Suchergebnisse

Hemos partido en anterior reflexión (Pino, 2005) de dos estatuas fragmentadas en Caracas: la del Almirante Cristóbal Colón, derribada por la violencia de grupos anarquizados, quienes vieron en el navegante "un imperialista, un genocida y un conquistador"; y aquélla de la Reina indígena María Lionza hecha también pedazos por la desidia de las instituciones oficiales. Ambas, fragmentadas por las tensiones políticas de un país que continúa buscando un rumbo. En un interesante, y alo mejor ocioso, ejercicio de ficción, quisimos recoger esos múltiples fragmentos para, sin amputar ni uno solo de ellos, construir una obra inédita: compleja, abigarrada, plural y múltiple como la sensibilidad que escribe nuestra época. Partiendo de esta alegoría hemos afirmado que la América del siglo XXI sólo puede pensarse desde la alteridad, que hemos propuesto abordar desde tres "atalayas": la simbólica, la sociológica y la política, insertando el discurso multicultural como pivote de nuestra refl exión. Esta multiculturalidad es para nosotros de difícil comprensión fuera de las prácticas democráticas, entendidas como gestión de las diferencias bajo el mandato de la norma ciudadana. En la presente reflexión, partiendo igualmente de la articulación de esa tríada de nociones, y conservando las tres "atalayas" ya propuestas, hemos privilegiado la atalaya política; y dentro de esta perspectiva política, que de hecho es democrática, hemos querido utilizar una nueva palanca metodológica al introducir la idea de Occidente como contexto teórico. Entendiendo que el occidente es un orden político que no puede ser definido culturalmente pues se caracteriza, justamente, por ser una realidad multicultural. Se trataría de ese espacio político, y no geográfico, donde se integran todas aquellas sociedades que han escogido la norma democrática como forma de convivencia social. Se trata de reivindicar, desde esta perspectiva desarrollada recientemente por Fernando Mires (2007), al Occidente como el único orden político que permite el desarrollo de la multiculturalidad y, por ende, de las diferencias, las cuales son esenciales para la vida democrática. Pero ellas, sin la democracia, serían un verdadero infierno, como lo testimonian tantas sociedades, pueblos y culturas que no conocen el reconocimiento del otro pero sí su exterminio. ; In a previous reflection (Pino, 2006), we start from two fragmented statues in Caracas: the one of Admiral Christopher Columbus, that was pulled down by the violence of anarchized groups, who saw in the navigator "an imperialist, a genocide and a conqueror"; and that one of the Queen María Lionza also shattered by the indolence of the offi cial institutions. Both statues were fragmented because of the political tensions of a country that continues seeking its own course. In an interesting, and maybe idle, fiction exercise, we wanted to gather those multiple fragments to, without amputate a single one of them, construct an unpublished work: complex, variegated, plural and multiple as the sensibility that writes our times. Starting since this allegory we have affirmed that the America of the Twenty-fi rst Century only can be thought since the alterity, that we have proposed that may be tackle since three "watchtowers": the symbolic, the sociologic and the politic, inserting the multicultural discourse as pivot of our reflection. This multiculturality is for us of difficult comprehension outside the democratic practices, which are understood as management of the differences under the mandate of the citizenship norm. In the present reflection, starting also since the articulation of that triad of notions, and preserving the three "watchtowers" already proposed, we have privileged the political watchtower; and within this political perspective, that in fact it is democratic, we have want to utilize a new methodological handle introducing the idea of Occident as historical context; understanding that the Occident is a political order that can not be defined culturally because it is characterized, precisely, as a multicultural reality. It would refer to that political space, and not geographic, where it is integrated all those societies that have chosen the democratic norm as form of social conviviality. It is and intent to vindicate since thisperspective, developed recently by Fernando Mires (2007), the Occident as the unique political order that allows the development of the multiculturality and, in consequence, of the differences, which are essentials to the democratic life. But those, without the democracy, would be a real hell, as it is attest by so many societies, peoples and cultures that do not know the recognition of the other but its extermination. ; 137 - 158 ; malinpino@hotmail.com

The dissertation focuses on participative regional planning through a case study of an Ecological Metropolitan Mountain Park in Bogotá. Taking an international perspective, it addresses issues of local scale and public sphere and emphasizes the relationships between democracy, technocracy and regional planning. The study explores the relationships between the individual and the collective and their spatial practices and stresses the importance of the social representation of the other and the place within the multi-scalar process of territorial construction. Based on an historical analysis, the study points out that participation should be analyzed in terms of commitment of social actors and individuals rather than in terms of citizen participation. The study is carried out within the broader context of urbanization and the emergence of sprawling and deprived neighborhoods in the peripheries of major cities. Stressing the issues of illegality and informality, it questions the origin and status of these peripheries and assesses the influence of public policies. The study highlights two parallel processes of territorial production and appropriation by identifying the challenges confronting the actors as they set up the rules. Despites the attempts of the experts, who are using legitimate language, to maintain their hegemony the capacity of action and the competences of other actors become increasingly visible. Caught between injunction and initiative, participative planning is bound to move beyond a mere information phase and to engage into concerted action while being aware that conflict is an essential part of the process and that there is no place for anonymity. ; La tesis analiza y define el ordenamiento participativo, a partir de un estudio de caso —un parque ecológico metropolitano de montaña— dentro del contexto internacional. Interpela los paradigmas de lo local y de espacio público y señala el nexo entre democracia, tecnocracia y urbanismo. La tesis trata las relaciones entre el individuo, la colectividad y el espacio, revelando la importancia de las representaciones sociales del Otro y del lugar en la construcción territorial multi-escalas. El enfoque histórico invita a utilizar de preferencia la expresión "participación de actores sociales" en la cual el compromiso del sujeto es importante, en vez de participación ciudadana. El estudio se inscribe en el contexto de la urbanización y de la aparición y extensión de periférias pobres en las grandes ciudades y se interroga sobre la ilegalidad o informalidad de su estatus y origen asi que sobre la influencia de las politicas publicas. Se identifican dos procesos paralelos de producción y apropiación territorial, exponiendo aquello que los actores ponen en juego al fijar la reglamentación. A pesar de los esfuerzos de los expertos, portadores de un lenguaje legítimo, para guardar la hegemonía en el ordenamiento, se hace evidente la capacidad de acción y las competencias de los demás actores. El ordenamiento partipativo entre coerción e iniciativa, es llamado a ir más allá del estado de información para llegar a la acción conjunta, sabiendo que el conflicto es esencial y que no hay lugar para el anonimato. ; Cette thèse analyse et définit l'aménagement participatif à partir d'une étude de cas — un parc écologique métropolitain de montagne — et en l'insérant dans une perspective internationale. Elle questionne les paradigmes du local et de l'espace public et examine le rapport entre la démocratie, la technocratie et l'urbanisme. La thèse aborde les relations entre l'individu, le collectif et l'espace et révèle l'importance des représentations sociales d'autrui et du lieu dans la construction territoriale multiscalaire. L'approche historique incite à parler davantage d'une participation des acteurs sociaux dans laquelle l'engagement du sujet est important, que d'une participation citoyenne. L'étude s'inscrit dans le contexte de l'urbanisation et de l'apparition et l'étalement des périphéries démunies autour des grandes villes et s'interroge sur l'illégalité ou l'informalité de leur statut et origine ainsi que sur l'influence des politiques publiques. Deux processus parallèles de production et d'appropriation des territoires sont mis en lumière, en décelant les enjeux d'acteurs dans la fixation des règles. Malgré les efforts des experts, porteurs du langage légitime, pour maintenir l'hégémonie dans l'aménagement, la capacité d'action et les compétences des autres acteurs deviennent évidentes. L'aménagement participatif, entre injonction et initiative, est appelé à dépasser le stade de l'information pour aboutir à l'action conjointe, tout en sachant que le conflit est essentiel et qu'il n'y a pas de place pour l'anonymat.

The basic research question was: To what extent does the media coverage of events and processes in society affect initiatives in political life? We hypothesized that the mediatization of politics would increasingly tend to make members of parliament (MPs) base their initiatives on the media instead of receiving propositions from i.e. their constituencies or organized interests, thereby boosting the role of the media in the public policy process. The alternative hypothesis was that the combined effect of commercial pressures, fragmentation, and tabloidization have meant a decline in the influence of the media in setting political agendas. Based on these alternative hypotheses, the study intended to establish the number of incidents of referencing the media as a starting-point for political initiatives in the parliament. The study covered 15 years of parliamentary bills from elected private members of the Swedish Parliament, the Riksdag. Bills were studied comparatively over time -sampling the 1991-1992, 1996-1997, 2001-2002 and 2006-2007- parliamentary sessions to obtain a time-series of the prevalence of media quoted as sources of issues or problems needing political attention on a national level. Results generally supported the hypothesis of a growing mediatization of politics. However, the empirical data indicated a decreasing level of media influence towards the end of the period studied, giving at first some credibility to recent effects of tabloidization on politics in a parliamentary democracy. On closer analysis, it turned out that the determining factor was whether a right-wing or a left-wing coalition was in power. When in opposition, the right-wing parties dominated the use of the metropolitan press in parliament. Left-wing MPs did not use the media as sources of political initiatives to the same extent during any of the periods studied. The role of the solidly non-socialist press seemed to be supporting the conservative/liberal political opposition. Using the sympathetic press, powerful agents seem to have influenced law-makers' agenda. Television played a minor, but somewhat more balanced role in influencing parliamentary initiatives. ; El punt de partida d'aquesta recerca és fins a quin punt la cobertura periodística d'esdeveniments i processos de la societat afecten les iniciatives polítiques. Es va considerar que la mediatització de la política incrementaria el fet que els membres del parlament basessin les seves iniciatives en els mitjans de comunicació en comptes de rebre propostes, per exemple, de les seves circumscripcions o de grups organitzats, la qual cosa potenciaria el paper dels mitjans de comunicació en el procés de les polítiques públiques. La hipòtesi alternativa és que l'efecte combinat de les pressions comercials, la fragmentació i la sensacionalització dels diaris han provocat una disminució de la influència dels mitjans de comunicació en l'establiment d'agendes polítiques. Basant-se en aquestes hipòtesis alternatives, l'estudi pretén establir el nombre d'incidents de referència en els mitjans de comunicació com a punt de partida per a iniciatives polítiques al parlament. L'estudi comprèn quinze anys de projectes de llei de membres privats escollits pel Parlament suec, el Riksdag. Hi va haver diversos projectes de llei que van ser estudiats comparativament en el temps -les sessions parlamentàries de 1991-1992, 1996-1997, 2001-2002 i 2006-2007-, per obtenir una sèrie cronològica sobre la prevalença dels mitjans de comunicació esmentats com a fonts de qüestions que requereixen atenció política d'àmbit nacional. Els resultats van confirmar, en general, la hipòtesi d'una mediatització creixent de la política. No obstant això, les dades empíriques indicaven una disminució del nivell d'influència dels mitjans cap al final del període estudiat, la qual cosa donava credibilitat, en primer lloc, a alguns dels efectes més recents de sensacionalització de la política en una democràcia parlamentària. Amb una anàlisi més detinguda, es va descobrir que el factor determinant era que una coalició de dretes o d'esquerres fos al poder. Quan estaven a l'oposició els partits de dreta, va dominar l'ús de la premsa metropolitana al Parlament. Els diputats de partits d'esquerra no van fer ús dels mitjans de comunicació com a font d'iniciatives polítiques en la mateixa mesura en qualsevol dels períodes estudiats. La premsa no socialista semblava que donava suport a la conservadora (els polítics de l'oposició liberal). Els agents més influents semblava que havien influït en l'establiment de l'agenda. La televisió hi va tenir un rol secundari, però també més equilibrat a l'hora d'influir en les iniciatives parlamentàries.

