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Acknowledgments This project was funded by the Government of Kuwait (to FA) and the European Union Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement 245268 (ISEFOR; to LB and SW). Further support came from the SwissBOL project, financed by the Swiss Federal Office for the Environment (grant holder LB) and the Sciex–Scientific Exchange Programme (http://nms.ch/) (NMS.CH; to LL and LB). LL is indebted to the Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport of the Slovak Republic for financial support in the frame of the project "VEGA 1/0061/16" and "VEGA 1/0046/16". Funding This project was funded by the Government of Kuwait (to FA) and the European Union Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement 245268 (ISEFOR; to LB and SW). Further support came from the SwissBOL project, financed by the Swiss Federal Office for the Environment (grant holder LB) and the Sciex–Scientific Exchange Programme NMS.CH (to LL and LB). LL is indebted to the Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport of the Slovak Republic for financial support in the frame of the project "VEGA 1/0061/16." ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF

"The scale and the sword: science, government and research evaluation" This article has been written in Italian because it is meant for an Italian debate: the debate on the theoretical and practical justification of the Italian research assessment system, which entrusts an élite nominated by the government with a huge, unbalanced power. According to Andrea Bonaccorsi such a system can be legitimized on the basis of his peculiar reading of R.K. Merton's normative sociology of science. Our goal, on the other hand, is showing that the resulting research assessment system would be both practically despotical and theoretically retrograde even if, at the very moment of the evaluation, the sociological description of the state of the research were perfectly true and we lived in a faultless Mertonian world. The resulting system would be despotic, because it would transform an informal ethos into a rigid set of administrative laws outside the researchers' control; and it would be retrograde because such a set would also freeze the evolution of the ways in which scientists publish, discuss and assess their works, like in kind of castle of the Sleeping beauty.

South Australia is the driest state in the driest inhabited country in the world, Australia. Consequently, water is one of South Australia's highest priorities. Focus on water research and sources of water in the state became more critical during the Millenium drought that occurred between 1997 and 2011. In response to increased concern about water sources the South Australian government established The Goyder Institute for Water Research – a partnership between the South Australian State Government, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), Flinders University, University of Adelaide and University of South Australia. The Goyder Institute undertakes cutting-edge science to inform the development of innovative integrated water management strategies to ensure South Australia's ongoing water security and enhance the South Australian Government's capacity to develop and deliver science-based policy solutions in water management. This paper focuses on the integrated water resource assessment of the northern Adelaide region, including the key research investments in water and climate, and how this information is being utilised by decision makers in the region. ; James W. Cox, Michele Akeroyd, and Danielle P. Oliver

This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.

The features of intractable diseases make it an important public health issue and a challenge to medical care worldwide. Investigation of intractable diseases with the support of government is urgently expected to activate clinical and pharmaceutical research to promote diagnosis and treatment for patients with intractable diseases. Moreover, linkage to the international database for research achievement is also necessary so that both researchers and other general citizens can assess research trends in the field of intractable diseases. In Japan, supportive activities for patients and researchers of intractable diseases have been well developed with the support of the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW). Furthermore, in April 2013, a specific academic communication platform on intractable diseases — the Intractable and Rare Diseases Research (IRDR) Journal — was approved to join a governmental project and receive support from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) under the auspices of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT). Cooperation with the Japanese government starting this year is hoped to promote information-sharing based on an academic communication platform and further activate research on intractable diseases.

Purpose of Work: We have developed a strategy of designing multi-functional extracellular matrix proteins for functionalizing bone tissue engineering scaffolds and other biomedical surfaces to achieve improvements in bone grafting, bone repair and bone regeneration. We developed a novel extracellular matrix protein designed to have a cell adhesive RGD sequence derived from fibronectin and active functional unit of osteocalcin (OC) containing Ca2+-binding sites for immobilization to mineral component of bone, hydroxyapatite (HA). The fusion protein, designated FNRGD/OC, was expressed in Escherichia coli and purified with affinity chromatography using a His-tag. The resultant FNRGD/OC fusion protein preferentially bound to HA, promoted cell adhesive activity, and stimulated differentiation of MC3T3-E1 cell. ; This work was supported by the Korea Research Foundation Grant funded by the Korean Government(MOEHRD) (KRF-2007-314-E00183), the Korea Science and Engineering Foundation (KOSEF) Grant funded by the Korea government (MOST) (R01-2007-000-20183), the Grants (#2009-0093829: priority research centers program, and #M10755080002-07N5508-00212) through the National Research Foundation (NRF) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology.

