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Colonial rule had influenced 19th century monumental Architecture as a form of imperial expression in India. European concepts of architecture reached the Asian subcontinent through visuals, literature, paintings and pattern books. Various examples from this neoclassical and neo gothic phase, also referred to as Anglo-Indian1, Indo-Sarasanic2, Indo Gothic3, Mughal Gothic4, Neogothic, Hindoo or Hindu5 Gothic architectural style that could be experiential at various levels and scales. This new vocabulary tried to reach not only the major cities under colonial rule but it reached the smaller towns and countryside instantaneously.6 7 Calcutta, Madras, Bombay procured their identity during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century beginning with neoclassical era. These three presidency towns developed with sculptural indications of the colonial rule. This was an effort of collaborative works between locals and British officials. Comparatively smaller towns like Poona8 tried to nurture its space as a part of this wave in their own way. Notably these emerging urban patterns gave rise to new public realm and social spaces. This research is divided into five parts commencing with literature review. Review of books, annals, travelogues, helps understand the context of research that is covered in detail in the further discussions. Diverse aspects of the colonial, with elements of local architecture developed in late 19th century India, are covered by various travellers, artists, historians and architects. This helps in developing frame of research and knowing what could be our contribution to the state of art. The first chapter analyses 19th century architecture developed in India and especially the Deccan9 as a result 1 Word Anglo-Indian architecture is used for style with English and Indian elements. Anglo-Indian is used by various British officers referring to person relating to England and India or a person of mixed English and Indian descent or an English person who lives or has lived for a long time in India. 2 Indo-Saracenic style mainly demonstrated by British architects and engineers to mention few Stevens, Chisholm, Beg, Charles Mant worked with local Indian contractors used Indo-Islamic and Indian architectural elements with Gothic revival style for various public buildings in India during late nineteenth century. Word Saracenic is used for people lived in desert areas nearby Roman province of Arabia. Meyer Schapiro defines style as "the constant form –and sometimes the constant elements, qualities and expression- in the art of an individual or group." Gothic revival styles defined empire style after great rebel of 1857. East India Company dissolved its powers and concentrated Queen Victoria's control on India lead in the development of architectural style using Gothic forms in Public buildings. 3 Indo Gothic phrase mainly indicates mix of Indian and Indo-Islamic forms with European Gothic style. 4 Mughal Gothic denotes elements from Mughal and Gothic architecture flourished in India in late nineteenth century. Mughal ruler was Muslim dynasty of Turkish Mongol called as Mughal rulers, ruled from 16th to mid 18th century in northern part of India. 5 Hindu or Hindoo word is generally referred to people from India. It's a pronunciation derived from Sindhu/ Indus River largest in India. 6 Jan Morris, Simon Winchester, Introduction to Stones of Empire: The buildings of the Raj, (Oxford University Press, 1983) 7 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered, (Partridge Publishing, 2014),5. 8 Poona is pronounced as 'Pune' in colloquial language. For research writing purpose it is used as Poona as the name used earlier in 19th century. 9 Deccan is a peninsular plateau located in central India comprised states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In this research western Deccan is mainly referred to western part of Maharashtra state developed under 8 of British initiative of infrastructure development following European models in Indian settings mainly for their own determination. With the examples of individual pattern of architectural expression it is significant to note how western models adapted in local climatic and geographical context. Some call this as magnificent pieces of architecture to some extent while in opinion of few these Indo Saracenic structures were unacquainted and had obsessive ornamentation too.10 Emergence of Public architecture in urban context focusing on essentials of European and local migrations were erected with western concepts. Collaborative works of European notions with Indian features lead to eclecticism in the manifestation of architectural style developed.11 Bombay presidency. 10 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered .cit., 6. 11 Christopher W., Bombay Gothic, (Mumbai, India Book House Pvt. Ltd., 2002), 131. Eclecticism he explains as "the 'discovery of a repository of styles established a great range of decorative options for architects of the period. In India, this led to the absorption of Hindu (Indo) and Mughal (Saracenic) architectural elements into neo-Gothic and Fig 1 St Paul Cathedral Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Fig 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 3 Deccan College Poona designed by St Clair Wilkins 1868. Designed in Venetian Gothic Style one of the landmark structure in Poona. Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 1 St Paul Cathedral Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863) Figure 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864) 9 Royal engineers were the key persons worked in collaboration with local engineers and masons at grass root level in the process of establishing British rule in India. Many of them came from middle and lower class families but reached greater heights by their performance. Diverse projects from basic architectural interventions, railway, bridges, basic infrastructure, and services were coordinated in India. They worked on European models in local context with successful and unsuccessful efforts.12 To explain this further, till early nineteenth century simple and function based structures built for residential and religious purposes. Engineers were experimenting and modifying European models considering local climatic conditions. From mid nineteenth century building construction activity received more attention as vocabulary of Raj13. Which kept on changing adapting local climate, material and incorporation of local traditional art forms in architecture. This argument extends with the cases of medieval town planning, comprising meandering roads for warfare strategies with fortress at a central location of main axis of town, those were extended with grid Iron pattern. This could be grasped prominently in case of towns where cantonments were developed under colonial rule like Ahmadnagar, Sholapur (Solapur), Kolhapur,14 and Poona in Deccan context under Bombay presidency. Multiethnic, cosmopolitan settlements took place in these newly developed areas.15 Cantonments flourished with residential units for British Officers and market space known as Sadar Bazar mainly comprising migrating communities like Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati16 to serve neo-classical compositions. Sometimes the buildings were pure enough in their use of indigenous stylistic sources to be called 'Indo-Saracenic' in other instances they were not, merely certain elements or certain areas of the building exhibited these unusually mixed stylistic character." 12 Sandes E. W. C. Lieut. Colonel, Preface The Military Engineer in India, Vol II, (Chatham: Institution of Royal Engineers, 1933), 35. 13 Word Raj indicates British hegemony in India. 14 Ahmadnagar, Sholapur, Kolhapur are few of important historic towns of western Maharashtra developed under Bombay presidency in 19th century 15 Deddee Jaymala and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit Introduction. 16 Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati are different trading communities settled in parts of India. Parsi belongs to Iran, Boharas are Muslims from parts of Pakistan and Gujarat, Tamils and Gujarati are from state of Tamilnadu and Figure 4 Reay Market Designed by Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar Photo by Lavand Vaidehi 10 British residential colonies. This mix culture of Anglo-Indian society reflected in the development of architectural language emerged in the vicinity in several typologies. Then cases of late 19th century Poona developed with its preexisting native town with two cantonments and Sadarbazzar (Market adjacent to cantonment) with evolving typologies of buildings are examined with the support of varied sources. The reasons behind selecting Poona as an example of this process of change in architectural style are its geographical location, political and cultural importance in Deccan region. It was the monsoon capital under Bombay presidency. Two major events such as the railway connecting Poona with Bombay and formation of municipality geared physical expansion of the town.17 Sir Bartle Frere's18 (Fig 1 and 2) initiatives of public building activities in Poona lead in developing face of Poona as an Educational hub, which is well known even today. Building activity at an early stage of colonial expanse was mainly utility based. But later officers in East India Company implemented policy of getting connected with local rulers so they beheld for architectural style that will impress locals and reflect power of colonial rulers. European surveyors and engineers procured and adapted various elements, details and layouts from pattern books for particular site requirements.19 Native philanthropists were inspired by Enlightenment20 and progress that; they tried to implement Neo-gothic revival style at urban level in late nineteenth century.21 Colonial government with local elites shaped cities with new urban infrastructure. European and Indian engineers, architects and artists made designs, whereas Indian laborers, craftsmen and artisans worked on actual execution. In the process, the local teams left their mark on the vocabulary at different levels right from selection of materials, construction techniques, features, and ornamentation. Examples such as Governors bungalow, Deccan College (Fig 3), College of Engineering, Reay Market (Fig 4) and number of churches erected in Poona are very evocative. These monumental scale buildings are still reminiscent of the colonial presence in Poona. Third, fourth and fifth part of research is an original contribution to the state of art, focusing on Contribution of Colonel Walter Marden Ducat R.E.22 and native engineer Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuji Kanitkar23 in the development of architectural vocabulary of Poona and Deccan region in late nineteenth century. Walter Ducat had carried out several projects in important towns like Bombay, Gujarat in India simultaneously 17 Jaymala Deddee and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit., 175. 18 Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of Bombay presidency from 1862-67 initiated public building activities in neo-Gothic style 19 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered.cit. 20 Enlightenment is used for awareness of science, western technologies and art getting widespread in elites from India in nineteenth century architecture context. They tried to imitate to some extent for their construction activities. 21 Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay, (University of Minnesota Press, April 2011), 90. Muncherji Cowasji Murzban as assistant engineer worked on several projects in Mumbai in association with royal engineers and local philanthropists. 22 Colonel Walter Mardon Ducat R.E. hence used as 'Walter Ducat' 23 Local engineer from Poona, Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuj Kanitkar hence used as 'Vasudev Kanitkar' 11 Kolhapur, Ahmedabad24, Poona, Dhuley25 and Sholapur. He worked as executive engineer, urban designer and simultaneously was mastermind behind projects like Gokak water mill, Poona drainage layout and so on. He started his career as Second Lieutenant then became Lieutenant colonel then executive engineer and ended his official career as Superintending engineer in Deccan.26 His collaborative works with local engineers and his contemporaries like Charles Mant27 are important to note. His experience of work in Indian conditions led him to develop his skills as technical expert and designer, which later exemplified in the cases of two covered markets in Poona. In this chapter his technical and practical solutions for various proposals, executed projects are highlighted with various instances. Whereas Vasudev Kanitkar worked with Charles Mant, Chishom28, Trubshaw29 and Walter Ducat in towns like Baroda, Bombay, and Poona as Indian contractor. He was nominated as Rao Bahadur by British government for his important role in construction activity in Deccan.30 Laxmi vilas Palace in Baroda, Secretariat Building, High court in Bombay and Reay/ Phule market Poona are some of his major contribution in the architectural development under Bombay Presidency as an Indian local contractor. His self executed projects in Poona left his mark as significant designer and engineer in late nineteenth century. Educational, official, Public, and domestic buildings show his advancement from local contractor to designer with his intricacy of work. His influences originated from the earlier work experiences of varied projects amalgamated with local traditional workmanship lead into development of style could be named as local Indo-Saracenic architecture. This could be perceived in his own designs executed in Poona such as Fergusson College, Anandashram31, 24 Dhuley is a historic town located at north part of Maharashtra state 25 Ahmdabad is the largest city of Gujrat a states of India, known for its great tradition of local and modern architecture. 26 Second Lieutenant and Lieutenant colonel are ranks in British Army, but Walter Ducat appointed under PWD for infrastructural development. As per Medley's book he mentions Executive engineer had to work under Superintending Engineer. He is responsible person for executing various projects right from Barracks, Road developments, Railway to layout and construct. Designs, estimations and workings drawings are made under guidance of superintendent and execution is done under his supervision. 27 Charles Mant important from Indo-Saracenic designers series in India. He joined as Royal Engineer in Indian PWD, he designed Laxmi Vilas Palace (1878) for ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad , New Palace Kolhapur (1878), Mayo School Ajmer and Palace at Darbhanga. 28 Architect Robert Fellowes Chisholm famous for Indo-Saracenic works in India. To mentions few of his important works are Bombay Yatch Club, execution of Laxmi Vilas Palace after Mant, University of Madras(1874-79), Lawrence Asylum building(1865) 29 Lieutenant colonel Trubshaw appointed on Bombay Rampart removal committee and worked on several remarkable projects in Bombay such as General Post Office, Elphinston College(1975), High court (1878), Plan for Bombay. 30 Lethbridge Roper, The Golden Book of India, (London, Macmillan and Co., 1893), 566. This is Genealogical and Biographical dictionary of the ruling princes, chiefs, nobles and other personages, titles or decorated of the Indian Empire. 31 Anandashram (1888) trust located in Poona, founded by Mahadev Chimnaji Apte for providing residential facility for middle and economically weaker class students. It also publishes books for Sanskrit and has collection of manuscripts. 12 Sangamashram32 and Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir (Poona Native Library)33 and so on. His contribution as a local contractor and designer working in collaboration with Royal Engineers and local social reformists like Bhandarkar34 and Apate35 is underlined in the further discussions. Main focus is on his role in the development of architectural vocabulary in late nineteenth century Poona. In the fifth part analysis of covered markets developed in Poona with the support of primary and secondary sources is done. Nine covered markets Lambert Market Karachi, Tollington Market Lahore, Crawford Market Bombay, Bolten Market Karachi, Hogg Stuart Market Calcutta, Empress market Karachi, Reay/ Phule Market, Shivaji / Connaught market, Moore Market and were built in India during eclectic movement of late nineteenth century. All endured and still in use, out of which Reay and Shivaji market exists in Poona. These are instances of 'Public landscapes' as idiom used by Preeti Chopra in case of Bombay, which is pertinent in case of Poona too. Two markets in Poona are unique examples of covered markets in India during this phase. In both the projects Walter Ducat was involved as a designer and exponent. Different contractors built these two markets in the year 1886 which in turn reflect the choices of architectural vocabulary used. Both have followed entirely distinctive models. Two uniquely designed covered markets are benchmarks in the context of old core and cantonment area of Poona. There are very few references and primary sources available on these markets. Original drawings are not available to refer and designer Walter Ducat is not very well acknowledged for these markets in historic documents. Perhaps his references in some local articles are mentioned wrongly. Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar's contribution in architectural development of Poona need more research to understand their collaborative landmark project of Reay market/ Phule Mandai located at the heart of the city. Two covered markets emerged in Poona during 19th century were resultant of eclectic movement followed to a larger scale in India by royal engineers and local contractors. Thought the models adopted from western roots they mark their difference as a language self developed and experimented by local contractors in terms of ornamentation, decoration, use of material and construction techniques. This research will contribute in deriving the method of architectural research that is helpful in understanding architectural history of a particular case in its socioeconomic and political context. This study will try to analyze European models with various influences, inspirations from varied styles and sources how implemented with modifications in local conditions. In extension this will support in understanding history of Public Architecture typology of covered market as an emerging typology in India during late nineteenth century. Along with this it can be probably a tool to understand different aspects and layers of study related to architectural vocabulary developed in late 19th century designed and executed by Royal engineers in association with Indian local contractors. ; Colonial rule had influenced 19th century monumental Architecture as a form of imperial expression in India. European concepts of architecture reached the Asian subcontinent through visuals, literature, paintings and pattern books. Various examples from this neoclassical and neo gothic phase, also referred to as Anglo-Indian1, Indo-Sarasanic2, Indo Gothic3, Mughal Gothic4, Neogothic, Hindoo or Hindu5 Gothic architectural style that could be experiential at various levels and scales. This new vocabulary tried to reach not only the major cities under colonial rule but it reached the smaller towns and countryside instantaneously.6 7 Calcutta, Madras, Bombay procured their identity during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century beginning with neoclassical era. These three presidency towns developed with sculptural indications of the colonial rule. This was an effort of collaborative works between locals and British officials. Comparatively smaller towns like Poona8 tried to nurture its space as a part of this wave in their own way. Notably these emerging urban patterns gave rise to new public realm and social spaces. This research is divided into five parts commencing with literature review. Review of books, annals, travelogues, helps understand the context of research that is covered in detail in the further discussions. Diverse aspects of the colonial, with elements of local architecture developed in late 19th century India, are covered by various travellers, artists, historians and architects. This helps in developing frame of research and knowing what could be our contribution to the state of art. The first chapter analyses 19th century architecture developed in India and especially the Deccan9 as a result 1 Word Anglo-Indian architecture is used for style with English and Indian elements. Anglo-Indian is used by various British officers referring to person relating to England and India or a person of mixed English and Indian descent or an English person who lives or has lived for a long time in India. 2 Indo-Saracenic style mainly demonstrated by British architects and engineers to mention few Stevens, Chisholm, Beg, Charles Mant worked with local Indian contractors used Indo-Islamic and Indian architectural elements with Gothic revival style for various public buildings in India during late nineteenth century. Word Saracenic is used for people lived in desert areas nearby Roman province of Arabia. Meyer Schapiro defines style as "the constant form –and sometimes the constant elements, qualities and expression- in the art of an individual or group." Gothic revival styles defined empire style after great rebel of 1857. East India Company dissolved its powers and concentrated Queen Victoria's control on India lead in the development of architectural style using Gothic forms in Public buildings. 3 Indo Gothic phrase mainly indicates mix of Indian and Indo-Islamic forms with European Gothic style. 4 Mughal Gothic denotes elements from Mughal and Gothic architecture flourished in India in late nineteenth century. Mughal ruler was Muslim dynasty of Turkish Mongol called as Mughal rulers, ruled from 16th to mid 18th century in northern part of India. 5 Hindu or Hindoo word is generally referred to people from India. It's a pronunciation derived from Sindhu/ Indus River largest in India. 6 Jan Morris, Simon Winchester, Introduction to Stones of Empire: The buildings of the Raj, (Oxford University Press, 1983) 7 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered, (Partridge Publishing, 2014),5. 8 Poona is pronounced as 'Pune' in colloquial language. For research writing purpose it is used as Poona as the name used earlier in 19th century. 9 Deccan is a peninsular plateau located in central India comprised states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In this research western Deccan is mainly referred to western part of Maharashtra state developed under 8 of British initiative of infrastructure development following European models in Indian settings mainly for their own determination. With the examples of individual pattern of architectural expression it is significant to note how western models adapted in local climatic and geographical context. Some call this as magnificent pieces of architecture to some extent while in opinion of few these Indo Saracenic structures were unacquainted and had obsessive ornamentation too.10 Emergence of Public architecture in urban context focusing on essentials of European and local migrations were erected with western concepts. Collaborative works of European notions with Indian features lead to eclecticism in the manifestation of architectural style developed.11 Bombay presidency. 10 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered .cit., 6. 11 Christopher W., Bombay Gothic, (Mumbai, India Book House Pvt. Ltd., 2002), 131. Eclecticism he explains as "the 'discovery of a repository of styles established a great range of decorative options for architects of the period. In India, this led to the absorption of Hindu (Indo) and Mughal (Saracenic) architectural elements into neo-Gothic and Fig 1 St Paul Cathedral Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Fig 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 3 Deccan College Poona designed by St Clair Wilkins 1868. Designed in Venetian Gothic Style one of the landmark structure in Poona. Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 1 St Paul Cathedral Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863) Figure 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864) 9 Royal engineers were the key persons worked in collaboration with local engineers and masons at grass root level in the process of establishing British rule in India. Many of them came from middle and lower class families but reached greater heights by their performance. Diverse projects from basic architectural interventions, railway, bridges, basic infrastructure, and services were coordinated in India. They worked on European models in local context with successful and unsuccessful efforts.12 To explain this further, till early nineteenth century simple and function based structures built for residential and religious purposes. Engineers were experimenting and modifying European models considering local climatic conditions. From mid nineteenth century building construction activity received more attention as vocabulary of Raj13. Which kept on changing adapting local climate, material and incorporation of local traditional art forms in architecture. This argument extends with the cases of medieval town planning, comprising meandering roads for warfare strategies with fortress at a central location of main axis of town, those were extended with grid Iron pattern. This could be grasped prominently in case of towns where cantonments were developed under colonial rule like Ahmadnagar, Sholapur (Solapur), Kolhapur,14 and Poona in Deccan context under Bombay presidency. Multiethnic, cosmopolitan settlements took place in these newly developed areas.15 Cantonments flourished with residential units for British Officers and market space known as Sadar Bazar mainly comprising migrating communities like Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati16 to serve neo-classical compositions. Sometimes the buildings were pure enough in their use of indigenous stylistic sources to be called 'Indo-Saracenic' in other instances they were not, merely certain elements or certain areas of the building exhibited these unusually mixed stylistic character." 12 Sandes E. W. C. Lieut. Colonel, Preface The Military Engineer in India, Vol II, (Chatham: Institution of Royal Engineers, 1933), 35. 13 Word Raj indicates British hegemony in India. 14 Ahmadnagar, Sholapur, Kolhapur are few of important historic towns of western Maharashtra developed under Bombay presidency in 19th century 15 Deddee Jaymala and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit Introduction. 16 Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati are different trading communities settled in parts of India. Parsi belongs to Iran, Boharas are Muslims from parts of Pakistan and Gujarat, Tamils and Gujarati are from state of Tamilnadu and Figure 4 Reay Market Designed by Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar Photo by Lavand Vaidehi 10 British residential colonies. This mix culture of Anglo-Indian society reflected in the development of architectural language emerged in the vicinity in several typologies. Then cases of late 19th century Poona developed with its preexisting native town with two cantonments and Sadarbazzar (Market adjacent to cantonment) with evolving typologies of buildings are examined with the support of varied sources. The reasons behind selecting Poona as an example of this process of change in architectural style are its geographical location, political and cultural importance in Deccan region. It was the monsoon capital under Bombay presidency. Two major events such as the railway connecting Poona with Bombay and formation of municipality geared physical expansion of the town.17 Sir Bartle Frere's18 (Fig 1 and 2) initiatives of public building activities in Poona lead in developing face of Poona as an Educational hub, which is well known even today. Building activity at an early stage of colonial expanse was mainly utility based. But later officers in East India Company implemented policy of getting connected with local rulers so they beheld for architectural style that will impress locals and reflect power of colonial rulers. European surveyors and engineers procured and adapted various elements, details and layouts from pattern books for particular site requirements.19 Native philanthropists were inspired by Enlightenment20 and progress that; they tried to implement Neo-gothic revival style at urban level in late nineteenth century.21 Colonial government with local elites shaped cities with new urban infrastructure. European and Indian engineers, architects and artists made designs, whereas Indian laborers, craftsmen and artisans worked on actual execution. In the process, the local teams left their mark on the vocabulary at different levels right from selection of materials, construction techniques, features, and ornamentation. Examples such as Governors bungalow, Deccan College (Fig 3), College of Engineering, Reay Market (Fig 4) and number of churches erected in Poona are very evocative. These monumental scale buildings are still reminiscent of the colonial presence in Poona. Third, fourth and fifth part of research is an original contribution to the state of art, focusing on Contribution of Colonel Walter Marden Ducat R.E.22 and native engineer Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuji Kanitkar23 in the development of architectural vocabulary of Poona and Deccan region in late nineteenth century. Walter Ducat had carried out several projects in important towns like Bombay, Gujarat in India simultaneously 17 Jaymala Deddee and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit., 175. 18 Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of Bombay presidency from 1862-67 initiated public building activities in neo-Gothic style 19 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered.cit. 20 Enlightenment is used for awareness of science, western technologies and art getting widespread in elites from India in nineteenth century architecture context. They tried to imitate to some extent for their construction activities. 21 Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay, (University of Minnesota Press, April 2011), 90. Muncherji Cowasji Murzban as assistant engineer worked on several projects in Mumbai in association with royal engineers and local philanthropists. 22 Colonel Walter Mardon Ducat R.E. hence used as 'Walter Ducat' 23 Local engineer from Poona, Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuj Kanitkar hence used as 'Vasudev Kanitkar' 11 Kolhapur, Ahmedabad24, Poona, Dhuley25 and Sholapur. He worked as executive engineer, urban designer and simultaneously was mastermind behind projects like Gokak water mill, Poona drainage layout and so on. He started his career as Second Lieutenant then became Lieutenant colonel then executive engineer and ended his official career as Superintending engineer in Deccan.26 His collaborative works with local engineers and his contemporaries like Charles Mant27 are important to note. His experience of work in Indian conditions led him to develop his skills as technical expert and designer, which later exemplified in the cases of two covered markets in Poona. In this chapter his technical and practical solutions for various proposals, executed projects are highlighted with various instances. Whereas Vasudev Kanitkar worked with Charles Mant, Chishom28, Trubshaw29 and Walter Ducat in towns like Baroda, Bombay, and Poona as Indian contractor. He was nominated as Rao Bahadur by British government for his important role in construction activity in Deccan.30 Laxmi vilas Palace in Baroda, Secretariat Building, High court in Bombay and Reay/ Phule market Poona are some of his major contribution in the architectural development under Bombay Presidency as an Indian local contractor. His self executed projects in Poona left his mark as significant designer and engineer in late nineteenth century. Educational, official, Public, and domestic buildings show his advancement from local contractor to designer with his intricacy of work. His influences originated from the earlier work experiences of varied projects amalgamated with local traditional workmanship lead into development of style could be named as local Indo-Saracenic architecture. This could be perceived in his own designs executed in Poona such as Fergusson College, Anandashram31, 24 Dhuley is a historic town located at north part of Maharashtra state 25 Ahmdabad is the largest city of Gujrat a states of India, known for its great tradition of local and modern architecture. 26 Second Lieutenant and Lieutenant colonel are ranks in British Army, but Walter Ducat appointed under PWD for infrastructural development. As per Medley's book he mentions Executive engineer had to work under Superintending Engineer. He is responsible person for executing various projects right from Barracks, Road developments, Railway to layout and construct. Designs, estimations and workings drawings are made under guidance of superintendent and execution is done under his supervision. 27 Charles Mant important from Indo-Saracenic designers series in India. He joined as Royal Engineer in Indian PWD, he designed Laxmi Vilas Palace (1878) for ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad , New Palace Kolhapur (1878), Mayo School Ajmer and Palace at Darbhanga. 28 Architect Robert Fellowes Chisholm famous for Indo-Saracenic works in India. To mentions few of his important works are Bombay Yatch Club, execution of Laxmi Vilas Palace after Mant, University of Madras(1874-79), Lawrence Asylum building(1865) 29 Lieutenant colonel Trubshaw appointed on Bombay Rampart removal committee and worked on several remarkable projects in Bombay such as General Post Office, Elphinston College(1975), High court (1878), Plan for Bombay. 30 Lethbridge Roper, The Golden Book of India, (London, Macmillan and Co., 1893), 566. This is Genealogical and Biographical dictionary of the ruling princes, chiefs, nobles and other personages, titles or decorated of the Indian Empire. 31 Anandashram (1888) trust located in Poona, founded by Mahadev Chimnaji Apte for providing residential facility for middle and economically weaker class students. It also publishes books for Sanskrit and has collection of manuscripts. 12 Sangamashram32 and Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir (Poona Native Library)33 and so on. His contribution as a local contractor and designer working in collaboration with Royal Engineers and local social reformists like Bhandarkar34 and Apate35 is underlined in the further discussions. Main focus is on his role in the development of architectural vocabulary in late nineteenth century Poona. In the fifth part analysis of covered markets developed in Poona with the support of primary and secondary sources is done. Nine covered markets Lambert Market Karachi, Tollington Market Lahore, Crawford Market Bombay, Bolten Market Karachi, Hogg Stuart Market Calcutta, Empress market Karachi, Reay/ Phule Market, Shivaji / Connaught market, Moore Market and were built in India during eclectic movement of late nineteenth century. All endured and still in use, out of which Reay and Shivaji market exists in Poona. These are instances of 'Public landscapes' as idiom used by Preeti Chopra in case of Bombay, which is pertinent in case of Poona too. Two markets in Poona are unique examples of covered markets in India during this phase. In both the projects Walter Ducat was involved as a designer and exponent. Different contractors built these two markets in the year 1886 which in turn reflect the choices of architectural vocabulary used. Both have followed entirely distinctive models. Two uniquely designed covered markets are benchmarks in the context of old core and cantonment area of Poona. There are very few references and primary sources available on these markets. Original drawings are not available to refer and designer Walter Ducat is not very well acknowledged for these markets in historic documents. Perhaps his references in some local articles are mentioned wrongly. Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar's contribution in architectural development of Poona need more research to understand their collaborative landmark project of Reay market/ Phule Mandai located at the heart of the city. Two covered markets emerged in Poona during 19th century were resultant of eclectic movement followed to a larger scale in India by royal engineers and local contractors. Thought the models adopted from western roots they mark their difference as a language self developed and experimented by local contractors in terms of ornamentation, decoration, use of material and construction techniques. This research will contribute in deriving the method of architectural research that is helpful in understanding architectural history of a particular case in its socioeconomic and political context. This study will try to analyze European models with various influences, inspirations from varied styles and sources how implemented with modifications in local conditions. In extension this will support in understanding history of Public Architecture typology of covered market as an emerging typology in India during late nineteenth century. Along with this it can be probably a tool to understand different aspects and layers of study related to architectural vocabulary developed in late 19th century designed and executed by Royal engineers in association with Indian local contractors.

Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems





This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich 







The relationship between technological innovation
processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of
International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional
characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge
itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer
innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple
Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into
evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be
expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though
politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is the most relevant aspect
of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?



The
main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and
technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states.
The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development
was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists
like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the
question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge,
science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well
formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of
organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.



From
a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the
national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th
century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was
during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French
and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation
states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the
market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework
permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer
them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it
is also a global phenomenon.



Nowadays,
another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different
from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each
moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays
adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts
the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking
dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time
results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want
to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.



For
the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market
dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on
the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this
model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled,
measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions
generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of
the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex
dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.



For
example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government
and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in
relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized
in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like
capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system
dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud
that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example,
formulated.



How
can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain
on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can
be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three
institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying
the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and
(iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government
relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional
partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and
bilateral relationships.



This
ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or
a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy
between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations
and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which
places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same
synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".



For
example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is
questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is
optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective
that includes Lombardy. On the one
hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the
construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the
other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based
economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g.,
Milan–Turin–Genoa).



Since
political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International
Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from
comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The
knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond
Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge"
(locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the
system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be
articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.



In
the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system
heuristically. For example, when
analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy
can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms
of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal
States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one
provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a
control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?



A
complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales,
but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can
these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point,
Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications
of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize
when symbolically generalized.



Codes
are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter
begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the
selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by
specifying the why as an hypothesis.
What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as
university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for
the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can
be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.



Against
Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be
translated into one another since interhuman communications are not
operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the
fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for
example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market
selection environments, but not among selection environments that are
differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex
system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic
generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is
functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be
more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for
translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as
redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically
because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed
over long periods of time.





How did you arrive where
you currently work on?


I
became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as
an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student
movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework
of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in
philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I
recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach
and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.



In
the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for
Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a
competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I
became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and
make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The
Challenge of Scientometrics
had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and
authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?



For
example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add
to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a
process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These
processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add
to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of
knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal,
for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article.
The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.



In
evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and
non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments
that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new
perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in
terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation
among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity
and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different
selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed
historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the
citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th
century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was
formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative
bibliometrics is even more recent.



In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological)
trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between
two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and
firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the
specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more)
dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and
feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the
configuration is optimal.



From
such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of
Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in
1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or,
in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions
can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and
organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New
directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry
suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry
relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the
perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of
University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our
two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a
Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of
innovation.





What would you give as
advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and
global politics?



In
general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that.
Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages.
If your background is political science, then take a minor in science &
technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and
the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to
make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the
status of what one can say in one or the other framework.



For
example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as
"modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern
economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The
latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can
ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.



In
the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as
belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as
systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between
normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief
systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations)
because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One
can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims
remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive
mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further
developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates
in the political sphere.





What
does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation
systems"?



In
2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the
Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing
these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions
in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the
Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience
had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues
to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael
Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first
published in Research Policy.
Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China
and Russia.



Several
conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be
decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national
systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms
of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were
mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the
data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is
commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental
statistics.



For
the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected:
Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and
knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise:
We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and
then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What
we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction
of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most
important.



In
the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the
"Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing,
but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke"
we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the
environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms
than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that
the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different
models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had
become obsolete after 1990.