Si hay un tipo de televisión que no queremos es la que se conoce como «televisión basura». Se trata de un concepto complejo, que el Consejo Audiovisual de Cataluña (CAC) ha definido con gran habilidad. No alude, según el CAC, a un género televisivo específico, ni se limita sólo al entretenimiento, sino que se produce cuando determinados programas degradan determinados géneros vulnerando los derechos fundamentales de terceras personas o por el atropello de valores democráticos o cívicos. A continuación el consejo considera que la telebasura se encuentra básicamente concentrada en la programación denominada «del corazón», aunque matiza que el género en sí no ha de caer irremisiblemente en los despropósitos propios de la telebasura y, de hecho, reconoce que no siempre lo hace. Este trabajo aborda de manera esquemática la evolución de la fama en nuestras sociedades, y se concentra en las circunstancias socio-económicas que han hecho posible su expansión. Tal material nos permitirá proceder a una breve reflexión acerca de la representación mediática de la fama hoy en día. Precisamente porque «el corazón» no es irremisiblemente telebasura, ni debemos permitir que los despropósitos en materia cívica propios de la telebasura secuestren las potencialidades positivas del género, que las tiene. Como el propio filósofo Emilio Lledó reconoce en una entrevista con Juan Cruz sobre la fama (Cruz, 1999). En la idea de la fama hay siempre ago positivo: la lucha por el reconocimiento que es una forma peculiar de compañía y solidaridad, y de «progreso» y «movimiento de tu ser». Aunque claro está, Lledó se refiere fundamentalmente a una fama que insta a aquel que la desea a ser mejor y superarse con el propósito de ser querido. En estos últimos años la importancia de los famosos en los medios de comunicación se ha intensificado. Esto, desde luego, es perceptible en España, pero está vigente en toda Europa, incluyendo los países nórdicos (Sparre, 2003), EE.UU, América Latina, y de manera progresiva, otras zonas del globo. En el texto completo de la comunicación se ofrecen razones contundentes que ilustran la proliferación del fenómeno de los famosos en el Reino Unido, EE.UU y otras áreas del mundo como se argumentará en el texto completo de la comunicación. El interés que despiertan los famosos y la destacada presencia de éstos, sobre todo en las sociedades occidentales permite establecer cierta vinculación entre los famosos y una serie de cambios sociales económicos y culturales propios de la era moderna, democrática y capitalista. Varios investigadores ligan el progreso de 'la cultura de la celebridad' en el siglo XX a la democracia. Entre ellos están Leo Braudy, Victoria Price, Richard Dyer, David Marshall y Chris Rojek. La fama en sí siempre ha existido, y el deseo de celebridad también, que Leo Broudy ya achaca a Alejandro Magno varios siglos antes del nacimiento de Jesucristo. Pero para que la fama y los famosos alcancen el grado de influencia y expansión actual han de producirse una serie de cambios sociales que se han sucedido desde el desarrollo de la fotografía y las agencias de noticias. La expansión de la fama es un fenómeno de la modernidad ilustrada, así como algunas perversiones de la fama pueden analizarse como síntomas de un desequilibrio entre valores democráticos y valores mercantilistas. En resumen, la comunicación que se propone trata la fama en un contexto social y económico amplio que puede aplicarse a Europa y Estados Unidos y describe los cambios más importantes del último siglo en la forma de entender este fenómeno. Todo ello tiene el objetivo de ofrecer una perspectiva amplia desde la que reflexionar acerca de la forma actual en la que los famosos aparecen en televisión en España, y en concreto acerca de la mercantilización de la fama y de la aparición de famosos que lo son por su relación con otros y no por motivos meritocráticos ; This article aims to set a theoretical framework for a debate about the advantages and disadvantages of the actual way in which celebrities are portrayed in Spanish television. This work deals with how fame has been present in several societies over time. The phenomenon of celebrity is placed in a context that includes the USA and Britain. The piece introduces the idea, argued by a relevant number of Anglo-Saxon authors, that fame and democracy have walked and developed together in a number of countries

Na dan Uskrsa 1991. godine Hrvatska je napadnuta, čime je započeo brutalan rat. Povijest ne bilježi takav tip stradanja i razaranja Europe od invazije Skita i Turaka. Težina zločina osupnjuje promatrača, zbog čega je teško razmišljati o duhovnoj fiziologiji napadača. Autor pokušava u mitskom mišljenju nači mentalnu podlogu agresorskog ponašanja. Mitsko se miš­ljenje može definirati kao fenomen funkcije čovjekova mozga, koji proizvodi jaku samousmjerenu energiju, s apriorističkim otklanjanjem drugih miš­ljenja. Razumsko promišljanje, kao odvaga različitih koncepata i probir najpogodnijeg , uznapredovala je razina intelektualnih funkcija. Potreban je napor u bavljenju mnoštvom mogućnosti zbog čega se javlja unutarnja nesigurnosrt. Zbog toga se javlja sklonost retrakciji prema mitskom mišljenju i prividnoj sigurnosti. Takvo je suženje začeta točka ideologija, koje mogu dovesti do aberantnog individualnog i kolektivnog ponašanja. Mitsko mišljenje pokazuje jaku udružnu energiju među ljudima. Tako sinkronizirana snaga može proizvesti vrlo destruktivno ponašanje čovjeka. Jednom kada je ustanovljena mitska rezonancija duha množnine, potrebna je enormna intelektualna energija za proboj rigidnog okvira demonizirane opsesije. U urušavanju komunizma neki navodi nisu uspjeli probiti mitski duhovni koncept, zbog čega su se javili odskoči u teško destruktivno ponašanje. Rat u Hrvatskoj je proizvod takve mitske tautologije u duhovnom svijetu agresora. Taj rat je najtragičniji primjer dubine stradanja kojeg je u padu proizveo raspad komunizma. Autor analizira odnos pravnih i moralnih odrednica ponašanja čovjeka. Sučeljene su kulturalne i tradicijske odlike agresora i branitelja, kao i njihovo ponašanje u raspadu komunizma i ratu. Zdravstvena služba Hrvatske otkrila je novu dimenziju profesionalne medicinske etike. U direktnoj životnoj ugroženosti liječništvo je održalo etičke norme ponašanja u kantovskom smislu značenja moralnog. Arbitri rata, Europska zajednica i Ujedinjeni narodi pokazali su dvoličnost u svojem shvaćanju demokratskog i pravde, što je perpetuiralo divljačko ponašanje agresora. Autor pokušava naći pozitivnu dimenziju ratnog razaranja Hrvatske. On ističe daje narod napadnute zemlje započeo i proživljava latentnu nacionalnu renesansu, u mnogim pogledima, svim stradanjima usprkos. ; Starting with the Easter Sunday of 1991 the Republic of Croatia has been thrown into a brutal war, the sort of which has not been experienced since the time of Scytnian and Turkish invasions into Europe. Brutality and bestiality overwhelms the capacity of mankind to understand the underlying mental concepts. This text is an attempt to give a comprehensive approach to the problem. The author tries to interpret the behaviour of the aggressors through the mythical spiritual phenomena. Mythical thought is described as a primordial phenomenon of human brain function, which gives a very strong self-centered energy, with the aprioristic rejection of others people"s thoughts. Reasnonig, as weighing of various concepts against each other and selection of the most suitable one, is an advanced faculty of the human brain. It takes an intellectual effort to deal with the plethora of possibili Due to that, there is a tendency of mental retraction to mythical self contained spiritual comfort. Such narrowed horizons are the starting points of ideological adherence to the collective behaviour level, which might be quite abessant. Mythical thought exerts a strong aggregative power among the people. Such synchronized power might produce very destructive human behaviour. Once mythical resonance has been established it is difficult to defrom it. Very demanding intellectual effort is required for braking the rigid conceptual framework of collective demonized obsession. The last four years of the communist world desintegration have witnessed several examples of mental inability to step out of the mythical spiritual tautology. Due to such mythical obsession, aggressors have performed the harshest military attacks against Croatia, with the most tragic consequences of such destructive behaviour. The author analyzes the judicial and moral determinants of human behaviour. The cultural and traditional features of the aggressors as well as of the defendors of invanded country, have been briefly outlined. Their behaviour in the war has been compared. Human Health Service of Croatia has established a new dimesion of professional ethics. The priciples of ethics have been maintained in literary Katian sense, even under the harshest direct attacks of the raging invading wariors. The politicians of the Europian Community and the United Nations have demonstrated a transparent hypocrisy in their understanding and interpretation of democracy. Their hesitation to recognize the self-determination rights has encouraged the aggressors. The author attempts to extract a positive dimension from the atrocities of the war. He thinks that the people of the invanded country have entered into the historical cycle of renaissance, both spiritual and economic.

