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The author asserts that environmental NGO's are the quintessential environmental actor, & assesses the ability of environmental social movement organizations (SMO) to operate as agents of global environmental change in the new millennium by projecting the possible future trends of these organizations along four themes. The analysis of environmental NGO's dependence on scientific technology indicates a weak ability to mobilize populations. The solutions orientation that impacts environmental SMO's is problematized in the cases of the ozone layer, mad cow disease & population. The difficulty of attaining global representativeness without the universal language of science is discussed in terms of developing world wide policy. The inadequate ability to transcendence of the status quo by environmental SMO's is discussed in terms of ecological modernization & protests against universal capitalism. The four themes support the conclusion that environmental SMO's are not equipped for a leading role in global environmental campaigning in future years. References. J. Harwell

This article investigates the movement building dynamics of contemporary social movement milieus (such as particular protests, social forums or occupations). It develops the concept of the "relay" to introduce four ideal-type movement building relays understood as distinct movement milieus: clustering relay, networking relay, organizing relay, and transforming relay. Each ideal-type captures different points on a continuum of increasing movement building and thus for generating commonalities, shared understandings and identities, mobilizations and strategies. Focusing on what I call the current "rhizomatic movement epoch," which ranges from roughly the Zapatistas to the recent occupy-type protests, the relay framework can provide a larger conceptual umbrella or schemata for movement-to-movement transmissions. Moreover, focussing on "the situated" element of movements, the relay seeks to highlight the milieu of cooperation attempts, the physical, social and psychological space, the political-economic and socio-cultural setting, in which actors and groups interact. It focuses on those elements that are between the outside of the broader political economy and political opportunity structures (which arguably pre-structure the particular relay) and the "inside" of intra-group or movement behaviour (which in turn feeds back on the particular relay dynamics). While drawing on selected empirical examples from protests, social forums and networking attempts, this article has a conceptual focus, exploring possibilities by adoption of such a relay lens to further our understanding of movement building dynamics and the temporality of social movements, the current movement milieu and social movement theory more generally. As such, my hope is to raise questions and open further research avenues of interest to social movement organizers and scholars.

This book critically examines and analyses the active role played by youth-led social movements in pushing for change and promoting peacebuilding in Africa, and their long-term impacts on society. Africa's history is characterised by youth movements. The continent's youth populations played pivotal roles in the campaign against colonialism and, ever since independence, Africa's youth have been at the center of social mobilisation. Most recently, social media has contributed significantly to a further rise in youth-led social movements. However, the impact of youth voices is often marginalised by patriarchal and gerontocratic approaches to governance, denying them the place, voice, and recognition that they deserve. Drawing on empirical evidence from across the continent, this book analyses the drivers and long-term impacts of youth-led social movements on politics in African societies, especially in the area of peacebuilding. The book draws attention to the innovative ways in which young people continue to seek to re-engineer social space and challenge contexts that deny them their voice, place, recognition and identity. This book will be of interest to researchers across the fields of social movement studies, youth studies, peace and conflict studies, history, political sciences, social justice, and African studies.

This book critically examines and analyses the active role played by youth-led social movements in pushing for change and promoting peacebuilding in Africa, and their long-term impacts on society. Africa's history is characterised by youth movements. The continent's youth populations played pivotal roles in the campaign against colonialism and, ever since independence, Africa's youth have been at the center of social mobilisation. Most recently, social media has contributed significantly to a further rise in youth-led social movements. However, the impact of youth voices is often marginalised by patriarchal and gerontocratic approaches to governance, denying them the place, voice, and recognition that they deserve. Drawing on empirical evidence from across the continent, this book analyses the drivers and long-term impacts of youth-led social movements on politics in African societies, especially in the area of peacebuilding. The book draws attention to the innovative ways in which young people continue to seek to re-engineer social space and challenge contexts that deny them their voice, place, recognition and identity. This book will be of interest to researchers across the fields of social movement studies, youth studies, peace and conflict studies, history, political sciences, social justice, and African studies.