After
studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally,
we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose
to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around
Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the
country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east
of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led
and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary
has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a
European system.



When
Hungary came into the position to create a national
innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as
Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer
as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this
synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at
the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at
the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the
level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for
Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally
controlled system of innovations.



A
similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague
(Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the
knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo
and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime
industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and
maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West
Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian
universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial
networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands
off the economy.



Actually,
when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both
show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of
Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven
investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I
became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our
indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability
of well-organized data of this national system.



We
expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of
Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish
synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect
on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had
already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for
example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in
this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about
"regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national
innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.





Can governments alter
historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?



Let
me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the
implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese
data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk
(an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about
companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses,
NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However,
this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said
that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis  if one had full data. We guess that the
National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data.
I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.



We
analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast
emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After
that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China.
From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the
others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and
Chongqing.



These
four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more
synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as
against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central
government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but
my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this
relationship.



The
Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It
shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that
the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to
increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We
know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions
suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of
extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to
other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled
districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?



Referring
more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that
political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not
enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue
in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for
example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the
Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy
beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like
these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive
assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.



As
noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended
consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are
different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects
and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk
Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop
their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.



The
Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration
in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and
tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration
(collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the
sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A
principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional
reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires
translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations
among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.





Is there a connection
between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?



One
of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that
knowledge intensive services (KIS) are
not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the
location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich
and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to
Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter
whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services
uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or
train station.



This
is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is
different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are
more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the
knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European
model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS
contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state
apparatuses.



In
the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow
and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create
not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues
–it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state
apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because
traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling
knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to
move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice
versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions
in Moscow).





Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of
innovation dynamics?



In
The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study
scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic
analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for
path-dependency and critical transitions.



In
the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a
receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the
sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is
in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible
to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of
listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to
forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer
matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston.
One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not
matter anymore for a receiver.



Such
a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in
information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a
certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in
the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the
shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a
critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can
come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does
not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical
transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of
time.



Thus,
my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to
listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based
approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead,
incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future
states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to
make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into
measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options
as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one
becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.





Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters. 





Literature and Related
links:



Science & Technology Dynamics,
University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications
Research (ASCoR) 


Leydesdorff,
L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the
Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff,
L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.


http://www.leydesdorff.net/





Print version of this Talk (pdf)



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Ann Tickner on Feminist
Philosophy of Science, Engaging the Mainstream, and (still) Remaining Critical
in/of IR







Feminist IR is still often
side-lined as a particularistic agenda or limited issue area, appearing as one
of the last chapters of introductory volumes to the field, despite the
limitless efforts of people such as Cynthia Enloe (Theory Talk #48)
and J. Ann Tickner. She has laboured to point out and provincialize the
parochialism that haunts mainstream IR, without, however, herself retreating
and disengaging from some of its core concerns. In this Talk, Tickner elaborates—amongst others—on the specifics of a
feminist approach to the philosophical underpinnings of IR; discusses how
feminism relates to the distinction between mainstream and critical theory; and
addresses the challenges of navigating such divides.







Print version of this Talk (pdf)



What is, according to
you, the central challenge or principal debate in International Relations? And
what is your position regarding this challenge/in this debate?



I think the biggest challenge for IR is
that it is relevant and helps us understand important issues in our globalized world.
I realize this is not a conventional answer, but too often we academics get
caught up in substantive and methodological debates where we end up talking only
to each other or to a very small audience. We tend to get too concerned with
the issue of scientific respectability rather than thinking about how to try to
understand and remedy the massive problems that exist in the world today. Steve
Smith's presidential address to the ISA in 2002 (read it here),
shortly after 9/11, reminded us of this. Smith chastised the profession for
having nothing to say about such a catastrophic event.





How
did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?



I've gone through quite a few transformations
in my academic career. My original identity was as an International Political
Economy (IPE) scholar; my first academic position was at a small liberal arts
college (College of the Holy Cross) where I taught a variety of IPE courses. In
graduate school I was interested in what, in the 1970s, we called 'North-South'
issues, specifically issues of global justice, which were not the most popular
subjects in the field. So I always felt a little out of place in my choice of
subject matter. In the 1980s when I started teaching, IR was mostly populated
by men. As a woman, one felt somewhat uncomfortable at professional meetings;
and there were very few texts by women that I could assign to my students. I
also found that many of the female students in my introductory IR classes were
somewhat uncomfortable and unmotivated by the emphasis placed on strategic
issues and nuclear weapons.



It was at about the time when I first
started thinking about these issues, I happened to read Evelyn Fox Keller's book Gender and Science,
a book that offers a gendered critique of the natural sciences (read an
'update' of the argument by Keller here, pdf).
It struck me that her feminist critique of science could equally be applied to
IR theory. My first feminist publication, a feminist critique of Hans Morgenthau's
principles of political realism, expanded on this theme (read full text here,
pdf).




Teaching at a small liberal arts college
where one was judged by the quality of one's work rather than the type of
research one was doing was very helpful—because I could follow my own, rather
non-conventional, inclinations. So I think my turn to feminism, after ten years
in the field, was a combination of my own consciousness-raising and feeling
that there was something about IR that didn't speak to me. Later, I was fortunate
to be hired by the University of Southern California, a large research
institution, with an interdisciplinary School of International Relations,
separate from the political science department. When I arrived in 1995, the
School had a reputation for teaching a broad array of IR theoretical approaches.
The support of these institutional settings and of a network of feminist
scholars and students, some of whom I discovered were thinking along similar
lines in the late 1980s, were important for getting me to where I am today.





What
would a student need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist in IR or
understand the world in a global way?



It depends on the level of the student:
at the undergraduate level, a broad array of courses in global politics including
some economics and history. Language training is very important too, and ideally,
an overseas experience. We need to encourage our students to be curious and
have an open mind about our world.



At the graduate level, this is a more complicated
question. The way you phrased the question 'to understand the world in a global
way,' can be very different from training to become an IR scholar, especially in
the United States. I would emphasize the importance of a broad theoretical and
methodological training, including some exposure to the philosophy of science,
and to non-Western IR if possible, or at least at a minimum, to try to get
beyond the dominance of American IR, which still exists even in places outside
the US.





Why should IR scholars incorporate
gender in the study of world politics? What are the epistemological and
ontological implications of adopting a feminist perspective in IR?



Feminists would argue that incorporating
feminist perspectives into IR would fundamentally transform the discipline.
Feminists claim that IR is already gendered, and gendered masculine, in the
types of questions it asks and the ways it goes about answering them. The
questions we ask in our research are never neutral - they are a choice,
depending on the researcher's identity and location. Over history, the
knowledge that we have accumulated has generally been knowledge about men's
lives. It's usually been men who do the asking and consequently, it is often
the case that women's lives and women's knowledge are absent from what is
deemed 'reliable' knowledge. This historical legacy has had, and continues to
have, an effect on the way we build knowledge. Sandra Harding,
a feminist philosopher of science, has suggested that if were to build
knowledge from women's lives as well, we would broaden the base from which we
construct knowledge, and would therefore get a richer and more complex picture
of reality.



One IR example of how we limit our research
questions and concerns is how we calculate national income, or wealth—the kind
of data states choose to collect and on which they base their public policy. We
have no way of measuring the vast of amount of non-remunerated reproductive and
caring labour, much of which is done by women. Without this labour we would not
have a functioning global capitalist economy. To me this is one example as to
why putting on our gender lenses helps us gain a more complete picture of
global politics and the workings of the global economy.



Feminists have also argued that the
epistemological foundations of Western knowledge are gendered. When we use
terms such as rationality, objectivity and public, they are paired with terms
such as emotional, subjective and private, terms that are seen as carrying less
weight. By privileging the first of these terms when we construct knowledge we
are valuing knowledge that we typically associate with masculinity and the
public sphere, historically associated with men. Rationality and objectivity
are not terms that are overtly gendered, but, when asked, women and men alike
associate them with masculinity. They are terms we value when we do our
research.





In one of the foundational texts of
Feminist IR, 'You Just Don't Understand: Troubled Engagements between Feminists
and IR Theorists' (1997, full text here, pdf),
you highlighted three particular (gendered) misunderstandings that continue to
divide Feminists and mainstream IR theorists. To what extent do these
misunderstandings continue to inform mainstream perceptions of Feminist
approaches to the study of international politics?




I think probably they still do, although
it's always hard to tell, because the mainstream has not engaged much with
feminist approaches. I've been one who's always calling for conversations with
the mainstream but, apart from the forum responding to the article you mention,
there have been very few. In a 2010 article, published in the Australian Feminist Law Journal, I looked
back to see if I could find responses to my 1997 article to which you refer. I
found that most of the responses had come from other feminists. The lack of
engagement, which other feminists have experienced also, makes it hard to know about
the misunderstandings that still exist but my guess would be that they remain. However
I do think there has been progress in accepting feminism's legitimacy in the
field. It is now included in many introductory texts.



The first misunderstanding that I
identified is the meaning of gender. I would hope that the introduction of
constructivist approaches would help with understanding that gender is social
construction - a very important point for feminists. But I think that gender is
still largely equated with women. Feminists have tried to stress that gender is
also about men and about masculinity, something that seems to be rather hard to
accept for those unfamiliar with feminist work. I think it's also hard for the
discipline to accept that both international politics as practice and IR as a
discipline are not gender neutral. Feminists claim that IR as a discipline is
gendered in its concepts, its subject matter, the questions it asks and the way
it goes about answering them. This is a radical assertion for those unfamiliar
with feminist approaches and it is not very well understood.



Now to answer the second misunderstanding
as to whether feminists are doing IR. I think there has been some progress here,
because IR has broadened its subject matter. And there has been quite a bit of
attention lately to gender issues in the 'real world' - issues such as sexual violence,
trafficking, and human rights. Of course these issues relate not only to women
but they are issues with which feminists have been concerned. Something I
continue to find curious is that the policy and activist communities are
generally ahead of the academy in taking up gender issues. Most international
organizations, and some national governments are under mandates for gender
mainstreaming. Yet, the academy has been slow to catch up and give students the
necessary training and skills to go out in the world and deal with such issues.