This article is about the social and ecological crisis in Latin America which is closely related to the social and economic development process. The underdeveloped economy has determined the general features of the rural and urban regions. Poverty, social exclusion and environmental conflicts are some of the general consequences of the capital contradictions which define an underdeveloped process of growth. To analyse the social and environmental conditions of Latin-American urban and rural regions it is necessary to take into account three main factors: the contradiction between capital and production conditions (nature, space and labourpower), the underdeveloped economy which has determined high levels of inequality and social exploitation, and the exploitation process of natural resources based on a pillage economy. The imported market economy in Latin America, as a bad copy of the growth economy in the North, has generated a highly unequal development. The acceleration of the economic growth has gone hand in hand with the deceleration of the development. Whereas the macro-economic rates improve, the indicators that measure qualitative evolution among sectors, territories and people have deteriorated. So, to explain the ecological crisis in Latin America, it is important to consider not only the different forms of environmental impacts, but also the socio-economic factors and the contradictions in capitalistic development. Therefore, this article is aimed to describe the general social and economic development process in Latin America, and also to examine the relationship among industrialization, natural resources exploitation and urbanization related to the social and ecological conditions in urban and rural areas. In order to analyze the above mentioned relation between development and ecological crisis it is important to pay attention to new theories that can give us a better idea on the relationship between society and nature. The traditional interpretations on Latin American development have not taken into account the complexity of existing relations among socio-economic, political and environmental aspects since these interpretations mainly conceive society "disconnected" from its natural surroundings. Therefore, these lines of thought are not capable of considering the interrelations, influences and conditioning that define the historical processes, which are always (directly or indirectly) constructed from an articulation of social and natural processes. Thus, to study the relationship among society, nature and development it is necessary to consider one of the basic tendencies of capital: to debilitate and to destroy its own production conditions. Production conditions refer to external physical conditions or environment, communal conditions like regional or urban infrastructure and personal conditions of labourpower. The basic tendency of capital mentioned above is precisely explained by the theory of second contradiction of Capitalism (O´Connor, 1988). The first contradiction of Capitalism (between forces and relations of production - capital against work-) is internal to the system; it has nothing to do with the conditions of production. The second contradiction of Capitalism "focuses on the way that the combined power of capitalist production relations and productive forces self- destruct by impairing or destroying rather than reproducing their own conditions ("conditions" defined in terms of both their social and material dimensions)" –i.e. capital against nature, labourpower and space-. An intense and continuous exploitation of natural resources as well as spatial and labourpower general conditions is needed for Capital to valorise itself. "The basic cause of the second contradiction is capitalism's economically self-destructive appropriation and use of laborpower, urban infrastructure and space, and external nature or environment -- `selfdestructive´ because costs of health and education, urban transport, home and commercial rents, and the costs of extracting the elements of capital from nature will rise when private costs are turned into ". In the first contradiction the rate of work exploitation as a clearly remarkable element that assumes an excluding theoretical importance is identified, while in the second contradiction a unique term that summarizes the totality does not exist. That is why it is possible today to find a multiplicity of social movements with diverse vindications. So, new social movements –together with the historical labourpower movement- are the agencies of current social transformation, which represent new social struggles including, among others, struggles within production over workplace health and safety, toxic waste production and disposal, natural resources exploitation, urban conditions of life, radical democracy patterns to solve problems and to take social and political decisions. ; Fil: Galafassi, Guido Pascual. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Are you looking for the perfect foreign policy book to start the New Year right? We spent the last few weeks asking our favorite thinkers what new titles they loved this year. Here are the seven books that stood out in 2023.Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy

By Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman"Underground Empire" tells the story of how America used the unipolar moment to create a vice grip on the international economy, making it impossible for most countries to do business with each other (or even exchange messages) without using U.S. payment systems or IT infrastructure. The world order, once defined by multiple dueling blocs, thus became synonymous with U.S. power.But empire isn't free. As Farrell and Newman note, Washington's constant use of sanctions and spying tools risks alienating other states and potentially bringing down the international system as we know it. Their book is a frightening reminder of the potential costs of overreach and a must-read for anyone interested in grand strategy and the future of global commerce. Ambitious readers may want to pair it with Chris Miller's "Chip War," a 2022 bestseller about America's quest to remain the kingpin of the world microchip industry.Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East

By Steven SimonWhen observing the parlous state of the Middle East today, it's hard to avoid a fundamental question: How could well-meaning American policymakers have gotten the region so wrong? In "Grand Delusion," Simon argues that most of our missteps boil down to a mismatch between pie-in-the-sky ends and limited means, made worse by a conviction that "facts don't matter, only intentions." The biting and well-researched book is made all the more powerful by Simon's long background of government service, including top-level roles in both the Clinton and Obama administrations, where he argued in favor of many policies that he now badly regrets.Simon brings a palpable sense of anger at four decades of American overreach in the Middle East, dedicating a chapter to each of the last eight presidents, all of whom found their own unique ways to leave the region worse than it was when they took office. His book is a must-read for those who want to understand where U.S. policy went wrong — and how to do things better next time. (Simon, we should note, is a senior research analyst at the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS.)The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism

By Keyu JinThese days, most English-language books about China begin from a place of deep skepticism. Government statistics are taken as carefully crafted fictions, official statements as likely lies. What else would one expect as a new cold war dawns?"The New China Playbook" is different. Written by a London-based economist whose father is a prominent Chinese Communist Party official, the book offers a rigorous yet sympathetic view of Beijing's rise. Jin's work provides crucial insights into the complex and sometimes surprising balance that the Chinese economy has struck between different systems. By demystifying China's economy, she urges us to consider a future of cooperation instead of conflict.Some have argued that Jin glosses over the darker aspects of Beijing's government policies. Readers can decide for themselves. But one thing is certain: Her book offers a thoughtful point of view on China that you won't find anywhere else.Victory at Sea: Naval Power and the Transformation of the Global Order in World War II

By Paul KennedyCould any list of foreign policy must-reads be complete without a book about WWII? We certainly didn't think so. Enter "Victory at Sea," a wide-ranging yet page-turning look at the naval activities that defined last century's greatest war from an eminent military historian. Kennedy's book, which features new paintings from marine artist Ian Marshall, narrates the fall of old great powers and the rise of new ones, first and foremost led by the United States.Readers with a limited background in naval history shouldn't fear this book, which is less about the details of each individual battle than the broader trends in geopolitics playing out at the time. Some reviewers have noted minor factual errors emanating from some less-than-ideal sourcing, but all in all, "Victory at Sea" is a helpful and provocative overview of a vital moment in military history. (This one was technically published in 2022, but the paperback edition doesn't come out until next year, so we'll call it even.)A Day in the Life of Abed Salama: Anatomy of a Jerusalem Tragedy

By Nathan ThrallThe book starts with a living nightmare: A truck slams into a Jerusalem school bus carrying kindergartners, leaving one teacher and six children dead. Many survivors left the resulting fire with life-changing burns."A Day in the Life of Abed Salama" tells the story of the father of one of those children. Thrall narrates Salama's desperate efforts to find his son, an emotional struggle made all the more difficult by the fact that the life-long resident of Jerusalem could not legally enter Jewish-controlled parts of the city.The book expands on a 2021 essay in the New York Review of Books in which Thrall interlaces stories about the accident with a crash course in Jerusalem's history. The extra space allows Thrall to dive deeper into Salama's life, in which everything from his marriage to his child's education is shaped by the brutal realities of life under occupation. As war rages in Gaza, this book offers a moving testimony of the more mundane forms of violence that define life between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.Getting Russia Right

By Thomas GrahamSome books argue that the U.S. and Russia are natural enemies, doomed to fight until one side wins. Others blame one country or the other for a laundry list of sins that made cooperation impossible after the heady days of the 1990s. "Getting Russia Right," to its great credit, does neither.Graham combines a realist sensibility with the hard pragmatism of a long-time policymaker, drawing on a wealth of experience as in both government and academia. In his view, structural factors — chief among them the difference in how each side views Russia's rightful place in the world — combined with a series of impertinent decisions by both sides to leave bilateral relations in their current sorry state.By insisting on the agency of both Washington and Moscow, "Getting Russia Right" argues that better-informed decisions could actually lead to better outcomes. And Graham, in his typical style, lays out a clear and specific set of recommendations to encourage such a shift. His relatively short book is required reading for those who feel like one Cold War was more than enough.Beyond the Water's Edge: How Partisanship Corrupts U.S. Foreign Policy

By Paul PillarThere's an old truism that, while American politicians play partisan games over domestic problems, such petty squabbles give way to unity "at the water's edge." Pillar's book destroys this fiction, illuminating how party interests have all too often taken precedence over sober-minded analysis by patriotic bureaucrats. This phenomenon, in his telling, leads to unnecessarily long wars and corrodes our own democracy at home.While "Beyond the Water's Edge" largely focuses on the past three decades, Pillar sometimes reaches further back into U.S. history to demonstrate the ways in which officials have overcome this tendency. But Pillar, who is a former intelligence official and current non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute, is far from pollyannaish: The book recommends myriad policies to reduce the influence of partisanship on foreign policy but deems their implementation highly unlikely. Little wonder that Francis Fukuyama described the slim treatise as an "ominous warning."

