Suchergebnisse

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/americania/article/view/2664 ; El siguiente trabajo se propone analizar la posición que tuvieron dos de las principales entidades empresariales de Venezuela, FEDECAMARAS y FEDEINDUSTRIA, en relación al gobierno de Chávez durante el período 2002-2008. El análisis se centrará, en un principio, en la composición social hacia el interior de cada una de las entidades, no solo por las empresas que la componen, sino también por rama, nacionalidad, tamaño y cantidad de afiliados. En un segundo lugar, reconstruiremos la estrategia y el programa político que se ha dado cada una de las entidades a partir del golpe de Estado fallido de abril del 2002. Finalmente, estableceremos líneas comparativas entre cada una de las variables, en búsqueda de conseguir una mayor precisión respecto a la base social del gobierno y la base social opositora. ; The study analyzes, between the years 2002 and 2008, the relations with the Chávez government of two of the main business chambers of Venezuela, FEDECAMARAS and FEDEINDUSTRIA. Analysis focuses on the social composition of each chamber. Attention is paid not only to the companies that comprise it but also the industrial branch, nationality, size, and number of affiliates. We also reconstruct the strategy and the political program adopted by each entity since the attemped coup of April 2002. Finally, we establish comparative lines between each of the variables, in order to determine both the government and the opposition¿s social bases. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

This article discusses about the role and position of women scholars in Bireuen and Aceh Besar district in order to see the progress and what areas could be run by women scholars and to look at some obstacles faced in carrying out that role. The goals are to obtain some important infor- mation about the presence of women scholars in both areas, with their certain characteristics. The method used in collecting data that is unstructured interviews with a number of women scholars and comparative study to identify some similar aspects and find the differences between the two districts as the basis of women scholars in Aceh. From the results of this study indicate that although the role and position of women clergy (ulama perempuan) has changed from year to year, but the recognition of the public still places men (Tgk agam) as the dominant figure of scholars in all fields. It is well understood as a social construction that apply fully in the two dis- tricts. Besides, for the women themselves do not have enough confidence to be called as "ulama perempuan". This condition in fact will affect the community recognition. Normally, some roles that are common done by ulama perempuan such as teaching, preaching, teaching rituals of Hajj and implementation burial (jenazah). Meanwhile, in the areas of writing and involved in religious organizations and political parties are still very seldom. It shown that the formation of ulama perempuan from the boarding itself, and the government even non-government parties still do not maximized. So it is needed some serious efforts through socialization and more at- tention later on.

Taking the implementation and impact of emerging assessment methods for new public service media activities – the so-called ex ante tests – as a case in point, this article analyses evolving means of governance and accountability, and evaluates the thesis that claims the
locus of governance power shifts from government to commercial competitors. The article does so by way of a comparative analysis of Flanders and Norway, illustrating the path dependency in this process. Based on the overall context of the EU approach to public service broadcasting, and public
service broadcasting's history and position in the two countries, the article compares the legal aspects of the ex ante evaluations, their main procedural aspects, the services subject to evaluation, the implementation of the mechanisms and the challenges that arise from these new instruments
of governance. It compares for a number of parameters including the actors involved (as initiators, executers and evaluators) and their leverage power, the procedures developed, the services targeted and the level of time, money and effort invested. The analysis serves as an illustration of
a more general trend towards an audit culture and towards a shifting locus of power from government to include other stakeholders, especially commercial competitors that have a growing power to determine policies regarding public-funded media institutions. At the same time, the analysis confirms
the path dependency thesis, showing how the organization of these processes still depends on historical, political, economic and cultural specifics. Such insight is important to assess the impact of the recent crisis of public service media. In closing, the article points to implications both
for media research and for practitioners.

