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"Achieving peace or protecting human rights? Conflicts between norms regarding ethnic discrimination in the Dayton Peace Agreement" examines some of the legal issues pertaining to international settlements aiming at ending a war, finding political common ground between bitter enemies, and at the same time, protecting individual human rights. The author examines the Dayton Peace Agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in particular the constitutional framework which on the one hand secures everyone's human rights and protection from ethnic discrimination, but on the other hand sets up a political system which in fact discriminates on the basis of ethnicity. The author argues that it might have been consistent with international law (particularly the legal regimes of derogation and necessity) to agree on such a constitutional system at the time of the Dayton negotiations because the alternative was a high risk of continued war, but that a constitutional arrangement with clear human rights deficiencies should have been made temporary. The author points out that the ethnically-based constitutional system, for the time being, seems to prevail at the expense of the right to non-discrimination, and discusses various possibilities of altering this situation

Norway has long tried to portray itself as one of the most environmentally responsible states. But it has consistently refused to support the moratorium against commercial whaling. This article offers a cultural explanation for this seeming contradiction, by examining the way the global antiwhaling movement framed the issue and the Norwegian environmental organizations reframed it. It argues that two cultural differences are relevant. First, animal-rights organizations were an important part of the U.S. antiwhaling coalition, whereas such organizations are largely excluded from the Norwegian environmental activist community, where animal rights arguments have found little traction. Secondly, U.S. nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operate in an adversarial pluralistic political culture, whereas the Norwegian environmental movement is embedded in a corporatist system where consensual decision making is the norm and has fostered a close relationship with the state. This has led to different images and strategic considerations being used by NGOs to frame the issue and ultimately to different decisions on the need for a moratorium.

This cohort-sequential longitudinal study among 1302 Dutch youths examined the dynamics of political identity (e.g., Democrat or Rightist) and issue attitudes between age 12 and 30. Some theories propose that voters form an identity early in life that subsequently determines attitudes. Other theories contrarily argue that attitudes are a cause of identity. However, research on this controversy has never focused on the crucial phase of adolescence. Results revealed that youths formed an identity consistent with prior attitudes more than vice versa. Highly educated youths most often adjusted their attitudes to their identity, which explained an emerging education gap in identity-attitude consistency. Finally, findings suggested that early cultural attitudes establish an identity that may subsequently determine economic attitudes. (C) 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Address before the Western political science association, Pocatello, Idaho, Nov. 24-25, 1950.

This article discusses women's political representation in Central & Eastern Europe in the fifteen years after the fall of the Berlin Wall & the adoption of liberal democratic political systems in the region. It highlights the deep-seated gender stereotypes that define women primarily as wives & mothers, with electoral politics seen as an appropriate activity for men, but less so for women. The article explores the ways in which conservative attitudes on gender roles hinders the supply of, & demand for, women in the politics of Central & Eastern Europe. It also discusses the manner in which the internalisation of traditional gender norms affects women's parliamentary behaviour, as few champion women's rights in the legislatures of the region. The article also finds that links between women MPs & women's organisations are weak & fragmented, making coalition-building around agendas for women's rights problematic.