To celebrate International Youth Day 2020 Rachel Mims, Senior Program Officer for Youth Political Participation at NDI, is joined by three young leaders from Zambia, Lebanon, and Moldova. They discuss competitive youth debate as an opportunity to build political skills, actively contribute to solving social problems, and create greater space for youth inclusion in public life. For more information please go to https://www.ndi.org/youth-leading-debate
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Given Kapolyo: I don't believe in the saying young people are the future leaders. Because the truth is they tell us this for years and years and years, when I was 15 they told me you're a future leader, then I turned 20 and they said I'm a future leader, then they turned 25, and they said I'm a future leader, so then I'm now just waiting, I'm saying okay, when does the future come?
Now I think just this is time that we turn it around, and say young people should be the leaders of today, as well.
Rachel Mims: Today's young people deserve real opportunities to participate in political processes, and contribute to practical solutions that advance development. When given an opportunity to organize, voice their opinions, and play a meaningful role in political decision making, they consistently demonstrate their willingness and ability to foster positive lasting change. They also become more likely to demand and defend democracy, and gain a greater sense of belonging.
Recent global movements such as movements for climate justice and racial justice demonstrate that young people are demanding a shift in who has power, and in how that power is used, yet young people still find themselves marginalized from mainstream politics, and are limited in their ability to exercise the same influence over decision making processes. This is particularly true for young people who have experienced intersecting forms of marginalization and exclusion. At a time when global inequality is increasing, young people remain disproportionately impacted, and are expressing frustration with leaders and institutions that they perceive to be inaccessible, incapable, unresponsive, corrupt, and often repressive.
NDI works globally to support the political participation of young people through a variety of approaches that increase young people's agency, and create a more supportive environment. One approach involves helping young people develop competitive debating skills, including an issue analysis and framing, reasoning, public speaking, and active listening. NDI has supported [inaudible 00:02:05] programs in several countries, including longstanding programs in Jordan and Moldova, and more recent programs in Guatemala and Libya. We've seen the debate skills not only enhance political participation, but also contribute to holistic youth development. Debate builds practical skills that pave the way for young people to successfully engage in civil discourse and peaceful problem solving, both with their peers and with adult power holders.
I'm Rachel Mims, Senior Program Officer for Youth Political Participation at the National Democratic Institute, and today we are joined by three young leaders from Lebanon, Moldova, and Zambia, each working in different ways to apply their debate skills and actively contribute to solving social problems. As a result, they're creating greater space for youth inclusion in public life. First we'll hear from [Gibbon Carpolio 00:02:58]. Next up, Rachbenda Fou, and then Selena Decuzar. Welcome to Dem Works.
In Zambia, NDI partner with a chapter of the Center for Young Leaders of Africa, and Youth for Parliament, to gather young people from across political parties, media, and civil society organizations to debate solutions for increasing the number of young people in parliament. This debate program created an opportunity for youth from parties and civil society to change ideas, develop their public speaking and research skills, and to generate discussion around critical issues facing youth in Zambia.
We spoke with Given Kapolyo to learn more. Given, thank you for joining us today.
GK: Thank you so much for having me. It's a great pleasure to feature. First of all, I'm a young African female, my name is Given Kapolyo, I'm a young politician, I'm a student, I'm an activist, I'm an advocate, and a public speaker now. I can proudly call myself a public speaker, after I took part in the NDI public speaking that was called the Youth Debate Zambia.
I live in the northern part of Zambia. That's Kasama, northern province, Kasama, rural part of Zambia, so it was great that I was moved from the northern part of Zambia to the capital city, just to participate in the Youth Debate Zambia.
RM: Thank you, and thank you for telling us about all the different hats you wear. I hope to hear more about your activism, and other things that you're doing in politics.
Can you tell me more about your experience in the debate program? What was it like? What were some of the topics that you all discussed?
GK: We began with a training session. We covered the history of public speaking, we covered the tricks that we need for public speaking, how you draw the attention of a crowd, how you keep them engaged, and ordered. It was different young people from different parts of the country, and we were all brought together and were taught together, and then were given a topic. We were discussing how we can increase the number of young people in parliament, the number of youths in parliament, and it was a very profound experience, in the sense that we didn't just learn, then they'd give us a chance to actually show what we had learned from the training, and it was that interesting.
By the time we were leaving the training, there were people that were so confident to go back to their communities, and just speak change into their communities, into the crowds, and that was just how interesting, and just how meaningful it was to me and other participants that were there.
RM: I really love the point about public speaking, and this immediate sense of agency that young people feel, that they can go back and use their voice, and they have skills that they can start to put into use right away. Can you talk about the connection between some of the skills that you learned and your future political aspirations? I know that you're interested in running for public office.
GK: One of the things that we learned at the Youth Debate Zambia was that communication, public speaking and communication have a lot to do with politics, and with the youth standing out as a public figure, because it's they also mentioned how many great orators were [inaudible 00:06:34] were to get into public office because of how they spoke, how good they were at it, and the impacts that it just had in changing society.
For me as a young politician, first of all I must mention that the country that I'm from it's very difficult for a young female. First of all, it's very difficult for a female to make it into public office. It's even worse for a young female to make it. That, it also prepared me for how I could use my words to show people that not only will I be a voice for them, I could actually speak my heart out to them, tell them what my plans are, but then do it skillfully in a way that they buy into it, and are able to elect me, and even how because we dealt with topics on how you could make your speech relatable such that as you're telling your story somebody that is listening instantly feels like you're telling their story, and when they're able to relate with you it will be very easy for them to actually elect you as their leader, because they feel like you're a mirror of them, and then you can represent them better.
The training for me was actually a point that I think began a lot of things for me, because I knew I could speak, but then I didn't know I could use it to further my political ambition. When I went back home, in Kasana, I was able to speak to various groups. Just by me sharing my story with them, they were able to buy into the vision that I have for my ward, because I have aspirations of standing as a ward counselor next year, in our general elections, and it's been very helpful.
I've been able to know another important thing we learned is how you should be able to read your audience, so depending on who I'm talking to, I'm able to know which skills I should employ.
RM: Thank you. I know you can't see me, but I'm nodding vigorously over here, because you just shared, I think, so many important lessons with our listeners, just about how you can use these skills to further your political ambition, how things are different for young women, and how they face different barriers and challenges into getting into elected office, and how these skills help create an opening.
I want to talk about NDI's work in changing the face of politics, and it relates directly to what you mentioned about being a young woman in politics. NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and that includes their participation in leadership and politics, and I wanted to hear from you what you think young people's role is in not only changing the face of politics, but ensuring that young women have a role to play, and can participate in politics.
GK: We need to become alive to the reality that our parents will not be here 10, 20, 30, 40, 50 years from now, it is us that will be here. Every time I'm speaking to young people about young people involvement in politics and leadership and decision making and getting involved in civic spaces, I'm always telling them if we don't get involved now, then we are simply selling our future off ... Not even selling it off, we're simply giving it off for free. Because whatever our ... Those that we leave leadership to today, whatever decisions they make, or whatever they choose to do with the resources that we have, whatever they choose to do with our nation, they will not be here to face the repercussions, we will be here.
Most of our parliament, the Zambian parliament has over 158 seats, and only 2 people are below the age of 35, only two people are youth, but if we do get young people involved, then we do get young people into parliament, we will know to say this decision that I'm making today, I'm only 27, so the decision that I'm making today, 30 years from now the chances that I still will be here to answer for it and to face the repercussions of if I make a bad decision will linger in my mind, for even as I make a decision I'm thinking I'm not thinking five years from now, I'm thinking 10, 15, 20, 30, 50 years from now, because I'm assured I will still obviously be here. I feel the time is now that young people actually take over and provide solutions to many of these challenges, and many of the problems that our country, our continent, and even the world is facing today.
RM: So many of the points that you just talked about really point to the need for this culture shift, and a culture change within politics. I think a lot of what you are advocating for, particularly about greater youth inclusion, can help contribute to that shift, and politics being more inclusive and representative of young people.
I just really want to thank you for taking time to talk with us today, and to share your thoughts, and I really want to wish you all the best in your run for office. I think you would make an amazing political leader, and I'm really excited to see what your future holds, and where you'll go after your participation as a young person in politics.
GK: Thank you so much. I look forward to where I go to, so I keep working towards it. And this I'm guaranteed that I will get there. Thank you so much for having me. It's been a pleasure having this conversation with you. I look forward to further interactions.
RM: Us as well. Thank you again.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with thousands of courageous and committed democratic activists around the world, to help countries develop the institutions, practices, and skills necessary for democracy's success. For more information, please visit our website, at www.NDI.org.
In Lebanon, NDI is collaborating with the television station MTV Lebanon, for its weekly program, It's About Time, which features political leaders responding to questions from the host and from young people who have been trained in policy analysis and debate skills by NDI. MTV Lebanon hopes that by expanding debate culture in the country and by proving that young people can debate, they will pave the way for hosting Lebanon's first debates between national political leaders before the next elections in 2022. The show has achieved broad viewership, and resulted in viral moments on social media, with some political leaders saying that they tune in specifically to watch the youth debate segment. I would like to introduce everyone to Rafka Noufal, a junior Lebanese lawyer, and active participant on the debate show. Rafka, thank you for joining us for the podcast today.
Rafka Noufal: Thank you for having me with you today.
RM: I'd like to start with you giving us a brief introduction about your work, and your background, and what brought you to the debate show.
RN: I'm a 24-years-old Lebanese junior lawyer. I studied law in the Holy Spirit University, a Catholic University in Lebanon, and I just graduated from my masters to a degree. I also have a certificate of completion of the [inaudible 00:14:06] university program on international criminal law and procedures, and am a very social person who's interested in politics and in all the topics that are rising inside our country. When I knew about the TV political show It's About Time, through my university, I was very excited and more willing to join this show because I saw it as a platform to raise our voice as the young people in Lebanon, and to give our opinion and our thoughts on all the political and social and economic topics that are arising inside our society.
I work as a lawyer now, [inaudible 00:14:42] bar association, and I work in an office that takes private law cases and more specifically criminal law cases. Throughout my work, I got familiar with the gaps and insecurities inside the Lebanese legal system.
RM: I see so much connection between your ability to do this work as a lawyer and having the opportunity to dig into these pressing political issues on the debate show. Can you tell me a little bit more about your experience on the show, and talk about some of what you gained, whether it's skills that you gained, or kind of how the show maybe changed your perspective about politics?
RN: In fact, the different trainings we did with NDI were very useful on many levels. First of all, it developed our skills in public speaking, which is very important in the life of politics, and to my work also of the lawyer. Also, these trainings triggered the reason and the logic inside every mind of the young people who participate in the show, and it let us discuss and have conversations people from all over the country, so this debate program let us know how to discuss, how to debate topics without hurting other people's feelings, or other people's opinions.
RM: Can you tell me a little bit more about some of the topics that you debated on the TV show, and maybe topics that came up that were a bit more controversial, or there was more, there were maybe more emotions, or opinions that people really wanted to share?
RN: First off, my last debate at the show was about the early elections in Lebanon. I was supporting that we should have an early election in Lebanon, to change the members of the parliament, because the government in Lebanon now, even the parliament, they are not doing enough work in order to take us, or to help Lebanon go through this economic situation, this economic crisis we're going through right now in Lebanon. I was supporting the fact that we should be doing an early election, to change the leaders, to change the member of the parliament. We need young people to get inside the parliament. We need new, free minds, that are not attached to the past, they are not divided by sectarianism. We need a civil country, not a country that is divided by sectarianism.
RM: Can you talk a little bit more about your thoughts on the protest, and what you see as a way forward not only for young people in Lebanon, but the entire so many people across the country have been engaged in the protests, kind of what do you see as a vision, or a way forward?
RN: I would like to start by giving, talking about the problem between this disconnection, between young people nowadays in Lebanon, and the political parties, before talking about the protests. In fact, political parties in Lebanon are still attached to the past, and they divide young people by sectarianism. You should follow this party because you are from the sect that this party supports, or also I think that political parties inside Lebanon lack any vision for the future beyond their personal interests, and the most important point is that they deny the youth right to participate in decision making process, because they are political parties that are doomed with ... How to say it? Political inheritance, and the cultural hierarchy that says that elders know better than young people, but in fact when that's not the case when it's faced with reality, because every generation faces new challenges, different from the challenges that the other generation faced, so all of this adding to the corruption that grows like a tumor inside [inaudible 00:18:54] infecting all the aspects after [inaudible 00:18:58] for about like the environment, infrastructure, and economic crisis led to the birth of this protest and this revolution that emerged inside the streets of Lebanon.
RN: I think that young people, and I'm one of them, we saw this revolution as a window of hope to change the current corrupted situation in the country, and maybe to take part of the decision making process, to give our opinion, our thoughts.
RM: Do you see some of the topics that have come up in debates, and young people's desire to protest and take part in the revolution, do you see that as a meaningful pathway to change?
RN: I think so. I think young people believe in these social movements because these social movements are based on the free minds, and are detached from sectarianism, and from inequality between the Lebanese people, and maybe these social movements can create in the future political parties that can govern Lebanon and help it to develop like other countries in the world.
RM: This year, under the banner of of Changing the Face of Politics, NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and that includes their participation in leadership and politics. I wanted to ask you what you see as young people's role in changing the face of politics, and ensuring that young women specifically can participate and have a meaningful role in politics, and particularly in the context of Lebanon, this new politics that you all are attempting to usher in.
RN: I think that [inaudible 00:20:44] young people are making a step to bridge this gap between politics and youth people, because they are taking on important issues, such as climate change, mass immigration, and even women empowerment, however, I think that we still have a bit of problem inside the third-world countries, but as for women empowerment, I think Lebanon and and outside in other countries young people believe in gender equality between man and woman, and they don't consider gender as an indication for holding a political position.
In fact, we support us young people that competence, performances and efficiency are the only conditions for judging a person in a position of power, and not being a woman or a man. Thus, if we take charge in Lebanon, I think you will see more women engaged in the politics. For example, right now in Lebanon we are demanding the vote of the law for women's quota in all Lebanese election as a step to engage more women in the political life of the country.
RM: Do you think that this culture of youth debate, and young people sharing their voices on these important political topics, do you think that this trend will continue, in that it's important that young people continue to use debate to speak out about politics?
RN: The debating concept is important because first, it lets you build constructive arguments in a persuasive way, and you don't only talk just to talk, you have to talk with a logic and reason. Young people can express their opinion with public speaking skills, and to accept the opinion of other people without deciding them, or offending them, as I mentioned before.
RM: I really want to thank you for taking time out to share more with us about your political experience, and to talk about the political trends that we're witnessing in Lebanon. I think that a lot of what you shared can be really relevant for young people, and for others that are participating in politics, to really understand how this development skills and development of knowledge around debate can be useful for a political career.
RN: I would like also to thank NDI for all the training they did with us, and it was really a lifetime experience with them, and with It's About Time show.
RM: Great. Thank you.
RN: Thank you so much.
RM: NDI has worked with thousands of young people on the art of competitive policy debate, and has ongoing debate programs in three regions. To learn more about NDI youth debate programs, or access program resources, visit the Youth Leading Debate Initiative, on NDI.org.
In Moldova, NDI is facilitating the seventh iteration of the Challenger Program, which aims to help create the next generation of political leaders, policymakers, and civil servants. Challenger equips young people with the knowledge and skills to develop realistic public policies that respond to the needs and priorities of the people in Moldova. The youth debates take place in the second phase of the program, the policy debate school. During the program, the participants acquire research and analytical skills, and they also take part in developing a youth manifesto, which addresses important national problems faced by young people in the country.
I would now like to introduce you to Silena, who is a member of the Challenger Program, and is going to join us to talk a little bit about her experience. Hey, Silena, thanks for joining us today.
Selina Dicusar: Hello. Thank you for having me.
RM: I'd like to just start with you giving us a brief introduction about yourself, and telling us about your experience in the program.
SD: Okay. My name is Selena Dicusar. I am 20-years-old. I was born in the Republic of Moldova. Currently, I'm studying Moldova, at the international relations.
SD: I am a member of the Communication PR Department of the Erasmus Student Network Chisinau, but elections are currently underway, and I will run for Vice President. I am also participant of Challenger, and a double winner of the Best Speaker Award.
RM: Selena, thank you for that introduction. Can you tell me about your experience in the Challenger Program, why did you decide to join in the first place, and what do you think you gained from your participation in the program?
SD: It's certainly the most complex intense and in depth project that I've ever been involved in. I've had a unique experience participating in a project which changed my attitude towards politics, and taught me new skills. Firstly, I learned to value my knowledge in terms of languages and to apply them correctly in research. Secondly, I have learned to think critically, and always question any information I receive or process. And last but not least, I learned how to develop solutions.
About opportunities, yes, what I gained in Challenger helped me to properly recommend myself to the mayor of my native village, and prove that my ideas will help improve the situation in the village.
RM: Thank you. I think you brought up some really excellent points, particularly about this need to challenge information that we receive from different sources, and to really kind of understand what's being proposed for our different communities. Can you talk a little bit more about some of the debate skills? You mentioned that they connect to your political participation outside the program. What about the debate component helps prepare you for political engagement outside the program?
SD: First of all, the debate helped me understand how to make a manifesto, because we are writing manifestos in the program, and I think this is one of the most important skills that I have learned, and that have certainly helped me to engage more in politics out of the program.
RM: Great. Thank you. I want to talk a little bit about I know that you do quite a bit of work on the local level, and that you've been doing some work with the local mayor, so I want to talk about this trend that we're seeing, which is a bit of a disconnect between young people and formal political institutions, and we're really seeing young people kind of disengage from formal politics. I'm wondering based on your work in the community and on the local level what you think about this trend in young people moving away from formal politics, and also if you think that working on a local level is part of a solution or a viable pathway for young people to participate in politics.
SD: First of all, it is mandatory that parties and politicians stop underestimating youth. They shouldn't only change their attitudes, but also encourage young people to join parties, giving them the opportunity to work on the issues that interest them, and unfortunately one of the biggest issues between young people, political institutions, and parties in Moldova that they don't hear each other. Young people are often not appreciated fairly, they are not heard, and these of course discourages them from further action.
Local political participation is certainly a viable path that many Moldovans are unaware of, specifically my case about three or four young people and one curator from another city work on projects in our city [inaudible 00:28:24], those are the critical shortage of young people work is proceeding slowly. Most likely this is due to the fact that such work requires time and dedication. Is almost not rewarded financially, and among our youth experience is not in the first place for all. The situation is improving, the new generation is more politically active.
RM: Thank you, Selena, and I think a lot of the points that you made about how parties need to change their strategy about the way that they engage young people is really important, and also this need to work at multiple levels, that we're working at the lower level, but we're also creating opportunities at the national level, too, and I think your work experience speaks to that as well.
I want to talk a bit about young women's participation. This year, under the banner of changing the face of politics, NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and this includes women's participation in politics. I want to ask you what you feel like young people's role is in ensuring that the face of politics changes, and that young women have more opportunities to participate.
SD: First of all, it seems to me that the new generation which is now growing up is more aware of the problems that humanity faces. This is a generation that can embrace changes slowly, and their role in ensuring that participation of women in politics is first of all to learning how to accept the leadership of a woman, and question the abilities of women and men working in the same area on the wages of equal criteria, and to better involve young women in politics we must first of all educate them because an educated woman is a strong woman who can defend her interests.
RM: Thank you. I think you know the point about it being a generational change, I think that's echoed in the other, the conversations with other young people, as well, is it seems like this generation is more willing to ensure that participation is inclusive, and then that includes young women as part of the conversation.
I really want to thank you for joining us today, and for sharing some insights about your participation in the program, and how you see your participation in Challenger really helping create political space for young people. Is there anything you want to add, in closing?
SD: I would like very much to thank the people coming here that created this program. It's a big challenge for Moldova to teach a generation of people that is aware of politics, that can change the political situation in the country, and the political culture, as well. I think if we get to teach more people how politics works, probably there will be a positive change in my country.
RM: Again, I just want to thank you for joining us, and answering the questions. I really wish you the best of luck in everything that you pursue, moving forward.
SD: Thank you very much.
RM: Thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI, or to listen to other Dem Works podcasts, please visit us at NDI.org.


