The article examines the so-called Eastern enlargement of the European Union from the point of view of the Czech and Slovak Republics. Although they joined the EU at the same time, the experience of both states is diverse. The author argues that the chief obstacles on the "way back to Europe" were not so much the implementation of the acquis, but internal political weakness and unsatisfactory public discourse on the merits of joining the the EU. Slovakia, with its incorporation into the second wave of candidate countries due to its unacceptable political situation during Meciar's government, is used as the best exemplar of the political weakness. The Czech Republic illustrates, with its initial sense of exceptionalism that turned into nationalistic-populist rhetoric of political parties' leaders and eventually mounted into relatively low level of "yes-votes" in the closing referendum, represents the poor public discourse. Methodologically, the author analyses discursive interactions and institutional capacity using an actor-centered approach.
El presente artículo constituye una aportación al conocimiento de la problemática geopolítica, social y económica de la frontera estonio-rusa, desde el momento que se convierte en frontera exterior de la Unión Europea. En principio se establece una diferenciación entre las fronteras de derecho y de hecho en el actual proceso de globalización, y se pone de manifiesto la evolución histórica de las fronteras terrestres de Estonia, sobre todo la oriental, en litigio con Rusia. Posteriormente se define geográficamente y se analizan los efectos de esta frontera, así como la cooperación transfronteriza e integración regional que la Unión Europea ha emprendido a través de diversas iniciativas. ; The present article studies geopolitical, social and economic problems of the Estonian– Russian border on the moment where it turns to external bundary of the European Union. There are also taken on the task of explaining the meaning of boundaries de iure and de facto in the process of globalization, and the historical evolution of Estonian–Russian mainland boundaries. ; L'article traite problèmes géographiques, sociales et économiques de la frontière entre Estonie et Russie pour le moment quand elle se transforme à la frontière extérieure de la Union Européenne. Dans ce cas particulier, on réalise une étude de signification des frontières de iure et de facto en un processus de la globalisation, et l'évolution historique de la frontière entre Estonie et Russie.
An assessment of EU communications policy judged against democratic and normative criteria within the framework of the question of the need for a European-wide public sphere. It argues that the EU should proceed through the mass media, with a policy based on a public service philosophy.
Motivation: Plastics are valuable materials covering a wide range of applications in everyday life and have the potential to be recycled many times while retaining their value and functional properties. However, the scale of the problem associated with improper management of plastic waste in the EU is enormous, which entails economic costs (the potential associated with the recycling of plastic waste remains largely unexploited) and irreversible losses for the environment. Solving the problems of plastic waste becomes the strategic goal of the EU, which takes action to support transition towards a circular economy and adopts first-ever Europe-wide strategy on plastics. These issues are current and important.Aim: The aim of the article is to assess the previous efficiency of plastic waste management in the EU countries which, so far, results from the implementation of national policies. The Strategy for Plastic waste will be also discussed as a response to contemporary challenges and as an element of achieving the goals of sustainable development and circular economy.Results: In the last years, the efficiency of plastic waste management have improved but still a huge share of plastic is wasted. The challenge is to increase recycling rates and to change unfavorable structure of plastic waste reuse: at this time energy recovery rate (41.6%) is still higher than the recycling rate (31.1%), and the recycling rate only slightly exceeds the landfill rate (27.3%). The second problem concerns single-use plastic packaging which accounts for about 60.0% of the plastic waste in the EU. Adopting first ever European plastics strategy, the EU addresses environmental problems and solutions to help the transition to a CE. The goals are ambitious but realistic to meet in the coming years. They can bring a real change but at the same time this is just the beginning of the process.