__Abstract__ The human development approach emerged in the late 1980s in response to the negative effects of structural adjustment programmes applied to countries in the South. Led originally by two South Asian scholars, Mahbub ul Haq and Amartya Sen, in cooperation with a large international network, the approach is comparative in perspective and global in reach and has been incorporated into parts of the United Nations (UN) system, including the United Nations Development Programme. Over the years this approach has integrated three dimensions – human development, human rights and human security –, and looks at people's well-being or ill-being, security and insecurity, in the context of issues arising from global interconnectedness and inequities. It has had significant influence, but one constraint has been that its focus on the 'human' is accompanied by a widely recognised gap in respect of 'the social' (Apthorpe 1997, Gasper 2011, Phillips 2011). In this paper we emphasise the human security wing of the UN human development approach, for that provides the most opening from this family of 'human' discourses to issues of the 'social'. Human security discourse looks at the human impacts of globalisation and the consequences of interrelated economic, socio-political, cultural and environmental change. Many international agencies, governments and social networks have taken up human security language. These include, besides UN agencies, the Human Security Network that includes Canada, Norway, The Netherlands, a dozen other countries and many NGOs; the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and development cooperation agency; the Thai government; and, to some extent, departments in charge of EU foreign policy.

[EN]This paper defining the causes which underlie a public policy: Forum for immigrant participation. Little is known about the specific motivations which lead different governments' decisions to institute such policies. This process cannot only refer to the theoretical objectives, but must consider the context in which certain Governments are brought to implement such policies while others do not. Hear submits a comparative analysis of 15 regional Immigration Forums in Spain. The aim is to verify that their creation responds to three variables: institutional isomorphism, response to demand and ideology. The conclusion is that normative variables and demand alone cannot explain the implementation but must be considered in conjunction with ideological motivation and the political context. ; [ES]Este artículo explica las causas por las que se implementa una política pública: los Foros para la participación inmigrante. Sabemos poco sobre las motivaciones específicas que llevan a un gobierno a implementar una política de este tipo. Este proceso no puede apelar solo a sus objetivos teóricos, sino que debe considerar porque hay gobiernos que no implementan estas políticas o lo hacen con menos intensidad. Aquí se realiza un análisis comparado sobre la creación de los Foros de la inmigración en 15 regiones españolas. Se quiere demostrar que su creación responde a tres variables: isomorfismo institucional, respuesta a la demanda e ideología. La conclusión es que las variables normativas y la demanda no pueden explicar por sí solos la implementación de unos organismos que deben tener en cuenta la motivación ideológica y el contexto político. ; Peer reviewed

In linguistically heterogeneous societies, language planning constitutes core institutional practice for maintaining social cohesion as well as unique cultural identities. This critical sociolinguistic and comparative analysis examines education language policy process in India, Nigeria and UNESCO to understand the entrenchment of marginalizational language policies in spite of recent paradigm shifts in relevant scholarship. These include the shift from monolingualism to multilingualism as ideal for individuals and societies, perception of multilingualism no longer as a problem but a resource, heightened interrogation of ideological and political dimensionalities of language decisions in society, and an intensification of commitment to language policy and planning through international consensuses and programmatic initiatives often associated with UNESCO. While previous studies emphasize official state action and view language policy as "finishable" text, this dissertation research uses multi-site, cross-national ethnographic data from government and non-government entities to demonstrate that education language policy is fundamentally an ongoing dynamic process that draws various players with unequal bargaining power into constant negotiations of social identity and reconfigurations of the politics of social control. It illustrates the often muted historical provenience of current language policy issues in multilingual societies. In addition, by noting that language policies in India and Nigeria are simultaneously stymied and constantly changing, this research shows that education language policy in multilingual societies defies any unitary theoretical categorization, partly due to the complexities, dilemmas and paradoxes associates with the various issues it entails. Further, it argues that understanding education language policy in multilingual societies requires multiple shifting theoretical lenses that map onto the actual policy processes. Two broad theories - hegemony and mutual interactionism - used here ...