Podcast Participants; Given Kapolyo, Rafka Noufal, Selina Dicusar.



24. Increasing Youth Political Inclusion through Debate

Democracy (General), #NDI #National Democratic Institute #Women #Citizen Participation #Youth

Ist die Demokratie in Deutschland in Gefahr? Welchen Beitrag kann Bildung leisten, um sie zu stärken? Eine demokratische Gesellschaft setzt voraus, dass ihre Bürgerinnen und Bürger von klein auf lernen, andere Meinungen zu respektieren, Konflikte konstruktiv zu lösen und sich aktiv in gemeinschaftliche Willensbildungsprozesse einzubringen. Der Aktionsrat Bildung widmet sich in seinem neuen Gutachten der Frage, wie Demokratiebildung in Deutschland weiterentwickelt werden kann. In einem einleitenden Kapitel werden die Ursachen und Auswirkungen der weltweiten Zunahme antidemokratischer Tendenzen aus einer interdisziplinären Perspektive beleuchtet. Anschließend wird für alle Bildungsphasen der Status quo abgebildet: Welchen Stellenwert hat Demokratiebildung in den Bildungsplänen und in der Ausbildung des pädagogischen Personals? Wie steht es um die demokratischen Kompetenzen der Teilnehmenden im Bildungssystem? Der Aktionsrat Bildung leitet aus dieser Bestandsaufnahme konkrete Handlungsempfehlungen ab und richtet diese an die politischen Entscheidungsträger. (DIPF/Orig.)

