The Lega Nord and the Northern Question in Italian Politics
In: The global review of ethnopolitics, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 122-124
ISSN: 1471-8804
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In: The global review of ethnopolitics, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 122-124
ISSN: 1471-8804
In: Public administration: an international quarterly, Band 80, Heft 2, S. 413-414
ISSN: 0033-3298
In: Political power and social theory: a research annual, Band 15, S. 265-274
ISSN: 0198-8719
In: Asian perspective, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 157-178
ISSN: 2288-2871
World Affairs Online
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 4-35
ISSN: 0090-5917
In: India quarterly: a journal of international affairs, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 75-88
ISSN: 0975-2684
Most people prefer not to inflict gratuitous pain on other sentient beings, especially other humans. What, then, should be the legal system's reaction to the mounting evidence that in late-term abortions doctors are inflicting just such pain on fetuses who have the anatomical, physiological, and neurological capacity to experience it? The pain being inflicted is gratuitous because it can be easily avoided with no significant increases in cost or health risk by the administration of tar geted fetal pain relief. If informed that an abortion is likely to cause pain to the fetus and given a choice between a procedure that would inflict fetal pain and a slightly more expensive but safe procedure that would not do so, would not most women facing a late-term abortion choose the latter? Such is the premise of this Note, which argues that states should pass legislation to decrease the gratuitous infliction of pain in late-term abortions. Legislation is necessary for informed choice on this matter because most women are not given the choice to make for themselves. Legislation is appropriate because "[t]he State's constitutional author ity is a vital means for citizens to address [the] grave and serious issues [surrounding abortion], as [we] must if we are to progress in knowledge and understanding and in the attainment of some degree of consensus." Part I of this Note describes the scientific evidence supporting the claims that the human fetus may experience pain as early as the thirteenth week of development, probably experiences pain by the twentieth week, and almost definitely experiences pain by the twenty-eighth week. Part II argues that legislation to address fetal pain during late term abortions is necessary because physicians performing such procedures usually do not treat fetal pain as a distinct problem and there fore typically do not provide women with the option of fetal pain relief. Part III discusses legal and prudential considerations relevant to the design of such legislation and concludes with proposed ...
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In: Gender Justice, Development, and Rights, S. 413-440
In: The Good Society: a PEGS journal, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 19-22
ISSN: 1538-9731
In: The Massachusetts review: MR ; a quarterly of literature, the arts and public affairs, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 75-88
ISSN: 0025-4878
In: Marine corps gazette: the Marine Corps Association newsletter, Band 86, Heft 10, S. 33-35
ISSN: 0025-3170
In: Cultural critique, Band 51, Heft 1, S. 186-218
ISSN: 1534-5203
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 23, Heft 4, S. 860-863
ISSN: 0162-895X
In: Presidential studies quarterly, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 217-218
ISSN: 0360-4918