Motivation: Plastics are valuable materials covering a wide range of applications in everyday life and have the potential to be recycled many times while retaining their value and functional properties. However, the scale of the problem associated with improper management of plastic waste in the EU is enormous, which entails economic costs (the potential associated with the recycling of plastic waste remains largely unexploited) and irreversible losses for the environment. Solving the problems of plastic waste becomes the strategic goal of the EU, which takes action to support transition towards a circular economy and adopts first-ever Europe-wide strategy on plastics. These issues are current and important.Aim: The aim of the article is to assess the previous efficiency of plastic waste management in the EU countries which, so far, results from the implementation of national policies. The Strategy for Plastic waste will be also discussed as a response to contemporary challenges and as an element of achieving the goals of sustainable development and circular economy.Results: In the last years, the efficiency of plastic waste management have improved but still a huge share of plastic is wasted. The challenge is to increase recycling rates and to change unfavorable structure of plastic waste reuse: at this time energy recovery rate (41.6%) is still higher than the recycling rate (31.1%), and the recycling rate only slightly exceeds the landfill rate (27.3%). The second problem concerns single-use plastic packaging which accounts for about 60.0% of the plastic waste in the EU. Adopting first ever European plastics strategy, the EU addresses environmental problems and solutions to help the transition to a CE. The goals are ambitious but realistic to meet in the coming years. They can bring a real change but at the same time this is just the beginning of the process.
peer-reviewed ; The European Union's policy in relation to China was outlined in the Commission document A Long Term Policy for Europe China Relations published in 1995. These goals related to • engaging China further on the world stage, through an upgraded political dialogue with the international community. • supporting China's transition to an open society based upon the rule of law and respect for human rights. • integrating China in the world economy by bringing it more fully into the world trading system, and by supporting the process of economic and social reform that is continuing in China. • making Europe's funding go further. • raising the EO's profile in China. CEC (1995) Due to space constraints, only one of these issues shall be addressed, i.e. supporting China's transition towards a more open society. This study endeavours to raise issues pertaining to human rights violations in China and how far the EU is prepared to or able to promote change. Chapter one examines the historical development ofthe relationship between the EU and China from the 1960s. A comprehensive examination of which, is deemed necessary, to facilitate a better understanding of the contemporary difficulties, in relation to the issue of human rights. Initially, both China and the EU had their own agendas in pursuing relations with each other. These link;s were formed out of necessity, strategic geo- economic concerns and a desire to gain greater importance on an increasingly multipolemic stage. When assessing the relationship between the two today, it is beneficial to do so against the backdrop of history, as with the continuation of links between the two, it became more and more difficult for the EU to gain distance from China in order to criticise their human rights record. Chapter two aims to assess the EU's human rights policy, its difficulties and criticisms. It also outlines Commission proposals for creating more coherence in this area. There exist many questions in relation to this area. Is the EU capable of promoting ...
THE DANES SAID "NO" TO THE MAASTRICHT TREATY IN JUNE 1992 BECAUSE THEY WERE AFRAID OF LOSING SOVEREIGNTY AND BECAUSE THEY DID NOT WANT ANY CLOSER POLITICAL INTEGRATION IN EUROPE, BUT THEY SAID "YES" IN REPLY TO A NEW REFERENDUM IN MAY 1993. WHAT HAD HAPPENED? A NUMBER OF EXPLANATIONS COME TO MIND, BUT WHICH COMES CLOSEST TO EXPLAINING WHTA HAPPENED TO THE DANES BETWEEN 1992 AND 1993? THE CONCLUSION IN THIS ARTICLE IS THAT VERY LITTLE HAPPENED TO CHANGE ATTITUDES TO EUROPEAN INTEGRATION, BUT THAT VERY LITTLE WAS ENOUGH TO RESULT IN A "YES", SINCE ONLY SOME 47,000 VOTES MADE THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN "NO" AND "YES" IN 1992. WHAT ACTUALLY HAPPENED HAD LESS TO DO WITH CHANGES IN ATTITUDES AND MORE TO DO WITH CHANGES IN PERCEPTIONS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, AND ESPECIALLY CHANGES IN THE PERCEPTION OF THE RISK OF LOSING NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY. MASS MEDIA PLAYED A ROLE IN THIS PERCEPTUAL CHANGE AND PLAYED IT VERY EALRY IN THE PROCESS--NOT DURING THE SO-CALLED CAMPAIGN PERIOD RUNNING UP TO THE REFERENDUM ON 18 MAY 1993. A RESPONSE TO CRITICAL COMMENTS RAISED BY MARK FRANKLIN TO THE AUTHORS ANALYSES OF THE 1992 REFERENDUM IS ALSO INCLUDED.