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This paper discusses the study of Chartist and working-class literatures, noting that the pronounced development of aesthetic criticism in these areas uncomfortably corresponds with the rejection of &ldquo ; aesthetics&rdquo ; in other fields. Chartist, working-class, and laboring-class scholars have broken free from monolithically sociological or political readings that only a generation ago too often dismissed artistic endeavors as, at best, merely a re-accenting of the mainstream. Current studies focus on the aesthetic innovations that emerged out of working-class entanglements with mainstream counterparts. The paper argues that the rejection of &ldquo ; aesthetics&rdquo ; generally fails to recognize marginalized and group aesthetics (including the critical work done on marginalized and group aesthetics) and specifically what it meant for a political cohort&mdash ; the Chartists are my example&mdash ; to think aesthetically.

This research has become quite important as Indonesian's currency or known as rupiah, has reached its highest depreciation to US dollars like never before 18 years. Aim of this research is to find out whether the policy of Joko Widodo or Jokowi to increase national debt has any correlation with rupiah depreciation in a political economy perspective. In conclusion, there are at least three points. Firstly, although there is a long history of how Indonesia involve in such a capitalistic economic system, Jokowi policy itself solely is a mistake, at least according to political economy philosophy of Indonesia. Secondly, there is a positive correlation between national debt and rupiah depreciation. Moreover, the prediction has been positively predicted. This condition happened as the result of poor Indonesian economy during the first year of Joko Widodo. Thirdly, worsen of rupiah depreciation is the result of improper policy adds up with the poor condition of Indonesia.

How does protest become criminalised? Applying an anthropological perspective to political and legal conflicts, Carolijn Terwindt urges us to critically question the underlying interests and logic of prosecuting protesters. The book draws upon ethnographic research in Chile, Spain, and the United States to trace prosecutorial narratives in three protracted contentious episodes in liberal democracies. Terwindt examines the conflict between Chilean landowners and the indigenous Mapuche people, the Spanish state and the Basque independence movement, and the United States' criminalisation of 'eco-terrorists.' Exploring how patterns and mechanisms of prosecutorial narrative emerge through distinct political, social and democratic contexts, Terwindt shines a light on how prosecutorial narratives in each episode changed significantly over time. Challenging the law and justice system and warning against relying on criminal law to deal with socio-political conflicts, Terwindt's observations have implications for a wide range of actors and constituencies, including social movement activists, scholars, and prosecutors.

Populism has recently been surging with explanations to date focusing on economic or cultural power. This paper builds on Mann's work to develop an explanation centered on political power instead. It presents an account of populism's longer-term trajectories and a process of struggle 'from below' for citizenship rights, which should be curtailed for some and expanded for others. This paper compares four countries – Sweden, the United States, India and China – their commonalities but also the differences in terms of how 'others', internally and externally, are excluded, and how elites are criticized. The conclusion assesses the prospects for populists in power.