The article is devoted to the development of the Dissident Movement in Ukraine. The political demands of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are considered. The political views of the representatives (P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko and L. Pliushch) of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are analysed.During the 20th century, there were many human rights movements in the world. Anti-Colonial Movement (the Congo Reform Association), anti-war movements (e.g., the Civil Rights Movement against the Vietnam War) and Nonviolent Movement of Martin Luther King, Jr. were among them. The Dissident Human Rights Movement in the Soviet Union was one of the biggest.Having minimal opportunity to openly criticize the official authorities and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the most active and progressive people united into civic associations and movements that called for reforms of the Soviet state. Those groups appeared in the period of stagnation of the Soviet society which covered all the fields of the national administration. At that time, the movements to protect human rights and freedoms acquired world-wide scale. Dissidents also listed their fundamental demands focused on extending and guaranteeing human rights, in particular, civil and religious freedoms. All those positions were opposite to the Marxism-Leninism ideology of the totalitarian Communist regimes.There were many dissident movements in Ukraine in the 1970s, which can be divided into four groups: cultural and educational, national liberation, religious, and human rights ones. The cultural and educational dissidents group was represented by artists (A. Horska, H. Yakutovych), poets (V. Stus, I. Svitlychnyi, V. Symonenko, M. Vingranovskyi), and directors (L. Osyka, S. Paradzhanov, L. Taniuk). The nationalists (V. Chornovil, L. Lukianenko, the Horyn brothers) presented the national liberation one. Religious dissidents fought for freedom of conscience. V. Romaniuk, Y. Slipyi, G. Vins, etc. were among them. The human rights movement called for establishing democratic values though the reforms of the state regime. Its famous representatives were P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko, and L. Pliushch. In this article, we focus on them personally and on their political demands in particular.The Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement included five groups of political views that regarded the following: the criticism of Stalinism, the protection of human rights and freedoms, the rehabilitation of the nations, the political system of the Soviet Union, and the Ukrainian opposition. The Human Rights Movement united universal democratic values, such as pluralism, the principle of the division of power, the idea of people's sovereignty, the freedom of expression, and the defence of the rights of national minorities. The people wanted to build a democratic, legal and social state that would be based on different left-wing political doctrines such as Leninism, Marxism, and Socialism were considered the main representatives of this trend.By researching the political views of the representatives of the Human Rights Movement, one can evaluate the importance of democratic values for the development of Ukraine. The progressive ideas of the dissidents concerning reforms of the Soviet society, openness, perspectives of the society of equal opportunities, etc. based on the social democracy. ; The article is devoted to the development of the Dissident Movement in Ukraine. The political demands of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are considered. The political views of the representatives (P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko and L. Pliushch) of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are analysed.During the 20th century, there were many human rights movements in the world. Anti-Colonial Movement (the Congo Reform Association), anti-war movements (e.g., the Civil Rights Movement against the Vietnam War) and Nonviolent Movement of Martin Luther King, Jr. were among them. The Dissident Human Rights Movement in the Soviet Union was one of the biggest.Having minimal opportunity to openly criticize the official authorities and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the most active and progressive people united into civic associations and movements that called for reforms of the Soviet state. Those groups appeared in the period of stagnation of the Soviet society which covered all the fields of the national administration. At that time, the movements to protect human rights and freedoms acquired world-wide scale. Dissidents also listed their fundamental demands focused on extending and guaranteeing human rights, in particular, civil and religious freedoms. All those positions were opposite to the Marxism-Leninism ideology of the totalitarian Communist regimes.There were many dissident movements in Ukraine in the 1970s, which can be divided into four groups: cultural and educational, national liberation, religious, and human rights ones. The cultural and educational dissidents group was represented by artists (A. Horska, H. Yakutovych), poets (V. Stus, I. Svitlychnyi, V. Symonenko, M. Vingranovskyi), and directors (L. Osyka, S. Paradzhanov, L. Taniuk). The nationalists (V. Chornovil, L. Lukianenko, the Horyn brothers) presented the national liberation one. Religious dissidents fought for freedom of conscience. V. Romaniuk, Y. Slipyi, G. Vins, etc. were among them. The human rights movement called for establishing democratic values though the reforms of the state regime. Its famous representatives were P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko, and L. Pliushch. In this article, we focus on them personally and on their political demands in particular.The Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement included five groups of political views that regarded the following: the criticism of Stalinism, the protection of human rights and freedoms, the rehabilitation of the nations, the political system of the Soviet Union, and the Ukrainian opposition. The Human Rights Movement united universal democratic values, such as pluralism, the principle of the division of power, the idea of people's sovereignty, the freedom of expression, and the defence of the rights of national minorities. The people wanted to build a democratic, legal and social state that would be based on different left-wing political doctrines such as Leninism, Marxism, and Socialism were considered the main representatives of this trend.By researching the political views of the representatives of the Human Rights Movement, one can evaluate the importance of democratic values for the development of Ukraine. The progressive ideas of the dissidents concerning reforms of the Soviet society, openness, perspectives of the society of equal opportunities, etc. based on the social democracy.