The third misunderstanding to which I
referred in the 1997 article is the question of epistemology. While, as I
indicated, there has been some acceptance of the subject matter, with which
feminists are concerned, it is a more fundamental and contentious question as
to whether feminists are recognized as 'doing IR' in the methodological sense. As
the field broadens its concerns, IR may see issues that feminists raise as
legitimate, but how we study them still evokes the same responses that I
brought up fifteen years ago. Many of the questions that feminists ask are not
amenable to being answered using the social scientific methodologies popular in
the field, particularly in the US. (I should add that there is a branch of IR
feminism that does use quantitative methods and it has gained much wider
acceptance by the mainstream.) The feminist assumption that Western knowledge
is gendered and based on men's lives is a challenging claim. And feminists
often prefer to start knowledge from the lives of people who are on the margins
– those who are subordinated or oppressed, and of course, this is very
different from IR which tends toward a top-down look at the international
system. One of the big problems that have become more evident to me over time
is that feminism is fundamentally sociological – it's about people and social
relations, whereas much of IR is about structures and states operating in an
anarchic, rather than a social, environment. I find that historians and
sociologists are more comfortable with gender analysis, perhaps for this reason.
I'm not sure that these misunderstanding are ever going to be solved or that
they need to be solved.





Although Feminist methodology is
often conflated with ethnographic approaches, 
in 'What Is Your Research Program? Some Feminist Answers
to International Relations Methodological Questions' (2005, pdf here),
you argued that there is no unique Feminist research methodology. Nonetheless,
Feminist IR is well known for using an autoethnographic approach. What does this approach add to
the study of gender in IR? What might account for the relative dearth of
autoethnography in other IR paradigms?



I think it is important to remember that
feminists use many different approaches coming out of very different
theoretical traditions, such as Marxism, socialism, constructivism, postpositivism,
postcolonialism and empiricism. So there are many different kinds of feminisms.
If you look specifically at what has been called 'second-generation feminist IR,'
the empirical work that followed the so-called 'first generation' that
challenged and critiqued the concepts and theoretical foundations of the field,
much of it, but not all, (discourse analysis is quite prevalent too), uses
ethnographic methods which seem well suited to researching some of the issues I
described earlier. Questions about violence against women, domestic servants,
women in the military, violent women, women in peace movements– these are the
sorts of research questions that demand fieldwork and an ethnographic approach.
Because as I stated earlier, IR asks rather different kinds of questions, it
does not generally adopt ethnographic methods. Feminists who do this type of
ethnographic research tell me that their work is often more readily received
and understood by those who do comparative politics, because they are more comfortable
with field research. And since women are not usually found in the halls of
power – as decision-makers. IR feminists are particularly concerned with issues
having to do with marginalized and disempowered peoples' lives. Ethnography is
useful for this type of research.



I see autoethnography as a different issue.
While the reflexive tradition is not unique to feminists, feminism tends to be
reflectivist. As I said earlier, feminists are sensitive to issues about who the
creators of knowledge have been and whose knowledge is claimed to be universal.
Most feminists believe that there is no such thing as universal knowledge. Consequently,
feminists believe that being explicit about one's positionality as a researcher
is very important because none of us can achieve objectivity, often called 'the
view from nowhere'. So while striving to get as accurate and as useful
knowledge as we can, we should be willing to state our own positionality. One's
privilege as a researcher must be acknowledged too; one must always be
sensitive to the unequal power relations between a researcher and their
research subject – something that anthropology recognized some time ago. Feminists
who do fieldwork often try to make their research useful to their subjects or do
participatory research so that they can give something back to the community. All
these concerns lead to autoethnographic disclosures. They demand a reflexive
attitude and a willingness to describe and reassess your research journey as
you go along. This autoethnographic style is hard for researchers in the positivist
tradition to understand. While we all strive to produce accurate and useful
knowledge, positivists' striving for objectivity requires keeping subjectivity
out of their research.





Robert W. Cox (Theory Talk #37)
famously distinguished two approaches to the study of international politics:
problem-solving theory and critical theory. How does the emancipatory project
of the latter inform your perspective of IR and its normative goals? And is
this distinction as valid today as it was when Cox first formulated it, over 3
decades ago?



Yes
I think it's still an important distinction. It's still cited very often which
suggests it's still valid, although postmodern scholars (and certain feminists)
have problems with Western liberal notions of emancipation. I see my own work
as being largely compatible with Cox's definition of critical theory. Like many
feminists, I view my work as explicitly normative; I say explicitly because I
believe all knowledge is normative although not all scholars would admit it. What
Cox calls problem-solving theory is also normative in the conservative sense of
not aiming to changing the world. A normative goal to which feminists are
generally committed is understanding the reasons for women's subordination and
seeking ways to end it. It's also important to note that the IR discipline was borne
with the intention of serving the interests of the state whereas academic feminism
was borne out of social movements for women's emancipation. The normative goals
of my work are to demonstrate how the theory and practice of IR is gendered and
what might be the implications of this, both for how we construct knowledge and
how we go about solving global problems.





Much of your work addresses the
parochial scope and neopositivist inclination of International Relations (IR) scholarship, especially in the United
States. What distinguishes other
'Western' institutional and political contexts (in the UK, Europe, Canada and Oceania) from the American
study of IR?  How and why is
critical/reflectivist IR marginalized in the American context? What is the
status of these 'debates' in non-Western
institutional contexts?



With respect to the parochial scope of US
IR, I refer you to a recent book, edited by Arlene Tickner and Ole Wæver,
International
Relations Scholarship Around the World. It contains chapters by authors from around the world, some of whom
suggest IR in their country imitates the US and some who see very different IRs.
The chapter by Thomas J. Biersteker, ('The Parochialism of Hegemony:
Challenges for 'American' International Relations', read it here in pdf)
reports on his examination of the required reading lists for IR Ph.D.
candidates in the top ten US academic institutions. His findings suggest that
constructivism accounts for only about 10% of readings and anything more
radical even less. Over 90% of assigned works are written by US scholars. The dominance
of quantitative and rational choice approaches in the US may have something to
do with IR generally being a subfield of political science. Critical approaches
often have different epistemological roots. And I stress 'science' because
while IR is also subsumed in certain politics departments in other countries,
the commitment to science, in the neopositivist sense, is something that seems
to be peculiarly American. Stanley Hoffman's famous observation, made over
thirty years ago, that Americans see problems as solvable by the scientific
method is still largely correct I believe (read article here, pdf).
I find it striking that so many formerly US based and/or educated critical
scholars have left the US and are now based elsewhere – in Canada, Australasia,
or Europe.



Biersteker
sees the hegemony of American IR extending well beyond the US. But there is
generally less commitment to quantification elsewhere. This may be due to IR's historical
legacy emerging out of different knowledge traditions or being housed in
separate departments. In France, IR emerged from sociological and legal traditions
and, in the UK, history and political theory, including the Marxist tradition,
have been influential in IR. And European IR scholars do not move as freely
between the academy and the policy world as in the US. All these factors might encourage
more openness to critical approaches. I am afraid I don't know enough about
non-Western traditions to make an informed comment. But we must recognize the
enormous power differentials that exist with respect to engaging IR's debates. Language
barriers are one problem; having access to research funds is an enormous
privilege. Scholars in many parts of the world do not have the resources or the
time to engage in esoteric academic debates, nor do they have the resources to
attend professional meetings or access certain materials. The production of
knowledge is a very unequal process, dominated by those with power and resources;
hence the hegemonic position of the US that Biersteker and others still see.





As methodological pluralism now
retains the status of a norm in the field, John M. Hobson (Theory Talk #71) recently argued that the question
facing IR scholars no longer revolves around the debate between positivist
and postpositivist approaches. Rather, the primary meta-theoretical question
relates to Eurocentrism, that is, 'To be or not to be a Eurocentric, that is the
question.' To what extent do you agree with this statement? Why or why not?



Given
my answer to the last question, I am not sure that methodological pluralism has
reached an accepted status in the US yet. However, John M. Hobson has produced
a very thoughtful and engaging book that asks very provocative questions. Unfortunately,
I doubt many IR scholars in the US have read it and would be rather puzzled by
Hobson's claim. But certainly the Eurocentrism of the discipline is something
to which we should be paying attention. I find it curious how little IR has
recognized its imperial roots or engaged in any discussion of imperialism. As
Brian Schmidt and other historical revisionists have told us, when IR was borne
at the beginning of the twentieth century, imperialism was a central preoccupation
in the discipline. Race also has been ignored almost entirely by IR scholars.  



To
Hobson's specific claim that the important question for IR now is about being
or not being Eurocentric rather than about being positivist or postpositivist, I
do have some problems with this. I am concerned with Hobson's painting
positivism and postpostivism with the same Eurocentric brush. Yes, they are
both Eurocentric; but postpositivists or critical theorists – to use Cox's term
– are at least open to being reflective about how they produce knowledge and
where it comes from. If one can be reflective about one's knowledge it does
allow space to be aware of one's own biases. Those of us on the critical side
of Cox's divide can at least be reflective about the problems of Eurocentrism,
whereas positivists don't consider reflexivity to be part of producing good
research. Nevertheless, Hobson has made an important statement. He has written
a masterful and insightful book and I recommend it all IR scholars.





Last question. Your recent work is
part of an emergent collective dialogue that aims to 'provincialize' the
Western European heritage of IR. In a recent article
entitled 'Dealing with Difference: Problems and Possibilities
for Dialogue in International Relations' you highlight the need for
non-Eurocentric approach to the study of IR. In IR,
what are the prospects for genuine dialogue across methodological and geographical borders?
Where do you see this dialogue taking place?



This is a very tough issue. There are
scholars like Hobson who talk about a non-Eurocentric approach, but given what
I said about resources, about language barriers, and about inequalities in the
ability to produce knowledge, this is difficult. As I've said at many times and
in many places, the power difference is an inhibitor to any genuine dialogue.
So, where is dialogue taking place? Among those, such as Hobson, who advocate a
hybrid approach that takes other knowledge traditions seriously and sees them
as equally valid as one's own. And mostly on the margins of what we call 'IR', where
some very exciting work is being produced. Feminism is one such site. Feminist
approaches are dedicated to dialogic knowledge production, or what they call
knowledge that emerges through conversation. Feminists believe that theory can
emerge from practice, listening to ordinary people and how they make sense of
their lives. I also think that projects like the one undertaken by Wæver and
Tickner (which is still ongoing) that is publishing contributions from scholars
from very different parts of the world is crucial.





J. Ann Tickner is
Distinguished Scholar in Residence at the American University. She is also a
Professor Emerita at the University of Southern California where she taught for
fifteen years before coming to American University. Her principle areas of
teaching and research include international theory, peace and security, and
feminist approaches to international relations. She served as President of the
International Studies Association from 2006-2007. Her books include Gendering
World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post-Cold War Era (Columbia
University Press, 2001), Gender in International Relations: Feminist
Perspectives on Achieving International Security (Columbia University
Press, 1992), and Self-Reliance Versus
Power Politics: American and Indian Experiences in Building Nation-States
(Columbia University Press, 1987).