Purpose of Work We have developed a strategy of designing multi-functional extracellular matrix proteins for functionalizing bone tissue engineering scaffolds and other biomedical surfaces to achieve improvements in bone grafting, bone repair and bone regeneration. We developed a novel extracellular matrix protein designed to have a cell adhesive RGD sequence derived from fibronectin and active functional unit of osteocalcin (OC) containing Ca2(+)-binding sites for immobilization to mineral component of bone, hydroxyapatite (HA). The fusion protein, designated FN(RGD)/OC, was expressed in Escherichia coli and purified with affinity chromatography using a His-tag. The resultant FN(RGD)/OC fusion protein preferentially bound to HA, promoted cell adhesive activity, and stimulated differentiation of MC3T3-E1 cell. ; This work was supported by the Korea Research Foundation Grant funded by the Korean government (MOEHRD) (KRF-2007-314-E00183), the Korea Science and Engineering Foundation (KOSEF) Grant funded by the Korea government (MOST) (R01-2007-000-20183), the Grants (#2009-0093829: priority research centers program, and #M10755080002-07N5508-00212) through the National Research Foundation (NRF) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. ; 0

The article of record as published may be located at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.envint.2007.12.014 ; Lanzhou is one of the major industrial cities in northwest China, the capital of Gansu Province, and located at a northwest-to-southeast oriented valley basin with elevation about 1500–1600-m. Due to topographic and meteorological characteristics, Lanzhou is one of the most polluted cities in China. Meteorological conditions (low winds, stable stratification especially inversion), pollutant sources and sinks affect the air quality. Lanzhou government carried out afforestation and pollutant-source reduction (closing several heavy industrial factories) to improve the air quality for the past two decades. In this study, effect of afforestation on reducing the NOX concentration is investigated numerically using RAMSHYPACT model. ; This work was jointly supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China Major Programs No. 40305020, and the Naval Postgraduate School. The data for this study are provided by the program entitled "Air Pollution and Control in Lanzhou" jointly sponsored by the local government of Gansu Province and the Chinese Academy of Science.

This study addresses two main issues that refer to aspects of the relationship between producers and users of research. The first half of the study is focused on the stage of the research process where research problems are selected. The role that potential users of research play in the selection of research problems is investigated, and the extent to which potential applications of research results are defined as important in problem choice. Second, the study analyses the ways in which scientific information is used by government agencies and examines the factors that affect the use of such information in bureaucratic decision-making, and in other activities of government agencies. The two main issues are addressed with a core focus on the possible effects of the organisational context within which research processes and bureaucratic utilisation of research are conducted. The empirical setting of this study is the agricultural and fishery sectors in Norway. Norwegian fisheries and agriculture are sectors where nature, science and public management are intertwined. The two sectors have organisational arrangements that underline the strong ties between science and public administration.

AbstractThe era of knowledge economies is inextricably linked with the current wave of globalization, which is asymmetrically benefiting Northern countries and thereby exacerbating the enormous wealth and quality of life gap with their Southern counterparts. Meanwhile, scientists, governments, and commercial institutions in the South are searching for effective ways to respond. Rather than insisting on developing indigenous technologies when abundant and well-proven technologies already exist, scientists can help choose the right ones and learn how to use them in specific contexts. As science and scientists are crucial in knowledge economies, they are increasingly figuring prominently in government decision-making. The wealth of nations in the era of knowledge economies is not based in their reserve of raw materials, but in their knowledge, research, technology, and innovation capacity. In short, for the Third World in particular, human capacity building is essential. In recent decades, a few Third World nations have experienced numerous world class scientific and technological achievements. This paper examines a few such national cases as well as makes assessments of necessary measures for nations of the South to advance with science and technology in service of socioeconomic development at the present juncture.