The article is devoted to the development of the Dissident Movement in Ukraine. The political demands of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are considered. The political views of the representatives (P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko and L. Pliushch) of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are analysed.During the 20th century, there were many human rights movements in the world. Anti-Colonial Movement (the Congo Reform Association), anti-war movements (e.g., the Civil Rights Movement against the Vietnam War) and Nonviolent Movement of Martin Luther King, Jr. were among them. The Dissident Human Rights Movement in the Soviet Union was one of the biggest.Having minimal opportunity to openly criticize the official authorities and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the most active and progressive people united into civic associations and movements that called for reforms of the Soviet state. Those groups appeared in the period of stagnation of the Soviet society which covered all the fields of the national administration. At that time, the movements to protect human rights and freedoms acquired world-wide scale. Dissidents also listed their fundamental demands focused on extending and guaranteeing human rights, in particular, civil and religious freedoms. All those positions were opposite to the Marxism-Leninism ideology of the totalitarian Communist regimes.There were many dissident movements in Ukraine in the 1970s, which can be divided into four groups: cultural and educational, national liberation, religious, and human rights ones. The cultural and educational dissidents group was represented by artists (A. Horska, H. Yakutovych), poets (V. Stus, I. Svitlychnyi, V. Symonenko, M. Vingranovskyi), and directors (L. Osyka, S. Paradzhanov, L. Taniuk). The nationalists (V. Chornovil, L. Lukianenko, the Horyn brothers) presented the national liberation one. Religious dissidents fought for freedom of conscience. V. Romaniuk, Y. Slipyi, G. Vins, etc. were among them. The human rights movement called for establishing democratic values though the reforms of the state regime. Its famous representatives were P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko, and L. Pliushch. In this article, we focus on them personally and on their political demands in particular.The Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement included five groups of political views that regarded the following: the criticism of Stalinism, the protection of human rights and freedoms, the rehabilitation of the nations, the political system of the Soviet Union, and the Ukrainian opposition. The Human Rights Movement united universal democratic values, such as pluralism, the principle of the division of power, the idea of people's sovereignty, the freedom of expression, and the defence of the rights of national minorities. The people wanted to build a democratic, legal and social state that would be based on different left-wing political doctrines such as Leninism, Marxism, and Socialism were considered the main representatives of this trend.By researching the political views of the representatives of the Human Rights Movement, one can evaluate the importance of democratic values for the development of Ukraine. The progressive ideas of the dissidents concerning reforms of the Soviet society, openness, perspectives of the society of equal opportunities, etc. based on the social democracy. ; The article is devoted to the development of the Dissident Movement in Ukraine. The political demands of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are considered. The political views of the representatives (P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko and L. Pliushch) of the Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement are analysed.During the 20th century, there were many human rights movements in the world. Anti-Colonial Movement (the Congo Reform Association), anti-war movements (e.g., the Civil Rights Movement against the Vietnam War) and Nonviolent Movement of Martin Luther King, Jr. were among them. The Dissident Human Rights Movement in the Soviet Union was one of the biggest.Having minimal opportunity to openly criticize the official authorities and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the most active and progressive people united into civic associations and movements that called for reforms of the Soviet state. Those groups appeared in the period of stagnation of the Soviet society which covered all the fields of the national administration. At that time, the movements to protect human rights and freedoms acquired world-wide scale. Dissidents also listed their fundamental demands focused on extending and guaranteeing human rights, in particular, civil and religious freedoms. All those positions were opposite to the Marxism-Leninism ideology of the totalitarian Communist regimes.There were many dissident movements in Ukraine in the 1970s, which can be divided into four groups: cultural and educational, national liberation, religious, and human rights ones. The cultural and educational dissidents group was represented by artists (A. Horska, H. Yakutovych), poets (V. Stus, I. Svitlychnyi, V. Symonenko, M. Vingranovskyi), and directors (L. Osyka, S. Paradzhanov, L. Taniuk). The nationalists (V. Chornovil, L. Lukianenko, the Horyn brothers) presented the national liberation one. Religious dissidents fought for freedom of conscience. V. Romaniuk, Y. Slipyi, G. Vins, etc. were among them. The human rights movement called for establishing democratic values though the reforms of the state regime. Its famous representatives were P. Hryhorenko, M. Rudenko, and L. Pliushch. In this article, we focus on them personally and on their political demands in particular.The Ukrainian Dissident Human Rights Movement included five groups of political views that regarded the following: the criticism of Stalinism, the protection of human rights and freedoms, the rehabilitation of the nations, the political system of the Soviet Union, and the Ukrainian opposition. The Human Rights Movement united universal democratic values, such as pluralism, the principle of the division of power, the idea of people's sovereignty, the freedom of expression, and the defence of the rights of national minorities. The people wanted to build a democratic, legal and social state that would be based on different left-wing political doctrines such as Leninism, Marxism, and Socialism were considered the main representatives of this trend.By researching the political views of the representatives of the Human Rights Movement, one can evaluate the importance of democratic values for the development of Ukraine. The progressive ideas of the dissidents concerning reforms of the Soviet society, openness, perspectives of the society of equal opportunities, etc. based on the social democracy.

AbstractWhat are the after‐effects of the Bosnia and Herzegovinian (BH) transition from a post‐socialist, post‐genocide, and post‐ethno‐nationalist state into a European liberal democracy? This article makes a case for war reparation and argues that while poverty reduction has not been among the stated aims of transitional justice mechanisms, it is of critical importance to study war victims' deprivation in the context of historical patterns of structural injustice and examine liberal reconstruction policies that failed to provide compensation and legal redress for gross violations of human rights and serious violations of humanitarian law. The article uses the historical sociology approach as a method of analysis to investigate how moving away from a socialist to a capitalist economic model, from war to peace, and from one party political system to liberal democracy has resulted in structural injustice and growing levels of poverty that adversely impact most vulnerable Bosnians. The article presents an argument that the lack of post‐war reparation programs, coupled with an inadequate emphasis on political regime change, poverty reduction programs and social and economic rights such as access to welfare, cash assistance, food, transportation, education, pension, and disability benefits to ensure the quality of living is detrimental to everyday lives of war victims and people who live at the bottom of the society.