Related links





Faculty Profile at American University
Read
Tickner's Hans Morgenthau's Principles of
Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation (Millennium, 1988) here (pdf)
Read Tickner's You Just Don't Understand: Troubled Engagements between Feminists and
IR Theorists (1997 International Studies Quarterly) here (pdf) 
Read Tickner's What Is Your
Research Program? Some Feminist Answers to International Relations
Methodological Questions (2005, International Studies Quarterly) here (pdf) 


Print version of this Talk (pdf)

Part five of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Food in Saudi Arabia. His feelings about "the good old days." His feelings about life in the U.S. ; 1 SPEAKER1: So he told the judge how… eh, I told my wife 1A, the judge he say, "By gosh, even myself I bought 1A from my pocket to make it hundred. Sonny, go home." See my point the bigger, you make something just a little small before they gone around and turn come back to you, you find biggest story. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: See? Then when you mix with bad people, you keep your mouth shut and if anyone say, if the person is bad even, say he's good. Then that person, he can't repeat and think about you. He says, "How is girl?" "Girl is the best." He can't say, "Mo says girl is bad girl." Because I said she's good. I don't care what you are. See? That's the best thing: never talk about any person in his back. See? This is my life and I'm gonna die the same thing, to all do it, to change. This my life and this my way. And my family the same. I will sometime go to Boston with my brother, 188 Mass. Ave., Boston, Leominster – same idea, same thing like me. SPEAKER2: Yeah, right. SPEAKER1: We don't believe talk about anybody. We love everybody. And nobody is small for us, nobody too big for us. SPEAKER2: You… you have more freedom, though, don't you think in this country to say what you feel? SPEAKER1: You say down there the same thing in Arabia. SPEAKER2: You do? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: You say anything what you want. SPEAKER2: Some of the things you told me, though, like you can't even talk to a… say you couldn't talk to another woman, things like that. SPEAKER1: Yes, the girls, I mean, because the girls you have to respect. SPEAKER2: That's totally out of respect, don't you…?2 SPEAKER1: See, because in order to self, male and female, like a gas and match, you can't put match and gas together. Isn't it? It's natural. It's in nature. Look to our father Adam. When God bring Adam, you know that story from the dirt, right? SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: When you bring him, where you bring him? In Arabia, Jeddah. Adam. He started from mountain to mountain, right? When God make him sleep, He make Eve coming from his ribs. That's what we believe, isn't it? SPEAKER2: Yes. SPEAKER1: When he look he find female next to him. He don't wanna move no more. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Isn't it? SPEAKER2: True. SPEAKER1: All right. It is the first person in the world, he like female, okay? All right, how about we are? We see TV, sex, love story, a lot of acting, we human being. We have feeling just like anyone. See? And I think you have idea. I live in hot country and hot blooded. If something, you look at it [speaking in Italian] to prove to yourself, because a lot of thing you don't believe it till you see yourself. I'm going to talk a little deeper with you but you're old enough to know. The girls in this country, when she have like a lady, monthly, you know, she will be 10, 14, 15 years old, right? SPEAKER2: Mm-hmm. SPEAKER1: In India, you know how much? SPEAKER2: Eight? SPEAKER1: Eight or nine. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Why? Because hot country. All right, when she have her period, she could have a baby, right?3 SPEAKER2: Mm-hmm. SPEAKER1: Here is… sometime like it, I don't know what's English. Like impossible. Girls, 10 years old have a baby? It's impossible here. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: But when you're going to India, it's not impossible. All right, number two: here if the snake bites you, you die. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: In India, no, because they have poison. When the baby born, give her with the milk with the poison, see? In Arabia hot blooded. We can put the Arabian girl with the boy together. Like if you are engaged, you have to go with your mother or your brother or your sister with you when you go with your boyfriend. After you engaged you can, see, afraid, because nature automatic. When you go together, maybe one of them get weak. See? But when you keep both far away from each other, they can. They want but they can't. See? SPEAKER2: So you think that's a better custom… SPEAKER1: That's right. SPEAKER2: Than what we have here. SPEAKER1: Because like I say when they get married, they have to be the same and you can't go your life and not worth nothing. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Alas, you're gonna spoil her mother, father name. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Number three, the person who was with her can get killed, too. You're going to bring from his mother… from his mother, father. Come on, mister. You're the boss, you both get killed. And local man can't say nothing. SPEAKER2: No? SPEAKER1: No, siree. Local man can't say nothing. SPEAKER2: I find that so hard to believe.4 SPEAKER1: That's right. SPEAKER2: They will let that happen. SPEAKER1: Maybe you read even what the Arabs that years and years always Arabian girls cover her face. Why? Because when a person can see the face, you get a feeling. SPEAKER2: Yeah, true. I guess, yeah, that's right. SPEAKER1: See? SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Here, you can wear like here. SPEAKER2: Mini-skirts, yeah. Yeah, you got feeling. SPEAKER1: You can't say nothing. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: See? SPEAKER2: Do you think that your children, because they came to this country, had a better chance here than they would've back home or…? SPEAKER1: When they grow up… when they grow old, they wanna go back. SPEAKER2: They all wanna go back? SPEAKER1: Yeah, they're born here but will take a vacation once in a while. See? And they love it down there, because even the farm, every house you have a farm from the village. You have figs, grapes, apple, orange… SPEAKER2: Do you think the people have a lot to do with it because the people make you feel welcome that you naturally just love to go back there? SPEAKER1: Yes, anywhere. Even everything what you eat, you taste it, honey. SPEAKER2: You don't like… American food is so bland. Yeah. SPEAKER1: You eat the apple; you don't know what you eat. Eat orange; you don't know what you eat. No taste. But you go down there, when you take the orange from the tree, you take the lemon from the tree, you take the apple from the tree, difference smell, different taste.5 SPEAKER2: Yeah, everything is fresh. SPEAKER1: Fresh, honey, from the farm. See? Down there, like I say, it's hard to believe it but when you see it with your eyes… I have one man, going hometown, his name Joseph Solomon, Sulaiman. He married a girl from Texas. She have two brother, one lawyer, one doctor, her name Aida. See? She live not far from my property. She have one baby boy by him. He's bashful; he can't work. See? Shortcut, he told her he like her. He told her, "Honey, I'm going to see my cousin. Try to borrow a few dollars." She say, "Okay," but she have feeling he gonna leave her, run away. [Speaking in Italian] He went to Arabian club, we call coffee house. He told stories, "I wanna go and I have no money." Have one fellow took his hat and try to collect money for him, buy his ticket. Actually, when she had feeling she said but my husband ran away, she went to New York, she went after him. She took her baby and she asked the policeman, "Please, take me to the Arabian coffee house." Policeman knew where the coffee house they went straight ahead. When she walked in, the man took the hat and he picked up the money to collect for her husband ticket. When she walked in, she started crying; he grabbed and he started kissing and he cried, too. The boy, they cried, each other because they love each other – but no money. He ran away because he can't support her. When he say that to people, they don't know the story, he lied to them. He say, "I can't make money, I can't make my living, please let me go home." When they see the story, anyone who paid $10, he start to pay 50; anyone who paid 50, he pay 200. They paid two tickets to them and the baby ticket and over $2,000 in the pocket. SPEAKER2: Wow. SPEAKER1: That's why the Arab is good with that, like I say they help each other. He went back home. I met that girl, the Aida. She say, "Mo, honest to God, I love this country." I say, "Why?" She say, 6 "A lot of thing different." On that day she swear to me, three months, because his father he met, while he fool that girl. I don't how he married her, nobody know, he won't tell nobody. He say, "I fall in love with her, I married her." Shortcut, his father give him one house, old-fashioned house, you know, not like rooms, like here, you know, not what you call apartment, one floor belong to you, no. You know, one house, old-fashioned house. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: He give to them. That girl she told me, "Mo, honest to God, in three weeks, three months, I don't eat nothing except bread and olive oil like soup," you bring olive oil and she cut piece of bread with olive oil and eat it. Three months. And now, she live in farm, cow farm and chicken farm. We didn't have chicken farm in old country house. We have eight house, you have two chicken; each house we have two chicken. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: The reason, not we chicken lover because we didn't have any stalls like here so market, you can just take car, drive to market, pick up the eggs. We didn't have that. All right, whole town, small town, like I say, Westminster, we have only one store. And if you all live in old mill, you can walk down there. But you have two chicken. I'm your guest, I walk into your home; you have to give me something to eat. We didn't have any meat, cold cut like what you have in this country – everything fresh. When you buy meat, we didn't have any freeze meat either. One man, the meat man, he kill two lamb, three lamb a day and whole town coming to buy two pound, three pound, four pound, two pound, three pound, four pound. SPEAKER2: Just for that day. SPEAKER1: For that day. And you cook it. Next day you didn't have any. SPEAKER2: Right.7 SPEAKER1: We didn't have any salami, bologna, freezing ham, canned ham, we didn't have that. All right, what you have, eggs. SPEAKER2: Yup. SPEAKER1: The two chicken, they lay eggs. You pick up two eggs, drop them, drop in olive oil. You know, fried eggs. Down there they have no lard like here. SPEAKER2: No butter, I think? SPEAKER1: It got to be olive oil. SPEAKER2: Yes. SPEAKER1: You put olive oil, drop the eggs and give you loaf of bread, just to lunch, you eat. Then you are sport; you're not cheat, you give your guest something to eat. See? Every house you have two chicken. Every house. This woman she have over 2,000 chickens and start sell eggs to the stores. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: And she made good living. She have five boys and two girls after that, and they come here for vacation and she… but she doesn't live here, no. SPEAKER2: She likes it better there. SPEAKER1: And she go in taxis. See? I wish someday you're going to our country. Honest to God. SPEAKER2: I think it sounds so beautiful. The way the people are, it's just… everybody says that American people aren't as friendly and as warm as any other foreigners. Foreigners are always… they're just far more friendly; they're far more human when they treat you. SPEAKER1: That's right. Here, honey, like I say… SPEAKER2: Down south, there you get hospitality. SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: They say down in American south, you do. SPEAKER1: Yes. 8 SPEAKER2: But the rest of the country is… New England is known for its coldness. SPEAKER1: That's right. I don't know why. I'll tell you there's something, in tape two. One day when [Moe] was doing walked by the chief police, Mr. Joseph sent me to lawyer Dulan. I went to his home because I don't know where he live. When you don't know a place, you have to take taxi. I took the taxi, "You take me to this house." He say, "This is his house." I ring the bell, he say, "Come in." I walk in. I find him eating on the table at five o'clock at night. You know, all the family, him, his wife and his son. He's a lawyer now and call it Dulan Dulan Lawyer, I didn't know that. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Sit down in the table, eating. And I walked in. I said, "Good afternoon." He said, "Good afternoon." "Mo?" I said, "Yes?" He said, "You wanna have a cup of coffee? You're welcome if you do want it. If you don't want it, there's living room, they have magazine and read." He didn't wait for me, I say, yes or no. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: He said, "You wanna have a cup of coffee with us. Okay, if you don't want it, there's living room, have… they have magazine, make yourself at home." Okay. I stand in the living room over an hour and a half. I never feel cheap in my life till that day. All right, can you go to Arabian house, it's time to eat and they tell you, "If you want it, okay; if you don't want it, go to living room?" Absolutely not. Sit down in my table. If you don't want to eat have a cup of tea, have a cup of coffee, have a glass of milk." SPEAKER2: But at least… SPEAKER1: Not, "If you want a cup of coffee, if you don't want it, this is the living room." Give me a chance to say yes or no. I never received that in my life. I never feel cheap in my life till that day. And 9 since that time, I never go to American house till he take me with the hand. SPEAKER2: That's true. SPEAKER1: See? Down there, it's different, here different in a lot of way. See? When you go even to American house, honest to God, you feel like a stranger, you get lost. See, I wish every American people go to our country. Maybe they change their custom. SPEAKER2: We could use a little improvement, I think. Are there any plans that you made when you came to this country? Is there anything that you regret that you haven't achieved yet? Is there anything that you planned to do when you came here that you haven't done yet? SPEAKER1: No. SPEAKER2: Everything you wanted to do you've done? SPEAKER1: I've done everything what I want. SPEAKER2: And probably more even, right? SPEAKER1: Yes, because I didn't… SPEAKER2: You didn't expect to do all… SPEAKER1: I didn't expect all things. See? SPEAKER2: So you're pretty satisfied with your life then? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah, that's good. Do you feel there's any one important advantage you have as a citizen of this country? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: What? SPEAKER1: I got anything I want. I mixed with a lot of people in this country. We had visited Roosevelt. I told you we had dinner with him in White House, and I was in White House in the table and I was between Roosevelt, George Simon the staff and Admiral Max. SPEAKER2: I bet not everybody can do that. SPEAKER1: Not every person.10 SPEAKER2: No. SPEAKER1: See? And Swiss land. I'll show you the picture. Let's stop it. SPEAKER2: A lot of time people say that they long for like the good old days. Do you hear that expression a lot? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: And when you think back to what the good old days were like for you, do you think they were really that good? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: You do? SPEAKER1: Yes, yes. SPEAKER2: You think…? SPEAKER1: When you're young, you're not worried about nothing, see, you don't care, you want just… just like fun. When you get old, you're past 40, see, you wanna do something, people talk behind you something good, not bad. That's why good days when that passed you're young, you don't worry about nothing. Like the kid in a school in this country they say he's not worried about his dinner because if he just cry everybody will, "Don't cry, sonny. Don't cry, sonny." SPEAKER2: Cater to him, yeah. SPEAKER1: See? But when you're past 25, 30 in this country you cry? Go ahead, cry more. Quiet world. Nobody force you. And old country, too, number one make me think that, here after you're past 80 you have to be border room for your mother, father. SPEAKER2: In this country? SPEAKER1: In this country; in our country, no. Sometime you're married like… SPEAKER2: You live to eat. SPEAKER1: My nephew, now his son married, right? They have a baby now. His father still support them. SPEAKER2: Really?11 SPEAKER1: That's right. SPEAKER2: And sometimes in your country, they probably will live with the parents, too. SPEAKER1: Oh, yes. Yes. SPEAKER2: Sometimes that happens in America but it doesn't happen that often. SPEAKER1: But it's very hard. SPEAKER2: I don't have to pay board, things like that, you know. SPEAKER1: Well, because you go to the college. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Well, honey, when you go to the college your mother, father they supposed to be support you because you have no income. But if you were not go to college… SPEAKER2: If you're working, yeah. SPEAKER1: You have to work. You have to pay your mother, father board or… SPEAKER2: Get out on your own. SPEAKER1: You're gonna rent apartment, you start support yourself. See? In our country, no, the girls never work. You never let her work either. SPEAKER2: Just at home. Does she do most of the work at home? SPEAKER1: No, her mother help her. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: But most of the time, just sit down with her mother. If you want mother she go out, you go with her and her mother see you want something, help each other. Cooking, crochet, you know, knit. I don't know what's called in English. SPEAKER2: Knit or crochet. SPEAKER1: All silk. I'm talking about dress from Jerusalem. I'm going to sell them with sample to see if I could sell it.12 SPEAKER2: I'm sure you will. Something like that would go very well, I guess. SPEAKER1: You want to see sample? SPEAKER2: You have a sample? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah, sure. So you think that all in all your life has been good here? SPEAKER1: Yes, thank God. SPEAKER2: Yeah, you possibly you will go back to the old country? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: But you're satisfied with things in… SPEAKER1: Yes. At least, over there, your life is safe, your life. SPEAKER2: You still feel danger here? SPEAKER1: Danger here, honey. SPEAKER2: More so than when you first came. SPEAKER1: Maybe you read about it yesterday. This morning one policeman got shot in Boston, in his stomach, 2:30 in the morning and his brother, I think brother-in law… SPEAKER2: The two… his two brothers-in law get killed. SPEAKER1: Gets killed years ago – same thing, with stealing thieves. See? This country was a beautiful law, constitution, before; now, the law getting loose and weak and weak. Someday… maybe you understand that even if you are over five years in jail they give you parole. Yeah, more than. Why they give you parole? There's no law. It's weak. Why he's not in jail then? And now maybe you read about it or you know my worry is that in jail they try to make union. They get… they wanna be retirement. If you're not bad, why are you gonna retirement? Where are you gonna get retirement? You kill me, you kill my mother, you kill my brother, you kill my wife and you give retirement, too, beside? See? There's no law in this country anymore.13 SPEAKER2: Everything is at such a state of shame. SPEAKER1: It's weak, honey. SPEAKER2: Everything is being challenged. SPEAKER1: Yeah, it's weak. See? It's hard to call it modern but it's not modern. When the law split from teeth by teeth, eyes by eyes, that's a law. Now even look at the Catholic, maybe you know that more than me. We don't talk about religion because too deep for us. The Pope, number one, you can't divorce; now you divorce. Number two, you can't eat meat on Friday; now you can eat meat on Friday. See? What the law? What you get… how you came to arrive here? [Unintelligible - 00:20:46] Jesus came in nineteen hundred seventy-four, 2,000 years, why you change it now? The [Bible] weak, naturally weak; don't make them all weak. It's not truth? SPEAKER2: True, yes. SPEAKER1: See? Now, they allow them now man and woman live together, no married, no nothing. You never see that before. SPEAKER2: No. SPEAKER1: You never hear that before. See? There's no law in this country anymore. The law is weak. We have a law in this country. We have but nobody force it. SPEAKER2: No. SPEAKER1: You can buy the law by you money. If you have good lawyers they take away, I don't care if you killed two people. There's not law? See? Who you know not how much you know, see? This is really bad. You call big city, every single day somebody get killed. See? I know when I went sometime in Station 4 or 9 or 12, or had got onboard because I don't know, maybe… one fellow's name John, surname I forget it, he's a policeman at Abraham Lincoln School. Do you know of Abraham Lincoln School? SPEAKER2: I've heard of it, I don't know…14 SPEAKER1: One fellow drive in the car, come from work, he killed a dog. He killed a dog. Not dead but he crippled him, break his leg, break his arm, I don't know what you call that. He stopped, he opened the door, he want to pick up the dog, put him in the car, take him to the hospital. One black man come in, when the man, he put his head down, you know, you know how he is… SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: He tried to pick up the dog, he hit him… he killed the man. All right. The dog is not yours, the man he don't kill you, he don't bother you, he don't talk to you. Okay? Why you kill him? This man, by the law, should be get killed. They don't do nothing for him. SPEAKER2: In other words we have a lot of weaknesses and a lot more things we got to improve. SPEAKER1: That's right. I hope like the… our Mohammad, our prophet, he say, "If something you can't fight it," like he say, I'll try to make him Muslim. I'll try. I'll talk to you. I know but I say anything nice to you to be turned to be Muslim but I can't. You say no, no, no, but I love you. I want you be Muslim because if I don't love you, I don't care what you be. It's right? But if I love you, I'd like to see everything is good to you. All right, I can't make you. Your weak things to me, what can you say? I have to stand in God and say, "Please, God, help me. Help my dear friend to be Muslim." That weak spots for me just to pray, isn't it? Now, our weakness, let me we pray to God to change our government, to put force the law. Somebody murder, murder him. Because we have to sacrifice, we have to sacrifice. It's something to teach the people because we went too far overhead. This is really bad, honey. See? But we can't say nothing, like I say, only the weakened spot, nothing only pray to God and pray as weak. Like Hitler say, "No justice in this world except with the power. If you're strong,15 everybody with you; if you're weak, everybody walk on you." Absolutely is the truth. We can't deny it. See? That's the only thing, honey. SPEAKER2: I appreciate you for giving me the time and helping me with this. SPEAKER1: It's my pleasure. SPEAKER2: It means a lot to me, and you've been very helpful. SPEAKER1: It's my pleasure. SPEAKER2: So I just want to thank you./AT/jf/jc/ee