We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARCARC, Australia; BMWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC, and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST, and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR, and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF, DNSRC, and Lundbeck Foundation, Denmark; ARTEMIS, European Union; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; GNAS, Georgia; BMBF, DFG, HGF, MPG, and AvH Foundation, Germany; GSRT, Greece; ISF, MINERVA, GIF, DIP, and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; FOM and NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, Poland; GRICES and FCT, Portugal; MERYS (MECTS), Romania; MES of Russia and ROSATOM, Russian Federation; JINR; MSTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MVZT, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MICINN, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SER, SNSF, and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; NSC, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, U.S. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular, from CERN and the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (U.K.), and BNL (U.S.), and in the Tier-2 facilities worldwide. ; The χb(nP) quarkonium states are produced in proton-proton collisions at the Large Hadron Collider at √s=7 TeV and recorded by the ATLAS detector. Using a data sample corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 4.4 fb−1, these states are reconstructed through their radiative decays to Υ(1S,2S) with Υ→μ+μ−. In addition to the mass peaks corresponding to the decay modes χb(1P,2P)→Υ(1S)γ, a new structure centered at a mass of 10.530±0.005(stat)±0.009(syst) GeV is also observed, in both the Υ(1S)γ and Υ(2S)γ decay modes. This structure is interpreted as the χb(3P) system. ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWF, Austria ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; National Research Centre (NRC) ; Canada Foundation for Innovation ; CERN ; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; MOST ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic ; MPO CR ; VSC CR ; Czech Republic Government ; DNRF ; Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Lundbeckfonden ; European Union (EU) ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; CEA-DSM/IRFU, France ; GNAS, Georgia ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; HGF ; Max Planck Society ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; Israel Science Foundation ; MINERVA ; German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; DIP ; Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; FOM (The Netherlands) ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; GRICES ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology ; MERYS (MECTS), Romania ; MES of Russia ; Russian Federation ; JINR ; MSTD, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; MVZT, Slovenia ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; Spanish Government ; SRC ; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SER ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; Cantons of Bern ; Geneva, Switzerland ; National Science Council of Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; Royal Society of London ; Leverhulme Trust ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ST/J004928/1 ST/K001361/1 MINOS/MINOS+ ST/K001337/1 ST/J002798/1 ST/L001004/1 ST/K003658/1 ST/K001248/1 ATLAS ST/J005576/1 ST/H001069/2 ST/I006080/1 ST/K001264/1 ATLAS PP/E000347/1 ST/K001361/1 LHCb Upgrades ST/K001361/1 ATLAS ST/K00073X/1 ST/I000186/1 PP/E003087/1 ST/H001026/1 ST/H001093/1 ST/I003142/1 ST/K001361/1 LHCb ST/K001361/1 ATLAS Upgrades PP/E003699/1 ST/I005803/1 GRIDPP ST/L001144/1 ST/M001431/1 GRIDPP ST/K001361/1 ST/J004944/1 ST/G502320/1 ST/F007337/1 ST/I003525/1 PP/E003699/2 ST/H001026/2 ST/H001093/2 ST/J004928/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/L000970/1 ST/K001329/1 ATLAS ST/L000970/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/K001337/1 ATLAS ST/I003517/1 ST/I005803/1 ST/K003658/1 GRIDPP ATLAS ST/K001248/1 ; ICREA