The International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) was a multidisciplinary and multi-stakeholder assessment by about 400 experts which had four primary goals: 1) to assess the effects of agricultural knowledge, science and technology policy and institutional environments, as well as practices, in the context of sustainable development; 2) to identify where critically important information gaps exist in order to more effectively target research; 3) to make the resulting state of the art, objective, analyses accessible to decision makers at all levels from small producers to those who create international policy; and 4) to further the capacity of developing country nationals and institutions to generate, access, and use agricultural knowledge, science and technology that promote sustainable development. The IAASTD was a useful experience at the nexus of politics and science. However, agricultural technology, with its complexity, diversity and politics, proved to be a bridge too far. The process itself was instructive and there is much useful information in the reports. However, the present review concludes that, for the substantial resources used, the program did not offer sufficient new knowledge or conceptual frameworks for decision makers.

Part I. Slavery, survival, and community building / Kidada E. Williams -- "An address to the slaves of the United States" / Henry Highland Garnet -- From life and adventures of Charles Ball / Charles Ball -- From incidents in the life of a slave girl / Harriet Jacobs -- "Roll Jordan roll" / adapted by Nicholas Britell -- "I've been in the storm so long" -- "Before Charleston's church shooting, a long history of attacks" / Douglas R. Egerton -- "The first attack on Charleston's AME Church" / Maurie McInnis -- From "sweet dreams of freedom': freedwomen's reconstruction of life and labor in lowcountry South Carolina" / Leslie Schwalm -- From soul by soul: life inside the antebellum slave market / Walter Johnson -- From saltwater slavery: a middle passage from Africa to American diaspora / Stephanie E. Smallwood -- From in the shadow of slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626-1863 / Leslie M. Harris -- Part II. Religious life, spirituality, and racial identity / Keisha N. Blain -- From religious experience and journal of Mrs. Jarena Lee, giving an account of her call to preach the gospel / Jarena Lee -- "Amazing grace" / John Newton -- "Love and terror in the Black church" / Michael Eric Dyson -- "The long and proud history of Charleston's AME Church" / Manisha Sinha -- "The condition of Black life is one of mourning" / Claudia Rankine -- From African American religion: a very short introduction / Eddie S. Glaude -- From "bitter herbs and a lock of hair: recollections of Africa in slave narratives of the Garrisonian era" / Jermaine O. Archer -- From Islam in Black America: identity, liberation, and difference in African American Islamic thought / Edward Curtis -- From God's long summer: stories of faith and civil rights / Charles Marsh -- From songs of Zion: the African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa / James Campbell -- Part III. The Civil War and Reconstruction in history and memory / Kidada E. Williams -- "The Civil Rights Bill": extracts from a speech delivered in the House of Representatives / Robert Brown Elliot -- "Declaration of the immediate causes which induce and justify the secession of South Carolina from the federal union" -- From "The Constitution of the Confederate States" / with annotations by Stephanie McCurry -- "Corner stone speech" / Alexander H. Stephens -- "No more auction block for me" / Gustavus D. Pike -- From "A second Haitian revolution: John Brown, Toussaint Louverture, and the making of the American Civil War" / Matthew Clavin -- From Black over White: Negro political leadership in South Carolina during Reconstruction / Thomas C. Holt -- From to joy my freedom: southern Black womens' lives and labors after the Civil War / Tera W. Hunter -- From Confederate reckoning: power and politics in the Civil War south / Stephanie McCurry -- From terror in the heart of freedom: citizenship, sexual violence, and the meaning of race in the post-emancipation south / Hannah Rosen -- Part IV. Jim Crow, racial politics, and global White supremacy / Kidada E. Williams -- From Plessy v. Ferguson / Supreme Court of the United States (163 U.S. 537) -- From "Declaration of the rights of the Negro peoples of the world: the principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association" / Marcus Garvey and the UNIA -- "Call to the march" / Asa Philip Randolph -- From "The souls of White folk" / W.E.B. Du Bois -- From a red record / Ida B. Wells-Barnett -- "If we must die" / Claude McKay -- "Strange fruit" / Abel Meeropol and Billie Holliday -- "Rhodesian flag, Confederate flag: roof and the legacies of racial hate" / Benjamin Foldy -- From southern horrors: women and the politics of rape and lynching / Crystal N. Feimster -- From "We are not what we seem': rethinking Black working-class opposition in the Jim Crow south" / Robin D.G. Kelley -- From "to speak when and where I can': African American women's political activism in South Carolina in the 1940s and 1950s" / Cherisse Jones-Branch -- From the possessive investment in whiteness: how White people profit from identity politics / George Lipsitz -- "Blackness beyond boundaries': navigating the political economies of global inequality" / Manning Marable -- Part V. Civil rights and Black power / Chad Williams -- "Testimony before the Credentials Committee, Democratic National Convention, Atlantic City, New Jersey" / Fannie Lou Hamer -- "We shall overcome" -- "Mississippi Goddam" / Nina Simone -- "The Black agenda--Gary declaration: Black politics at the crossroads" / National Black Political Convention -- "Is it time to reevaluate the church's role in the civil rights movement?" / Robin Blake -- "More than a seat on the bus" / Danielle McGuire -- From "Joanne is you and Joanne is me': a consideration of african american women and the 'free joan little' movement, 1974-75" / Genna Rae McNeil -- From "could history repeat itself? the prospects for a second reconstruction in post-World War II South Carolina" / Robert Korstad -- From up south: civil rights and Black power in Philadelphia / Matthew Countryman -- From we will shoot back: armed resistance in the Mississippi freedom movement / Akinyele Umoja -- Part VI. Contemporary perspectives on race and racial violence / Chad Williams -- "Remarks by the president in eulogy for the honorable Reverend Clementa Pinckney, College of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina" / Barack Obama -- "The blacker the berry" / Kendrick Lamar -- From "Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department" / United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division -- "Speech on Walter Scott shooting" / Clementa Pinckney -- "Black bodies, White terrorism: a global reimagining of forgiveness" / Esther Armah -- "Ella taught me: shattering the myth of the leaderless movement" / Barbara Ransby -- "On the pole for freedom: Bree Newsome's politics, theory, and theology of resistance" / Brittney Cooper -- From hate thy neighbor: move in violence and the persistence of racial segregation in housing / Jeannine Bell -- From Charleston in Black and White: race and power in the south after the civil rights movement / Steve Estes -- From not even past: Barack Obama and the burden of race / Thomas Sugrue -- From "African American women, mass incarceration, and the politics of protection" / Kali Nicole Gross

Purpose. Ukraine is currently in the process of reforming the railway transportations market, which is related to the implementation of European Union Directives to its legislation. As a result of these reforms, the opening of the railway transportation market for carriers independent of Ukrzaliznytsia is envisaged. In such conditions, the problem of ensuring access of rolling stock to the receiving and departure tracks and the elimination of conflict situations with train and shunting movements of rolling stock of Ukrzaliznytsia can be solved by passing trains of independent carriers according to a tight schedule. One of the use areas of private locomotives is servicing of points of mass loading or unloading of goods. One of the tasks that arises in this case is to improve the methods of assigning private locomotives to the threads of the train schedule. Methodology. The research is performed based on the methods of organization of operational work of railways and methods of linear programming. Findings. The paper considers the problem of improving the methods of calculating the size of the working fleet of locomotives. Based on the analysis of possible conditions of interaction between Ukrzaliznytsia JSC and private carriers, it is determined that one of the possible options for using private transport companies at the stage of implementation of their services will be the service of points of mass loading or unloading of goods. In the course of the research a method of determining the number of locomotives by reducing this problem to an optimization problem of purpose was developed. An example of solving the problem of determining the required working fleet of locomotives to service the transportation of grain cargo sent to the port by shipping routes and developing schedules of their turnover is given. The number of locomotives needed to service transportations was set and the procedure for their connection to trains developed. Originality. The research improves the methods of assignment locomotives to the threads of the train schedule based on the use of linear programming methods. Practical value. The results of the work allow us to assess the needs of the working fleet of locomotives in the open market of railway transportations for independent carriers. ; Цель. В настоящее время в Украине происходит процесс реформирования рынка железнодорожных перевозок, что связано с имплементацией директив Европейского Союза к ее законодательству. В результате этих реформ предполагается открытие рынка железнодорожных перевозок для независимых от Укрзализныци перевозчиков. В таких условиях проблема обеспечения доступа подвижного состава к главным и приемо-отправочным путям и устранения конфликтных ситуаций с поездными и маневровыми передвижениями подвижного состава Укрзализныци может быть решена путем пропуска поездов независимых перевозчиков по жесткому расписанию движения. Одним из направлений использования частных локомотивов является обслуживание пунктов массовой загрузки или выгрузки грузов. Основной задачей, которая возникает при этом, является совершенствование методов закрепления частных локомотивов за нитками графика движения поездов. Методика. Исследования выполнены на основе методов организации эксплуатационной работы железных дорог и методов линейного программирования. Результаты. В работе рассмотрена проблема совершенствования методов расчета величины рабочего парка локомотивов. На основе анализа возможных условий взаимодействия АО «Укрзализныця» и частных перевозчиков определено, что одним из вариантов использования частных перевозочных компаний на этапе внедрения их услуг будет обслуживание пунктов массовой загрузки или выгрузки грузов. В ходе исследования разработан метод определения количества локомотивов путем приведения этой задачи к оптимизационной задаче о назначении. Приведен пример решения задачи определения необходимого рабочего парка локомотивов для обслуживания перевозок зерновых грузов, отправляемых в порт отправительскими маршрутами, и разработки графиков их оборота. Установлено количество локомотивов, которое необходимо для обслуживания перевозок, разработан порядок их подвязки к поездам. Научная новизна. В исследовании усовершенствованы методы закрепления локомотивов за нитками графика движения поездов на основе использования методов линейного программирования. Практическая значимость. Результаты работы позволяют оценить потребности рабочего парка локомотивов при открытом рынке железнодорожных перевозок для независимых перевозчиков. ; Мета. У наш час в Україні відбувається процес реформування ринку залізничних перевезень, що пов'язано з імплементацією директив Європейського Союзу до її законодавства. У результаті цих реформ передбачається відкриття ринку залізничних перевезень для незалежних від Укрзалізниці перевізників. У таких умовах проблема забезпечення доступу рухомого складу до головних і приймально-відправних колій та усунення конфліктних ситуацій із поїзними та маневровими пересуваннями рухомого складу Укрзалізниці може бути вирішена шляхом пропуску поїздів незалежних перевізників за жорстким розкладом руху. Одним із напрямів використання приватних локомотивів є обслуговування пунктів масового завантаження чи вивантаження вантажів. Основним завданням, яке виникає при цьому, є вдосконалення методів закріплення приватних локомотивів за нитками графіка руху поїздів. Методика. Дослідження виконано на основі методів організації експлуатаційної роботи залізниць та методів лінійного програмування. Результати. У роботі розглянуто проблему вдосконалення методів розрахунку величини робочого парку локомотивів. На основі аналізу можливих умов взаємодії АТ «Укрзалізниця» і приватних перевізників визначено, що одним із варіантів використання приватних перевізних компаній на етапі впровадження їх послуг буде обслуговування пунктів масового завантаження чи вивантаження вантажів. У ході дослідження розроблено метод визначення кількості локомотивів шляхом зведення цієї задачі до оптимізаційної задачі про призначення. Наведено приклад розв'язання задачі визначення необхідного робочого парку локомотивів для обслуговування перевезень зернових вантажів, які відправляють у порт відправницькими маршрутами, та розробки графіків їх обігу. Установлено кількість локомотивів, необхідну для обслуговування перевезень, розроблено порядок їх підв'язки до поїздів. Наукова новизна. У дослідженні вдосконалено методи закріплення локомотивів за нитками графіка руху поїздів на основі використання методів лінійного програмування. Практична значимість. Результати роботи дозволяють оцінити потреби робочого парку локомотивів в умовах відкритого ринку залізничних перевезень для незалежних перевізників.