The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the main sources, works that developed and supplemented the main elements of Confucian doctrine that appeared during the lifetime of Confucius. The main data on the life and work of thinkers who developed and supplemented the teachings of the Great Teacher of antiquity, the main options for translating and interpreting the names of treatises and basic terminology are outlined. It outlines the main provisions and ideas of the treatise "Zhong Yun" written by Confucius 'direct students, which is of fundamental importance for the process of historical evolution of Confucian doctrine, and clarifies, details and deepens the theses of Confucius' main book "Lun Yu". Against the background of the basic traditional Chinese picture, one of the key principles of Confucianism is pointed out – the principle of the "golden mean", the critical importance of personal virtue of rulers, and the main approaches to determining the formula of human nature. It is determined that the subject of interest "Zhong Yun", broader than the basic treatise "Lun Yu" and denotes cosmogonic and moral properties of the spirit, more richly interprets the inner content of the fundamental category of humanity ("Ren") constructs an integral system of categories, the sources of which are in the depths of ancient Chinese mythology. The main concepts and meanings of the work "Da Xue" ("great teaching") are established, one of the most fundamental traditional categories of which is the concept of "where" – personal "grace", "achievement, acquisition", and the uniqueness and special place of a person in the universe is the ability to follow "due justice". The quintessence of the DA Xue worldview system is the presumption of immanent virtue of human nature, which should radiate from those in power in the form of "humanity"; the basic thesis of the treatise is the attitude according to which the ruler who "does not show" virtue is deprived of his right to rule. It is stated that the work named after the outstanding thinker of traditional China, Meng Tzu, was of fundamental importance for the long evolution of Confucianism. (Meng Ke), who not only expanded the leading principles of Confucius, but also improved the teachings of the great teacher by actualizing and considering new issues. This approach transformed the teachings of Kun Tzu into a harmonious construction of judgments, which later turned into the official government ideology and worldview system of the Great Chinese society, which has existed for thousands of years. It is to Meng Tzu that the orientation to consider human nature moral goes back, one of his most original ideas is the concept of the heart-mind, which is provided on the one hand by an innate, intuitive ability, moral instinct, and on the other by benevolence. On the contrary, the approaches of another thinker, Sun Tzu, were completely antagonistic to Meng Tzu's ideas and proved the conclusion that human nature is evil. Sun Tzu's concept is located exactly on the border between Confucianism and legalism, but the Thinker (unlike the legists) believed that it was not punishments and rewards that should curb the evil nature of a person, but moral improvement and high literature, that is, culture. Sun Tzu was the first in Confucianism and proved the concept of an enlightened monarchy based on the principle of both traditional morality and the authority and power of the law. Against the background of the study of significant monographic literature, conclusions are drawn about the almost instantaneous beginning of the complex deepening, improvement and development of teaching, already by the first students of Confucius. Confucianism was formed as a method of interpreting the ancient Chinese system of symbols and concepts, categories laid down in mythological form in an active, active spirit. The development of Confucian doctrine was due to the incorporation of elements of other teachings. Confucianism essentially developed through finding common ground with other Chinese doctrines. The key idea that emerged in the development of Confucianism is the statement that everything in a person, including his inner world, is just a reflection of the natural world, and the restoration of perfect social institutions will not mechanically restore perfect order in the Middle Kingdom. The core of the DA Xue ideological system is the assumption of the inner virtue (de) of human nature, which must be shown by those in power. In the course of its long evolution, Confucian traditional thought put certain fundamental problems and categories on the agenda much earlier than European thinkers did, of course, at the ancient, traditional level synchronous with that distant century ; Статья посвящена комплексному анализу основных источников и трактатов, которые развивали и дополняли основные элементы конфуцианской доктрины, появившиеся при жизни Конфуция. Очерчивается основные данные о жизни и творчестве мыслителей, которые развивали и дополняли учение Великого учителя древности, главные варианты перевода и интерпретации названий трактатов и основной терминологии. Очерчивается основные положения, идеи написанного непосредственными учениками Конфуция трактата «Чжун юн», который имеет фундаментальное значение для процесса исторической эволюции конфуцианской доктрины, и уточняет, детализирует и углубляет тезисы главной книги Конфуция «Лунь юя». На фоне базовой традиционной китайской картины мира, указывается на один из ключевых принципов конфуцианства – принцип «золотой середины», на критическую важность персональной добродетели правителей, на основные подходы к определению формулы человеческой природы. На фоне исследования значительной монографической литературы сделаны выводы о моментальном начале сложного процесса углубления, совершенствования и развития учения, уже первыми учениками Конфуция. Конфуцианство сложилось как метод интерпретации древнекитайской системы символов и понятий, категорий заложенных в мифологической форме в активном, деятельном духе. Развитие конфуцианской доктрины происходило за счет инкорпорации элементов других учений. Конфуцианство по сути развивалось через нахождение общих точек с другими китайскими доктринами. Ключевой идеей, которая появилась в процессе развития конфуцианства выступает утверждение, что все в человеке, в том числе ее внутренний мир, есть всего лишь отражение мира природы, а восстановление совершенных социальных институтов механически не восстановит идеальный порядок в Поднебесной. В процессе своей длительной эволюции традиционная конфуцианская мысль гораздо раньше поставила на повестку дня отдельные фундаментальные проблемы и категории, чем это сделали европейские мыслители, конечно на древнем, традиционном синхронном уровне тем далеким векам ; Стаття присвячена комплексному аналізу основних джерел, творів, що розвивали і доповнювали основні елементи конфуціанської доктрини, що з'явилися за життя Конфуція. Окреслюється основні дані щодо життя і творчості мислителів, які розвивали і доповнювали вчення Великого учителя древності, головні варіанти перекладу та інтерпретації назв трактатів і основної термінології. Окреслюється основні положення, ідеї написаного безпосередніми учнями Конфуція трактату «Чжун юн», що має фундаментальне значення для процесу історичної еволюції конфуціанської доктрини, та уточнює, деталізує і поглиблює тези головної книги Конфуція «Лунь юя». Та тлі базової традиційної китайської картини, вказується на один з ключових принципів конфуціанства – принцип «золотої середини», на критичну важливість персональної доброчесності правителів, на основні підходи до визначення формули людської природи. На тлі дослідження значної монографічної літератури зроблено висновки про майже моментальний початок складного поглиблення, вдосконалення і розвитку учення, вже першими учнями Конфуція. Конфуціанство склалося як метод інтерпретації давньокитайської системи символів і понять, категорій закладених в міфологічній формі у активному, діяльному дусі. Розвиток конфуціанської доктрини відбувався за рахунок інкорпорації елементів інших вчень. Конфуціанство по суті розвивалось через знаходження спільних точок з іншими китайськими доктринами. Ключовою ідеєю, що з'явилась в процесі розвитку конфуціанства виступає твердження, що все в людині, в тому числі її внутрішній світ, є всього лише віддзеркалення світу природи, а відбудова досконалих соціальних інститутів механічно не відновить ідеальний порядок у Піднебесній. У процесі своєї тривалої еволюції конфуціанська традиційна думка набагато раніше поставила на порядок денний окремі фундаментальні проблеми і категорії, аніж це зробили європейські мислителі, звісно на давньому, традиційному рівні синхронному тим далеким століттям