Acknowledgements We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF, DNSRC and Lundbeck Foundation, Denmark; ARTEMIS, European Union; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; GNAS, Georgia; BMBF, DFG, HGF, MPG and AvH Foundation, Germany; GSRT, Greece; ISF, MINERVA, GIF, DIP and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; FOM and NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, Poland; GRICES and FCT, Portugal; MERYS (MECTS), Romania; MES of Russia and ROSATOM, Russian Federation; JINR; MSTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MVZT, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MICINN, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SER, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; NSC, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN and the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (UK) and BNL (USA) and in the Tier-2 facilities worldwide. ; Detailed measurements of the electron performance of the ATLAS detector at the LHC are reported, using decays of the Z, W and J/ψ particles. Data collected in 2010 at s√=7~TeV are used, corresponding to an integrated luminosity of almost 40 pb−1. The inter-alignment of the inner detector and the electromagnetic calorimeter, the determination of the electron energy scale and resolution, and the performance in terms of response uniformity and linearity are discussed. The electron identification, reconstruction and trigger efficiencies, as well as the charge misidentification probability, are also presented. ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWF, Austria ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; National Research Centre (NRC) ; Canada Foundation for Innovation ; CERN ; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; MOST ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic ; MPO CR ; Czech Republic Government ; DNRF ; Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Lundbeckfonden ; ARTEMIS ; European Union (EU) ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; CEA-DSM/IRFU, France ; GNAS, Georgia ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; HGF ; Max Planck Society ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; Israel Science Foundation ; MINERVA ; German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; DIP ; Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; FOM (The Netherlands) ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; GRICES ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology ; MERYS (MECTS), Romania ; MES of Russia ; ROSATOM ; Russian Federation ; JINR ; MSTD, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; MVZT, Slovenia ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; Spanish Government ; SRC ; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SER ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; Cantons of Bern ; Geneva, Switzerland ; National Science Council of Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; Royal Society of London ; Leverhulme Trust ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ATLAS ST/K001329/1 ATLAS ST/J004928/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/F007337/1 ST/K001248/1 ST/K001361/1 LHCb Upgrades ST/K001361/1 MINOS/MINOS+ ST/K003658/1 ST/K001418/1 ST/L000970/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/K001361/1 ATLAS ST/L001004/1 PP/E003087/1 PP/E003699/2 ST/I000186/1 ST/I003525/1 ST/I006080/1 ST/J004944/1 ST/J005576/1 ST/K001248/1 ATLAS ST/I005803/1 GRIDPP ST/H001069/2 ST/H001026/1 ST/K003658/1 GRIDPP PP/E000347/1 PP/E006442/1 ST/J002798/1 ST/H001093/2 ST/K001337/1 ATLAS ST/K001361/1 ST/K001361/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/L000970/1 ST/K001361/1 LHCb ST/G502320/1 ST/I003142/1 ST/H001093/1 ST/M001474/1 PP/E003699/1 ST/K001337/1 ST/K00073X/1 ST/L001144/1 ST/M001431/1 ST/K001264/1 ATLAS ST/J004928/1 ST/I005803/1 ST/I003517/1 ST/H001026/2 GRIDPP ; ICREA

Introduction : human rights and foreign policy -- Humanitarianism and commitment termination -- Suffering Christians in British-Ottoman relations -- Torture and summary execution in U.S.-Latin American relations -- Apartheid in U.S.-South African relations -- Human rights and vital security -- The implications of enforced humanitarian norms

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of "enlightened moderation" as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to "democratic rule." Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military's direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.

This study aims to determine the effect of political competition, local government's size, local government's financial independency, audit opinion, and complexity of government to the availability and accessibility of regional financial information (IKD) on the official website of the local government. The measurement of the availability of IKD used component total of LKPD and APBD 2015, while the measurement accessibility of IKD used index of IKD. The population of this study is all of local governments on Java Island that consist of regency government, and district government. The amount of local governments is 119. To collect the data, the writer took 91 local governments from the population as the sample by using Purposive Sampling. The writer also used documentation technique to collect data. Research data analysis uses descriptive analysis statistical and multiple regression analysis with SPSS version 21. The result of this research showed that political competition and audit opinion gives effect to IKD availability on the first research model. The second research model results are political competition and complexity of government gives effect to regional financial information accessibility. The conclusion of this study explain political competition, audit opinion and government complexity affect the availability and accessibility of IKD.

Do variations in partisanship and political outcomes among democratic states affect the duration of militarized interstate disputes? To answer this question, the author develops a model of partisan competition derived from the government failure literature. The author argues factors associated with government failure determine the ability of governments to contend with the domestic political costs of militarized disputes, specifically the duration of those disputes. The author tests his expectations using hazard analysis on a dataset of 20 democratic governments and militarized disputes between 1945 and 1992. The results suggest the outcome of party competition in the form of a government's sensitivity to the potential political costs of conflict is an important part of the conflict process. The author concludes that differences in domestic political outcomes influence the duration of militarized interstate disputes. Governments that are politically more secure in their tenure engage in longer disputes. Alternatively, governments that are more vulnerable have significantly shorter disputes. In addition, because government partisanship contributes to vulnerability, it also affects dispute duration, with governments of the left engaging in shorter disputes, while governments of the right fight longer disputes.