The Harlem Renaissance was an explosion of creativity and culture within New York City's African American community in the 1920s, however, its true impact far surpassed a mere cultural movement. It was the locus for the radicalization and politicization for a disenfranchised population. The creative minds behind the Harlem Renaissance used artistic expression to prove their_humanity_and demand equality from an often hostile white America. The literal migration of southern Blacks to the North also symbolized a mental shift, changing the previous image of the rural, uneducated African­American to one of urban, cosmopolitan sophistication. This new identity led to increased social consciousness, and endowed a population that until this time had only experienced inferiority and depravity. This movement provided a source of release of their oppression and gave them hope, faith, and inspiration to create an empowered identity. This new movement wasn't just a coincidence, however, it was driven by several key circumstances and figures, and among the most important of these was Charles Spurgeon Johnson. He, with the support of philosopher and professor Alain LeRoy Locke, guided the emergence of African­American culture into whitedominated society, and this effort was formally and symbolically launched through their orchestration of the Civic Club Dinner in Manhattan on March 21st, 1924.

"Becoming-Woman"? Between Theory, Practice, and Potentiality-Michal OsterweilThe Asymmetry of Revolution-John Holloway; The Shock of Victory-David Graeber; Gathering Our Dignified Rage: Building New Autonomous Global Relations of Production, Livelihood, and Exchange-Kolya Abramsky; Towards the Autonomy of the People of the World: Need for a New Movement 449 of Movements to Animate People's Alliance Processes-Muto Ichiyo; Towards a Fifth International?-Samir Amin; The Lessons of 2011: Three Theses on Organisation-Rodrigo Nunes; 'We Still Exist'-François Houtart

Social movement scholars have thus far failed to give populism its deserved attention and to incorporate it into their field of study. Although sociologists, political scientists, and historians have explored diverse facets of the intersection of populism and social dissent, there has been no concerted effort towards building a comprehensive framework for the study of populist mobilization, despite its growing significance in the past decades. In this article I combine insights from populism studies, social movement scholarship, and social psychology to build a unified framework of analysis for populist social movements. I suggest populism is best understood as a collective action frame employed by movement entrepreneurs to construct a resonant collective identity of "the People" and to challenge elites. I argue that populism depends on the politicization of citizenship, and I apply this framework to the movements of the Great Recession to classify Occupy Wall Street and the European indignados as instances of a populist wave of mobilization, using data from archival material and a set of semistructured interviews with Greek activists.

Although the doctrines of Social Credit have been systematically and extensively promoted throughout many parts of the British Commonwealth and the United States for nearly thirty years, it is only in Alberta that there has emerged a Social Credit movement sufficiently strong to win and maintain political power. It is proposed, in the present paper, to trace the historical development of this movement with specific reference to those data that are essential for its interpretation as a phenomenon of mass psychology. Such an approach must be restrictive and selective: data of primary importance to the economist, the political scientist, and even the sociologist must necessarily be omitted.The Social Credit upsurge in Alberta was essentially a people's movement which sought to reform, but not to revolutionize, the existing social order by changing the pattern of certain existing institutions. It has passed through the four stages which constitute the natural history of a social movement—social unrest, popular excitement, formalization, and institutionalization; and it has exhibited, in the course of its evolution, the five mechanisms of reform movements—agitation, esprit de corps, morale, ideology, and operating tactics. From the perspective of social psychology, the movement may best be understood if, taking its more general sociological aspects for granted we consider its appeal to the people of Alberta in terms of its leadership, its philosophy, and its techniques of organization and promotion. In analysing this particular social movement, the social psychologist is faced with two serious methodological difficulties: he must be careful not to confuse the evolution of the movement with the political history of Alberta, especially after 1935; and he must, as far as possible, present the movement as a dynamic rather than a static social phenomenon.