In this bulletin, a snapshot of remittance inflows into Ukraine pre-COVID will be discussed, followed by its developments in 2020.

The purpose of this qualitative case study was to examine the communication strategies and decision-making processes of executive higher education leaders at a specific, residential liberal arts higher educational institution. Supplemental interviews with three executive leaders at similar institutions were also identified and recommended for participation by interview respondents at the original case site. The actions of higher education executive leaders at this case site and supplemental institutions were investigated in the context of understanding how organizational identity and culture and marketing efforts impact the construction of higher education institutions' communication strategies, and how identity and culture shape communication strategies in an iterative way during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement. Four research questions guided the study: What are the communication strategies of higher education executive leaders during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement? What are the internal and external pressures that influence their decisions regarding the communication strategies they adopt? To what extent, if any, do their communication strategies support or challenge organizational culture, identity, and marketing efforts during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement? In what ways have these two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement—changed these communication processes? Findings from the case study interviews fell into five categories: communication strategy, decision-making processes, internal and external pressures, organizational culture and identity, and changes in communications strategies due to the concurrent crises. Studying the communication strategies of higher education leaders and the impact of their communication decisions not only provides frames of reference for leadership decision-making in academia as a cultural-shaping industry, but also reveal powerful nuances in understanding "value" perceptions that dwell far beyond the institutional structure of higher education, particularly during this time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement.

While the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has resulted in severe global health and economic crises, it also presents an opportunity for a green, sustainable, and resilient recovery enabled by sustainable energy. This guidance note examines the effects of COVID-19 on the energy sector in Asia and the Pacific. It looks at how the sector has responded so far and outlines key actions that energy stakeholders can take during the response and recovery phases. The guidance note also highlights how the Asian Development Bank's support to the energy sector is helping its developing member countries recover from the pandemic and achieve sustainable development.

In this issue, we explore the challenges and opportunities lower-middle income countries in Asia face in the wake of mass reverse migration movements in 2020, brought about by COVID-19. Can governments respond to the unprecedented number of returned migrant workers in ways that benefit migrant workers and their families, contribute to COVID response and recovery, and build stronger policy frameworks for future migration cycles?

The following bulletin focuses on remittance inflows into Georgia in 2020 and its development in 2021. The social and economic stability of Georgia strongly relies on the money sent from emigrants to their families. Based on World Bank Data1, in 2019, in terms of dependence on remittance inflows, Georgia ranked 21st in the world, with remittance inflows to GDP ratio. Moreover, the study conducted by the State Commission on Migration Issues revealed that in 2016 money sent by every second emigrant to their families accumulated half or 3/4 of family budget, and for the 15% of families remittance was the only source of income in Georgia.

Remittances are considered a lifeline of developing countries and are especially vital for migrants and their families. Digital data technology can help alleviate many of the "pain-points" in the remittances industry. For example, it can significantly enhance the convenience, speed, security, and affordability of sending and receiving remittances. This publication discusses the importance of remittances in Asia and the Pacific, the key challenges faced by the industry, and the impacts of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. It also includes country case studies that demonstrate the benefits of digitization and makes recommendations on how the digitization of remittances across the region can be further advanced.

This paper will focus on the xinyimin in Indonesia, an undertaking that forms part of my larger project on Chinese migration in Southeast Asia. There have been copious descriptions of the diverse nature of Chinese migration into the region, but statistics have been less forthcoming both as a result of the sensitive nature of the subject and the uneven data collection of country-level surveys. However, from scattered information that is available, it is still possible for us to gain a rough picture of the xinyimin in Southeast Asia and to understand their activities (see Table 1). To a limited extent, their impact on the local socioeconomic and political scene can also be assessed.

Placing Asian economies on a low-carbon path requires an unprecedented shift in private investment and new financing models. A growing community of investors is seeking new climate- and environment-friendly opportunities, which financial institutions can use to diversify their funding base and reduce their funding costs. But this requires commitment from all actors across the financing chain. It is simply not enough to allocate money to low-carbon causes – achieving the necessary scale requires a fundamental redesign of risk mitigants and investment enhancers. Banks should join forces with regulators and stakeholders to develop common standards and implement capacity as soon as possible. This paper identifies the current trends, analyses the constrains, and makes recommendations aimed at banks, banking regulators, and institutional investors in emerging economies of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and East Asia, to help them improve the level of low-carbon financing, both in individual institutions and across the wider industry.

Remittance inflows, in other words, money sent by migrants to their home countries, provide a lifeline for a sizable share of populations in developing countries. Remittances are especially important due to the ability to act as a countercyclical buffer during the periods of crisis, as migrants tend to send more money when the crisis hits their home economy. However, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the subsequent "Great Lockdown" is different, as it stalled economic activity in nearly every country, resulting in drying up of remittance inflows when they were needed the most. The World Bank estimate for the growth of global remittance flows in 2020 is -20%1, while the IMF forecasts a 15% decline in remittance inflows for Georgia2. In the subsequent analysis, the pre-COVID snapshot of remittance inflows in Georgia will be discussed, followed by the developments of remittance inflows during the first half of 2020.

This budget-analysis will help to identify the power sector's allocative priorities, areas for improvement in resource utilisation and possible scopes for future adjustment.