Purpose. Ukraine is currently in the process of reforming the railway transportations market, which is related to the implementation of European Union Directives to its legislation. As a result of these reforms, the opening of the railway transportation market for carriers independent of Ukrzaliznytsia is envisaged. In such conditions, the problem of ensuring access of rolling stock to the receiving and departure tracks and the elimination of conflict situations with train and shunting movements of rolling stock of Ukrzaliznytsia can be solved by passing trains of independent carriers according to a tight schedule. One of the use areas of private locomotives is servicing of points of mass loading or unloading of goods. One of the tasks that arises in this case is to improve the methods of assigning private locomotives to the threads of the train schedule. Methodology. The research is performed based on the methods of organization of operational work of railways and methods of linear programming. Findings. The paper considers the problem of improving the methods of calculating the size of the working fleet of locomotives. Based on the analysis of possible conditions of interaction between Ukrzaliznytsia JSC and private carriers, it is determined that one of the possible options for using private transport companies at the stage of implementation of their services will be the service of points of mass loading or unloading of goods. In the course of the research a method of determining the number of locomotives by reducing this problem to an optimization problem of purpose was developed. An example of solving the problem of determining the required working fleet of locomotives to service the transportation of grain cargo sent to the port by shipping routes and developing schedules of their turnover is given. The number of locomotives needed to service transportations was set and the procedure for their connection to trains developed. Originality. The research improves the methods of assignment locomotives to the threads of the train schedule based on the use of linear programming methods. Practical value. The results of the work allow us to assess the needs of the working fleet of locomotives in the open market of railway transportations for independent carriers. ; Цель. В настоящее время в Украине происходит процесс реформирования рынка железнодорожных перевозок, что связано с имплементацией директив Европейского Союза к ее законодательству. В результате этих реформ предполагается открытие рынка железнодорожных перевозок для независимых от Укрзализныци перевозчиков. В таких условиях проблема обеспечения доступа подвижного состава к главным и приемо-отправочным путям и устранения конфликтных ситуаций с поездными и маневровыми передвижениями подвижного состава Укрзализныци может быть решена путем пропуска поездов независимых перевозчиков по жесткому расписанию движения. Одним из направлений использования частных локомотивов является обслуживание пунктов массовой загрузки или выгрузки грузов. Основной задачей, которая возникает при этом, является совершенствование методов закрепления частных локомотивов за нитками графика движения поездов. Методика. Исследования выполнены на основе методов организации эксплуатационной работы железных дорог и методов линейного программирования. Результаты. В работе рассмотрена проблема совершенствования методов расчета величины рабочего парка локомотивов. На основе анализа возможных условий взаимодействия АО «Укрзализныця» и частных перевозчиков определено, что одним из вариантов использования частных перевозочных компаний на этапе внедрения их услуг будет обслуживание пунктов массовой загрузки или выгрузки грузов. В ходе исследования разработан метод определения количества локомотивов путем приведения этой задачи к оптимизационной задаче о назначении. Приведен пример решения задачи определения необходимого рабочего парка локомотивов для обслуживания перевозок зерновых грузов, отправляемых в порт отправительскими маршрутами, и разработки графиков их оборота. Установлено количество локомотивов, которое необходимо для обслуживания перевозок, разработан порядок их подвязки к поездам. Научная новизна. В исследовании усовершенствованы методы закрепления локомотивов за нитками графика движения поездов на основе использования методов линейного программирования. Практическая значимость. Результаты работы позволяют оценить потребности рабочего парка локомотивов при открытом рынке железнодорожных перевозок для независимых перевозчиков. ; Мета. У наш час в Україні відбувається процес реформування ринку залізничних перевезень, що пов'язано з імплементацією директив Європейського Союзу до її законодавства. У результаті цих реформ передбачається відкриття ринку залізничних перевезень для незалежних від Укрзалізниці перевізників. У таких умовах проблема забезпечення доступу рухомого складу до головних і приймально-відправних колій та усунення конфліктних ситуацій із поїзними та маневровими пересуваннями рухомого складу Укрзалізниці може бути вирішена шляхом пропуску поїздів незалежних перевізників за жорстким розкладом руху. Одним із напрямів використання приватних локомотивів є обслуговування пунктів масового завантаження чи вивантаження вантажів. Основним завданням, яке виникає при цьому, є вдосконалення методів закріплення приватних локомотивів за нитками графіка руху поїздів. Методика. Дослідження виконано на основі методів організації експлуатаційної роботи залізниць та методів лінійного програмування. Результати. У роботі розглянуто проблему вдосконалення методів розрахунку величини робочого парку локомотивів. На основі аналізу можливих умов взаємодії АТ «Укрзалізниця» і приватних перевізників визначено, що одним із варіантів використання приватних перевізних компаній на етапі впровадження їх послуг буде обслуговування пунктів масового завантаження чи вивантаження вантажів. У ході дослідження розроблено метод визначення кількості локомотивів шляхом зведення цієї задачі до оптимізаційної задачі про призначення. Наведено приклад розв'язання задачі визначення необхідного робочого парку локомотивів для обслуговування перевезень зернових вантажів, які відправляють у порт відправницькими маршрутами, та розробки графіків їх обігу. Установлено кількість локомотивів, необхідну для обслуговування перевезень, розроблено порядок їх підв'язки до поїздів. Наукова новизна. У дослідженні вдосконалено методи закріплення локомотивів за нитками графіка руху поїздів на основі використання методів лінійного програмування. Практична значимість. Результати роботи дозволяють оцінити потреби робочого парку локомотивів в умовах відкритого ринку залізничних перевезень для незалежних перевізників.

With historical roots in the once-common practices of lodging and boarding, short-term rentals (STRs) have become in recent years a prominent feature of the global travel accommodation space. Worth roughly US$40 billion in 2010, the global value of the STR market reached US$115 billion in 2019. Despite a significant hit on business as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, the STR market is showing strong signs of rebounding. The increased popularity and accessibility of the STR market can be largely attributed to the emergence of digital sharing economy platforms, such as Airbnb and Vrbo, which play the role of mediator in simplifying interactions and transactions between hosts and guests from around the world. As this platform-facilitated STR market has grown, home sharing has garnered increasing attention. Many have celebrated such innovation in the hospitality sector for the benefits it has delivered, among them lower prices, increased consumer choice, local economic development, community revitalisation, and a reliable income stream for property owners. However, others have been quick to decry the practice, accusing STR platforms of engaging in anti-competitive behaviour, exacerbating issues of over-tourism and a lack of affordable housing, and undermining the habitability of communities. Of notable concern among many STR skeptics is a potential shift in practice away from individual hosts renting a primary residence or space therein, and towards commercialization, whereby corporate entities are buying up what were once residential properties to list in the more lucrative STR market. The above picture of costs and benefits points to a market that is rife with tensions. Naturally, this reality has produced calls for regulation and government involvement, and in some cases, has even fuelled campaigns for all-out ban of the practice.As governments have stepped into the regulatory fold, however, they have faced significant challenges. This is because STR activity, different in composition and dynamics from that which plays out in traditional markets, pushes conventional policy boundaries, undermining in some cases the effectiveness of standard legal, regulatory, planning, and governance processes. Regulatory struggles can be attributed to three key factors. First, most conceptions of home sharing employed in the regulatory space treat the STR market as conventional and thus two-sided; that is, as encompassing interactions between those supplying the service (hosts) and those accessing it (guests). Such understandings fail to capture the involvement of additional players—digital STR platforms, most notably, but more recently professional property managers as well— not to mention the nature, extent, and implications of their involvement. Importantly, STR platforms are more than passive facilitators of market activity, and not only influence the contours and dynamics of the market, but also actively shape the regulatory space. Second, attempts to regulate home sharing have been hampered by the widespread tendency, within both policy and academic circles, to treat the market as a monolith. Yet, an assessment of drivers of participation and dynamics among guests, hosts, and platforms makes manifest the complexity of the STR market and the diversity of activity that plays out within it. Notably, STR hosting spans a spectrum of activity, from low- or no-fee home sharing in the spirit of collaborative consumption, to renting a suite in a primary residence, to the commercial multi-hosting referenced above. Drivers of guest participation in the market are similarly diverse. Far from passive, platform involvement is shaped by the desire to create and benefit from network effects, and thus spans partnership development, bridging to distinct but related markets, and even the pursuit of socially minded or philanthropic endeavours. The above diversity suggests that one-size-fits-all approaches to management are destined to fail. Third, governments and policymakers have relied on traditional regulatory concepts and parlance, such as the notion of regulatory violation, to characterize various forms of STR market activity. However, in the case of platform-mediated home sharing, the concept of regulatory fractures—instances in which new modes of activity do not map well onto existing frameworks, thus disrupting regulatory effectiveness—is more apt. The conceptual frame of regulatory fractures enables one to uncover the tensions and complications that are produced when novel activity arises within the context of longstanding institutions and processes, and underscores the extent to which reimagined regulatory and policy approaches, tailored to the unique features of the STR market, are vital. Further, if not addressed, regulatory fractures will not only undercut the intent and effectiveness of regulation but will also curtail the potential benefits of home sharing activity. Going forward, successful management of the STR market will hinge on the ability of policymakers to confront the factors currently hindering the effectiveness of policy and regulatory approaches, namely an under-developed understanding of the STR market and its dynamics, and a continued use of tools ill-suited to novel economic activity. Fortunately, governments ready to innovate in the regulatory space and reimagine management strategies will learn that a number of less conventional approaches show promise. Among such emerging approaches is co-regulation, a tactic employed with success throughout the European Union in particular. Given their prominent role in the market, as well as their desire to influence regulation to maintain network dominance, platforms could make willing and effective partners in co-regulation, just as some other industries are entrusted with a degree of self-regulation. Though it would require the development of a robust framework to ensure effectiveness, co-regulation could help governments to overcome existing issues, such as those related to compliance and enforcement, while also enabling access to more comprehensive data, without which tailored policy and regulatory solutions are significantly hampered.