Given the present state of law, Luxembourgish legislation does not provide any legal basis for mass surveillance. Nonetheless, various social and political developments compelled the state to develop them in the interests of national protection. During the cold war, Luxembourg had prepared to protect the country from the Soviet Union threats. Under such circumstances, it created the State Intelligence Service SIS (Service de renseignement de l'état, SREL) whose mission of that time was to protect national secrets externally and secrets of the United States with whom Luxembourg was united by common defense agreements

AbstractScholars have long debated the relationship between Kant's doctrine of right and his doctrine of virtue (including his moral religion or ethico-theology), which are the two branches of his moral philosophy. This article will examine the intimate connection in his practical philosophy between perpetual peace and the highest good, between political and ethico-religious communities, and between the types of transparency peculiar to each. It will show how domestic and international right provides a framework for the development of ethical communities, including a kingdom of ends and even the noumenal ethical community of an afterlife, and how the transparency and trust achieved in these communities are anticipated in rightful political society by publicity and the mutual confidence among citizens that it engenders. Finally, it will explore the implications of this synthesis of Kant's political and religious philosophies for contemporary Kantian political theories, especially those of Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls.

News reports in media contain records of a wide range of socio-economic and political events in time. Using a publicly available, large digital database of news records, and aggregating them over time, we study the network of ethnic conflicts and human rights violations. Complex network analyses of the events and the involved actors provide important insights on the engaging actors, groups, establishments and sometimes nations, pointing at their long range effect over space and time. We find power law decays in distributions of actor mentions, co-actor mentions and degrees and dominance of influential actors and groups. Most influential actors or groups form a giant connected component which grows in time, and is expected to encompass all actors globally in the long run. We demonstrate how targeted removal of actors may help stop spreading unruly events. We study the cause-effect relation between types of events, and our quantitative analysis confirm that ethnic conflicts lead to human rights violations, while it does not support the converse.

During the 1990s, the working class has become the core clientele of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. This article empirically examines the motives of workers for supporting a right-wing populist party. Based on data from the European Social Survey for Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland, three different sets of explanations are tested: (1) hypotheses stressing economic determinants, that is, the fear of wage pressure and competition over welfare benefits; (2) hypotheses emphasizing cultural determinants, that is, the perception of immigration as a threat to national identity; and (3) hypotheses focusing on social alienation, that is, dissatisfaction with the way the country's democracy works and the nonintegration into intermediary networks (trade unions). We find questions of community and identity to be clearly more important than economic grievances. Hence, in Austria and Switzerland, the electoral success of right-wing populist parties among workers seems primarily due to cultural protectionism: the defense of national identity against outsiders. In Belgium, France, and Norway, cultural protectionism is complemented by deep-seated discontent with the way the countries' democracies work.

The article is a continuation of the series on US presidential campaigns. The latest of these, "A Shadow US Presidential Campaign", revealed that the donor consortium Democracy Alliance sponsored a secret campaign against candidate Donald Trump in favor of the Democratic candidate, ostensibly "to save democracy". The alliance-funded political infrastructure has given itself a mandate to transform the electoral system in 2020 under the pretext of ensuring safe voting amid the pandemic. The article describes the history of the emergence of oligarchic alliances in the United States and the extent of their influence on the political life of the country, and in particular, how private foundations directly interfere in elections and donate millions of dollars to organize and finance official counting of votes at the presincts, as happened in 2020. It is noted that the academic study of the influence of oligarchs on the electoral system is difficult due to the secrecy of this activity and, as a result of it, the insufficiency of the sources. The reasons why the classifications of oligarchies available in the literature do not clarify the essence of this problem are analyzed. The author gives a new interpretation of oligarchs and donor political consortiums as independent political subjects. The conditions and limitations of the compatibility of the oligarchs and their consortiums with democracy are discussed. The oligarchs are not divided into Republicans and Democrats, although they have to decide from time to time for which team (party) they are going to play in the next election cycle. There are currently two main opposing consortiums of donors in the US: conservatives and liberals, or "right" and "left". The article describes the characteristics of consortiums as political entities distinct from other donor entities. The author analyzes a separate cycle of political philanthropy, as well as the political infrastructure of both consortiums. The conditions and limitations of the compatibility of the actions of the oligarchs and their consortiums with democracy are discussed. The article analyzes what exactly are the specific threats to democracy from the oligarchs, their consortiums and political structures sponsored by them, as well as where the actions of the oligarchs come into direct conflict with democratic institutions. The author discusses various deoligarchization strategies in the US and their effectiveness.