia?s citizens into the historical narratives.
Acknowledging the difficulties emerging form the fact that what is
articulated as historical narrative is still part of the experience for
millions of citizens of post-Yugoslav societies, the article reflects upon
the potential for and obstacles to an affective history of socialist
Yugoslavia through the lens borrowed from German sociologist Georg Simmel. It
particularly refers to - and makes use of - two sets of Simmel?s ideas. The
first concerns the nature of material and the way we are making a story out
of it - more precisely, the relationship between history and experience, life
and representation. The second is about the perspective from which we look
at, approach, and synthesize this material. Simmel?s reflections on history
and form offer a very useful tool to look at the Yugoslav case and also help
de-essentialize and normalize Yugoslav history, making the anxieties that
characterize it part of a much broader discussion about history, its nature,
and its internal contradictions.

Since it beginnings in the nineteen-seventies, the medium of video has been closely linked to the subcultural and countercultural movements of its time, both in art and in everyday culture in Germany. Art and music videos in particular demonstrate great subversive potential: artists and musicians oppose traditional values, transgress and repeatedly explore social norms and gender stereotypes. In this volume, queer academic as well as artistic research approaches and archival practices are reviewed in the context of a history of punk and its offshoots.

Masterplotsof national history are now commonly criticized for the univocal and unilinear nature of their narratives.1Such narratives are increasingly seen as only one, and not necessarily even the most important, approach to understanding the modern European nation state. The study of the internal heterogeneity of nations as expression of a conflicting diversity of subnational identities, the emphasis on the peculiar place of nation-ness in the process of modern societalization (Vergesellschaftung), and the political role of integral nationalism as a contentious strategy of homogenizing difference and inequality—all this has supplanted nation- and state-centered approaches which treated the modern (nation-)state as allegorical subject.

Extension work started in Florida in 1899, before there was a formal Extension Service, as Farmer's Institutes and Cooperative Demonstration Work. In 1909 and 1911, respectively, boys' and girls' clubs were added. On 25 May 1915, following the approval of the Smith-Lever Act by the Florida State Legislature, the Florida Agricultural Extension Division was created. Work on citrus has been an important part of Extension in Florida since its inception, including the Citrus Advisory Committee (1947-1964) and Florida Citrus Institutes (1930s-1970s), and continues today. Even though vegetable crops have been important in Florida for decades, formal Extension programs in vegetable crops did not begin until 1948. The program expanded rapidly in the 1950s and the Production Guides were initiated during that period. Extension programs in Ornamental Horticulture started in 1953 to cover commercial and home owner questions on ornamental plants. The broad range of crops, production systems, and markets in Florida requires an expanding emphasis on environmental horticulture. As changes in the demographics of the state and market competition for horticultural products continue, Extension will adapt to support the commercial industry and homeowner interest in Horticulture.