Competence-based education (CBE) has become a central topic in transnational education policy. The approach has been applied at various education levels around the world, and it has been promoted by various international actors, such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the European Union (EU). During the latest curriculum reform, the Finnish education system took a step towards CBE as new transversal competences were introduced into the national level core curricula (Uljens & Rajakaltio, 2017). Even though CBE has been studied widely, there is a need for contextual understanding (Nordin & Sundberg, 2016; Weninger, 2017b). In this dissertation, I focus on the contextualisation of CBE within the Finnish curricular framework of basic education. The results provide conceptual tools to understand, develop and implement a competencebased curriculum. This dissertation is constructed on two interrelated levels following the inductive logic of grounded theory research. Firstly, on a more specific—micro—level, I focus on the individual concept of multiliteracy to understand how it is contextualised in curricular contextualisation of the CBE. Based on these research topics, I locate this dissertation to cross the following three areas of educational research: 1) on the micro level, the results offer new contextual knowledge about multiliteracy for literacy studies (Kulju et al., 2018; Mills, 2010; Zhang et al., 2019); on the macro level, the results provide new knowledge 2) in the field of curriculum studies, addressing curricular contextualisation in particular (Fernandes et al., 2013; Leite et al., 2020) and 3) in the field of education studies, focusing CBE (Priestley & Sinnema, 2014; Sinnema & Aitken, 2013; Voogt & Erstad, 2018). This dissertation consists of three published peer-reviewed research articles and an integrative chapter synthesising the dissertation. The curricular contextualisation of CBE is studied in this research using the method of qualitative content analysis. The broader methodological framework is oriented from qualitative grounded theory research. The research data consist of international peer-reviewed research articles collected in 2015 (n=14) and Finnish local curricula collected in 2017 (n=219) and in 2019 (n=220). The first sub-study (Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015) focused on the relationship between the conceptualisations of the concept of multiliteracy in the Finnish core curriculum and the international research discussion. The second sub-study (Palsa & Mertala, 2019) addressed the contextualisations of the concept of multiliteracy within the Finnish local curricula for basic education. The third sub-study (Palsa & Mertala, 2020) focused further on the contextualisation of multiliteracy in the specific disciplinary settings of social studies and mathematics in the lower secondary education. On the micro level, the findings clarify the relationship between the conceptualisations of multiliteracy between the national level core curriculum and the international research discussion. In addition, the research provides new contextual knowledge about how multiliteracy is contextualised in the local curriculum in general and in the disciplinary settings of social studies and mathematics on the levels of rationale (the 'why?'), definition (the 'what?'), and practice (the 'how?'). On the macro level I introduce new theoretical concepts—conceptual contextualisation and disciplinary contextualisation—and a theory, which helps in understanding the different dimensions of the conceptual contextualisation of CBE. The research findings support education through the development and implementation of the curriculum. ; Osaamisperustaisuus on noussut kansainväliseen koulutuspolitiikan keskiöön yhteiskunnallisten muutosten, kuten globalisaation ja digitalisaation myötä. Tämä näkyy opetussuunnitelmien kehittämisessä ympäri maailmaa. Maailman muutokseen on pyritty vastaamaan painottamalla opetuksen tuloksia, kuten määrittelemällä oppilaiden toivottua osaamista opetuksen sisältöjen kuvailujen sijaan. Osaamisperustaista opetusta on edistetty monen eri kansainvälisen organisaation, kuten OECD:n ja Euroopan unionin toimesta. Viimeisimmän opetussuunnitelmauudistuksen myötä osaamisperustaiseen opetukseen siirryttiin myös Suomessa (Uljens & Rajakaltio, 2017). Vaikka osaamisperustaiseen opetukseen on kiinnitetty paljon huomiota kansainvälisesti, on tuotu esiin tarve ymmärtää tarkemmin, kuinka käsitteitä on määritelty paikallisesti (Nordin & Sundberg, 2016; Weninger, 2017b). Tämän tutkimuksen tavoitteena on tarkastella laaja-alaisen osaamisen kontekstointia suomalaisen perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelmaviitekehyksessä. Tutkimustulokset tarjoavat käsitteellisiä työkaluja osaamisperustaisen opetussuunnitelman ymmärtämiseen, kehittämiseen ja implementoinnin tukemiseen. Tutkimus on rakennettu kahteen toisiinsa linkittyvään tasoon. Laajemmalla makrotasolla tarkastellaan osaamisperustaisen opetussuunnitelman kontekstointia yleisesti. Laaja-alaisen osaamisen kontekstointia tarkastellaan erityisesti monilukutaidon osalta. Tarkemmalla mikrotasolla tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erityisesti monilukutaitoon liittyviä ulottuvuuksia. Tutkimuksellisten tasojen myötä väitöskirja osallistuu eri tutkimuskeskusteluihin ja -perinteisiin. Mikrotasolla tutkimuksen tulokset tarjoavat uutta tietoa lukutaitotutkimuksen kentälle erityisesti monilukutaidosta ja siihen liittyvistä näkökulmista paikallisella tasolla (Kulju et al., 2018; Mills, 2010; Zhang et al., 2019). Makrotasolla opetussuunnitelmatutkimuksen osalta tulokset tarjoavat uutta tietoa opetussuunnitelmakontekstoinnista (Fernandes et al., 2013; Leite et al., 2020) erityisesti käsitteellisestä näkökulmasta sekä osaamisperustaisesta opetuksesta (Priestley & Sinnema, 2014; Sinnema & Aitken, 2013; Voogt & Erstad, 2018). Väitöskirja koostuu kolmesta kansainvälisestä vertaisarvioidusta artikkelista sekä yhteenveto-osiosta. Osaamisperustaisen opetuksen kontekstointia suomalaisessa perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelmaviitekehikossa tutkitaan tässä väitöskirjassa laadullisen sisällönanalyysin avulla. Tutkimuksen laajempi metodologinen viitekehys pohjautuu laadulliseen Grounded theory -tutkimukseen. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu vuonna 2015 kerätyistä kansainvälisistä vertaisarvioiduista tutkimusartikkeleista (n=14) sekä vuosina 2017 (n=219) ja 2019 (n=220) kootuista paikallisista suomenkielisistä perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelmista. Ensimmäisessä osatutkimuksessa (Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015) tarkasteltiin perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelman perusteiden määritelmää monilukutaidosta suhteessa kansainväliseen tutkimuskirjallisuuteen. Toisessa osatutkimuksessa (Palsa & Mertala, 2019) tarkasteltiin, kuinka monilukutaito oli määritelty yleisesti paikallisissa suomenkielisissä perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelmissa. Kolmannessa osatutkimuksessa (Palsa & Mertala, 2020) tarkasteltiin, kuinka monilukutaito oli määritelty oppiainekohtaisesti matematiikan ja yhteiskuntaopin osalta paikallisissa opetussuunnitelmissa erityisesti luokka-asteilla 7–9. Osaamisperustaisen opetuksen osalta makrotasolla tutkimuksen tuloksina esitellään kaksi uutta käsitettä—käsitteellinen kontekstointi sekä oppiainekohtainen kontekstointi—sekä teorian, jonka avulla voidaan tarkemmin ymmärtää osaamisperustaisen opetussuunnitelman kontekstointiin liittyviä ulottuvuuksia. Mikrotasolla tulokset osoittavat miten opetussuunnitelmaperusteissa esitetty monilukutaidon määritelmä suhteutuu kansainväliseen tutkimuskeskusteluun ja miten käsite kontekstoidaan paikallisissa opetussuunnitelmissa yleisesti sekä erityisesti matematiikan ja yhteiskuntaopin osalta perustelujen (miksi?), määritelmien (mitä?) sekä käytäntöjen (miten?) tasoilla. Tutkimustulokset tukevat opetussuunnitelman kehittämistä ja implementointia erityisesti käsitteellisen opetussuunnitelmakontekstoinnin osalta. Tutkimus avaa myös tarkemmin monilukutaitoon liittyviä paikallisia näkökulmia ja auttaa siten hahmottamaan syvällisemmin, miten käsite voidaan ymmärtää paikallisesti niin yleisesti kuin oppiainekohtaisesti matematiikan ja yhteiskuntaopin osalta.