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Unia Europejska, po impasie instytucjonalnym spowodowanym odrzuceniem traktatu konstytucyjnego, po wysiłku, jakim był proces rozszerzenia na nowe – często nieprzygotowane do tego kraje, oraz po latach kryzysu gospodarczo-finansowego powoli wychodzi na prostą. Wydaje się, że "diabelska alternatywa" – rozpad albo głębsza integracja – przestaje być aktualna. Unia Europejska wybrała zdecydowanie tę drugą opcję. Krok po kroku, szczyt po szczycie, Unia posuwa się mozolnie w kierunku głębszej integracji finansowej i fiskalnej, w kierunku zacieśnienia oraz koordynacji współpracy gospodarczej, a także bardziej rygorystycznego egzekwowania kryteriów konwergencji finansowej. De facto strefa euro, a wraz nią cała Unia Europejska, w zakresie spraw gospodarczo-finansowych, najgorsze ma za sobą. Niepokojący z punktu widzenia całej Unii Europejskiej jest Brexit. Wyjście Brytyjczyków z UE jest ogromnym politycznym, militarnym, gospodarczym i wizerunkowym osłabieniem Unii, a może nawet czymś więcej – porażką Unii, a zapewne także i Brytyjczyków. Innym niepokojącym i trwającym problemem Unii jest kryzys migracyjny. Jednak powoli i z opóźnieniem UE zaczyna z niego wyciągać wnioski i urealniać politykę migracyjną. Coraz bardziej niepokojąca staje się kwestia przestrzegania praworządności przez niektóre kraje unijne, jak również jej ocena i zdolność władz UE do uporania się z tym problemem. Unia Europejska nie powróci już zapewne do dyskusji na temat finalite, czyli finalnego celu: czym być – federacją, superpaństwem, czy też konfederacją państw, Europą Ojczyzn? Jednak integracja w głąb będzie postępować z tymi, którzy chcą, a bez tych, którzy nie chcą. Integracja finansowo- -gospodarcza w ramach UGW, wojskowa w ramach WPBiO, także w sprawach imigracyjnej, regionalnej i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. ; European Union, having back constitutional treaty refusal crisis, enlargement problems with new EU members and economic-financial crisis, seems to have overcome the most difficult period. Looks like "the devil alternative" – breaking up or deepen integration – is no more actual. Step by step, through EU leaders summit after summit recovery decisions, European Union is crawling towards deepen financial and fiscal integration. A number of diff erent long-term proposals have been put forward to deal with Eurozone crisis, as European Fiscal Union, a package for European bank recovery and other measures going to strict respect of financial convergence criteria. Brexit, the ongoing process of withdrawal of United Kingdom from EU will have deep impact on UK and EU mutual political-economic relations, being at the same time deep repulse of EU itself. The other unquiet and still lasting problem for EU was a sharp increase in the migration fl ows into European Union territory, making a lot of problems to EU countries. However, after bad results and the lack of proper approach to that problem European Union is preparing new common immigration policy. EU is also facing the impact of accession to office of a Eurosceptic party/governments violating the principles of law and EU values which makes a problem of EU infringement procedure efficiency. Having in mind all EU aspects of crisis, actually, it is difficult to foresee the return to the debate about finalite politique of European Union, which means answering the questions: what does EU have to be? Federation, super-state or only the Europe of Homelands?
This book examines the changing role of Deposit Guarantee Schemes (DGSs) as a financial safety net of the European Union, with specific emphasis on post-crisis reforms. The author identifies the institutional weaknesses of DGSs and analyses their functioning in post-crisis conditions. Readers discover the extent to which the participation of DGSs in bank resolution increases effectiveness, and whether such enhancement of the financial safety net allows for the liquidation of large financial institutions. Finally, the book identifies, categorises, and analyses possible forms of involvement of DGSs in the EU resolution, as well as the proposal of methods for the quantitative measurement of the preparedness of DGSs to participate in this process.