The UK Labour government has offered a hand of friendship to the academic research community and to social science in particular. It has rejected anti-intellectualism in government and sought to promote policy made on the basis of evidence. In particular, it has introduced piloting of policies prior to national implementation. This article draws on the experience of four of the largest pilot evaluations undertaken to date, and considers the extent to which the research community has been able to contribute effectively to determining whether Labour's policies work. Five sets of inhibitors are identified and discussed relating to the policy-making process, the characteristics of particular policies, the mechanisms for commissioning and also designing evaluations and the orientation of the social science community. The article concludes that success to date has been severely limited and that to continue evaluating new policies as at present is unsustainable. Evidence-based policy cannot be limited to the use of evidence; policy making has to accommodate the production of evidence. An alternative scenario is presented that might facilitate such an accommodation.

International audience ; La bureaucratie représentative comme champ de recherche en Administration publique et en Science politique se focalise sur les politiques et les mécanismes institutionnels qui visent à garantir une ressemblance et une proximité des agents publics avec l'ensemble des groupes de la société. Pourtant, la représentativité est en soi un concept polymorphe, construit tout autant socialement que politiquement et qui peut faire l'objet d'interprétations et de traitements autant complémentaires que différenciés selon les États. L'article propose ainsi de saisir le concept de bureaucratie représentative dans une dynamique internationale en relevant qu'il ne peut exister de définition ou de construction unanime de la représentation bureaucratique et que celle-ci doit s'appréhender en fonction des publics cibles façonnés par les gouvernements au travers des lois et des instruments de politiques publiques. L'article développe une méthode comparative afin de saisir la construction de la représentation bureaucratique en France, au Canada et en Belgique. En rappelant certains traits de la communauté politique dans les trois États et en analysant les cadres et instruments de politiques publiques en vigueur, il relève la cohérence de la désignation des publics cibles de la diversité par les législateurs nationaux en pointant une différence d'appréciation au sujet de la diversité ethnoculturelle dans les trois États. La contribution majeure de l'article est de mettre en évidence que la reconnaissance de la diversité dans les dispositifs d'accès aux emplois publics, autrement qu'un impératif de gestion constitue d'abord et avant tout une trajectoire politique qui varie d'un espace national à un autre.

Abstract
Policy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their "new" Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government's attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.

The term 'sovereignty' figures prominently in international affairs and academic analysis. But does 'sovereignty' mean the same thing in different countries and political cultures? In this article, we examine conceptions of sovereignty as they appear in the writings of US scholars of international law and those international relations scholars who deal with international law, in order to obtain a clearer picture of what 'sovereignty' means in American academic discourse. At first glance, the US literature is dominated by two distinct conceptions of sovereignty: (1) a statist conception that privileges the territorial integrity and political independence of governments regardless of their democratic or undemocratic character; (2) a popular conception that privileges the rights of peoples rather than governments, especially when widespread human rights violations are committed by a totalitarian regime. On closer examination, what seem to be two conceptions are in fact different manifestations of a single, uniquely American conception of sovereignty which elevates the United States above other countries and protects it against outside influences while concurrently maximising its ability to intervene overseas.

One of the essential postulates of political orientation and determination for the building of stable societies and a functioning political system in its content recognizes and imposes the need to examine the relation of relevant political actors to constitutionalism and human rights as concepts and preoccupations for any modern society. Also, constitutionalism and human rights and freedoms as its inseparable category manifest the political values and the corpus of essential and common political goals and commitments of a particular political community. Political Islam as an ideological political subject has its own sources and a valuable orientation framework through which prisms and perceptions can be interpreted or extracted by individual axiological determinants to certain issues. This paper analyzes exactly the relations of political Islam with constitutionalism and human rights, and similarly to the so-called framework it draws attention to the concepts of power, the mechanisms of control and compliance with the Sharia regulations. At the same time, the importance of human rights and freedoms in the Islamic narrative, their nature and scope, as well as the differences with the western established documents in this area are emphasized and analyzed.